Adolescent Egocentrism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

Adolescent egocentrism is a term that David Elkind used to describe the phenomenon of adolescents' inability to distinguishing between what they perceive other people think and what others really think.[1] David Elkind’s theory on adolescent egocentrism is drawn from Piaget’s theory on cognitive developmental stages, which argues that formal operations enable adolescents to construct imaginary situations and abstract thinking.[2] Accordingly, adolescents are able to conceptualize his own thoughts and conceive other people’s thoughts.[1] However, Elkind pointed out that adolescents tend to focus mostly on their own perceptions – especially on their behaviors and appearance - because of the “physiological metamorphosis” they experience during this period. And it leads to adolescents’ preoccupation that other people are as attentive to their behaviors and appearance as they do themselves.[1] This failure to differentiate between their own mental preoccupations and what others are thinking among adolescents is conceptualized as “adolescent egocentrism” by Elkind. According to Elkind, adolescent egocentrism results in two consequential mental constructions namely "imaginary audience" and "personal fable."

Mental constructions[edit]

Imaginary audience[edit]

Imaginary Audience is a term that Elkind used to describe the phenomenon that an adolescent anticipates the reactions of other people to him-/herself in actual or impending social situations. Elkind argued that this kind of anticipation could be explained by the adolescent’s preoccupation that others are as admiring or as critical of him as he is of himself. As a result, an audience is created, as the adolescent believes that he/she will be the focus of attention.[1]

However, more often than not the audience is imaginary because in actual social situations this is not being the focus of public attention is not usually the case.[1] Elkind believed that the construction of imaginary audiences would partially account for a wide variety of typical adolescent behaviors and experiences; and imaginary audiences played a role in the self-consciousness that emerges in early adolescence. However, since the audience is usually the adolescent’s own construction, it is privy to his own knowledge of him-/herself.[1]

According to Elkind, the notion of imaginary audience helps to explain why adolescents usually seek for privacy and feel reluctant to reveal himself – it is the reaction to the feeling that he/she being under the constant critical scrutiny of other people.

Personal Fable[edit]

Elkind addressed that adolescents had a complex of beliefs that their own feelings are unique and they were special and immortal. Personal Fable is the term Elkind created to describe this notion, which is the complement of the construction of imaginary audience. Since an adolescent usually fails to differentiate his focus on his own perceptions and that of others, he tends to believe that he is of importance to so many people (the imaginary audiences) that he comes to regard his feelings as something special and unique.[1] And at a somewhat different level, this belief in personal uniqueness becomes an illusion that he is above a lot of rules, disciplines and laws that work on other people, even is able to escape from death. Due to the existence of personal fable, at some point, an adolescent tends to substitute the roles of an idol, a hero even God with his own image.[1]

Passing of Adolescent Egocentrism[edit]

Elkind believed that adolescent egocentrism was a temporary phenomenon that will gradually diminish as adolescents grow older. The reason of this, Elkind argued, was because after entering the formal operational stage, no new mental systems would develop. Therefore, the mental structures formed during adolescence would continue to function for the rest of the life span.[1] Accordingly, the two mental constructions that result from egocentrism, imaginary audience and personal fable, will gradually be overcome and disappear as formal operations become mature and stable.[1]

Passing of imaginary audience[edit]

The imaginary audience, Elkind said, could be regarded as “a series of hypotheses” that adolescents “tests against reality.” Because the imaginary audience is usually constructed based on an adolescent’s attention on his own perception, it will be gradually modified through communicating and reacting with real audiences. Eventually, adolescents will be able to recognize the difference between his own preoccupations and concerns of others.[1]

Passing of personal fable[edit]

As to the passing of personal fable, Elkind’s idea was drawn from Erikson’s (1959) stages of psychosocial development. An establishment of what Erikson called “intimacy”[3] could account for the elimination of personal fable, because during the process of establishing “intimacy,” adolescents have to constantly adjust their imaginary audiences to the real ones. As a result, adolescents are able to see themselves in a more realistic way and to establish meaningful interpersonal relationships.[1]


A lot of research has examined different dimensions of Elkind’s concept of Adolescent Egocentrism, however, the findings have not well supported the concept.[4] According to this research, the manifestation of adolescent egocentrism is not a normative developmental phenomenon that occurs only during adolescence, but varies across different contexts.[4] Main discussions from current literature focus on three aspects: whether adolescent egocentrism is age-related; whether adolescent egocentrism has association with formal operations; whether adolescent egocentrism weigh equally across genders.

Not being age-related[edit]

In his 1967 work, Elkind claimed that adolescent egocentrism emerges during early adolescence (age 11-12) and gradually dissipates throughout middle and late adolescence.[1] However, some findings from later studies indicate that this statement is not necessarily to be accurate. In 1986, Lapsley and his colleagues conducted two studies to examine the theoretical assumptions brought up by Elkind.[5] In their first study they collected data from a sample that included 45 six graders, 39 eighth graders, 50 tenth graders and 49 twelfth graders. They used the Adolescent Egocentrism Scale (AES) developed by Enright et al. (1979,1980)[6][7] and paper-and-pencil battery of formal operations tasks developed by Lunzer (1965)[8] as measuring instruments to examine the correlation between adolescent egocentrism and formal operational thought. If Elkind’s assumption were right, the correlation were supposed to change from positive to negative as the grade increased and the magnitude of the correlation should decreases with age. The results of the study obtained only significant negative correlation in late adolescence and non-significant change in the magnitude of the correlation. The results didn’t support the Elkind’s claim that adolescent egocentrism emerges in early adolescence and decreases linearly throughout middle to late adolescence. In other words, adolescents aged 11 or 12 could experience adolescent egocentrism of the same magnitude as those aged 15 or 16 do. Another study by Frankenberger (2000) also provides evidence that adolescent egocentrism is not age-related.[9] In this study a survey was conducted for data collection from 223 adolescents and 131 adults. The survey contained measures of three aspects: adolescent egocentrism, self-consciousness and interpersonal reactivity. The result revealed that scores of egocentrism were not significant different between adolescents and young adults (19-30), which indicates that egocentrism in adolescence may continue into adulthood.

Little association with formal operations[edit]

An important theoretical assumption in Elkind’s theory is that the emergence of adolescence egocentrism is a result of the development of formal operational thoughts.[1] Nevertheless, some studies had findings that were contrast to Elkind’s position. Lapsley and his colleagues conducted two studies to examine the theoretical assumptions in 1986.[5] In the second study, they analyzed the data obtained from two samples: a sample of 7th-, 9th-and 11th-graders and another sample of college undergraduate students. They used Adolescent Egocentrism Scale (AES) (Enright et al, 1979, 1980),[6][7] Lunzer (1965)[8] formal operations measure and Imaginary Audience Scale (IAS) (Elkind & Bowen, 1979)[10] as the instruments. The result of a grade-by-grade analysis of inter-correlations between adolescence egocentrism and formal operational thoughts showed modest to non-significant differences among all the measures, which implies that there is little association between adolescent egocentrism and formal operations. Some more recent studies got similar findings. Heather et al. (1993) found that formal operations were not an effective indicator of both imaginary audience and personal fable.[11] Galanaki (2012) performed a research to investigate the association of adolescent egocentrism with age, gender, pubertal development and formal operational thoughts. Only a few dimensions of imaginary audience, as well as personal fable, were found to be related to cognitive development.[12]

Gender differences in adolescent egocentrism[edit]

A considerable amount of studies have found gender differences in egocentrism (Smetana,J.G.&VillaLobos M., 2010).[4] Kimberly A Schonert-Reichl’s (1994) study on the relationship between depressive symptomatology and adolescent egocentrism recruited 62 adolescents (30 males, 32 females) aged from 12 to 17. The study used Reynolds Adolescent Depression Scale (RADS),[13] Imaginary Audience Scale(IAS)[10] and the New Personal Fable Scale(NPFS)[14] as measuring tools. The results revealed significantly higher scores obtained by females compared with males in the Transient Self subscale in IAS.[15] Transient Self, as defined by Elkind and Bowen in 1979, refers to impermanent image of self that is mainly relative to one-time behaviors and temporary appearance.[10] Thus, adolescent females have a higher tendency to consider themselves to be different from others, and tend to be more self-conscious in situations that involve momentary embarrassments (e.g. going to a party with a bad haircut), than their male peers.[15] Another study conducted by Goossens and Beyers (1992) using similar measuring instruments found that boys have stronger beliefs that they are unique, invulnerable and sometimes omnipotent, which are typical characteristics of personal fable.[16]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Elkind, David (1967). "Egocentrism in Adolescence". Child Development. 38(4): pp.1025–1034. 
  2. ^ Inhelder & Piaget (1958). The growth of logical thinking from childhood to adolescence. Basic Books. 
  3. ^ Erik.H, Erikson (1959). Identity and the life cycle. Psychological issues v. 1, no. 1, monograph 1.: New York: International Universities Press. pp. 181–191. ISBN 0393012468. 
  4. ^ a b c Smetana,J.G.&VillaLobos M. (2010). Applied Research in Child & Adolescent Development: A practical guide, edited by Maholmes&Lomonaco. New York :Psychology Press. pp. 187–228. 
  5. ^ a b Lapsley, D.K. et al. (1986). "Adolescent egocentrism and formal operations: Tests of a Theorectical Assumption". Developmental Psychology 22: 800–807. 
  6. ^ a b Enright, R., Lapsley, D., & Shukla, D. (1979). "Adolescent egocentrism in early and late adolescence". Adolescence 14: 687–695. 
  7. ^ a b Enright, R., Shukla, D., & Lapsley, D. (1980). "Adolescent egocentrism-sociocentrism and self-consciousness". Journal of youth and Adolescence 9: 101–116. 
  8. ^ a b Lunzer, E. (1965). "Problems of formal reasoning in test situations. In P. Mussen(Ed.), European research in cognitive development [Special issue]". Monographs for the Society for Research in Child Development. 30(2, Serial No. 100): 19–46. 
  9. ^ Frankenberger, K.D. (2000). "Adolescent egocentrism: a comparison among adolescents and adults". Journal of Adolescence 2000 23: 343–354. 
  10. ^ a b c Elkind,D., & Bowen, R. (1979). "Imaginary audience behavior in children and adolescents". Developmental Psychology 15: 33–44. 
  11. ^ Heather, C.J., & Fredda B. (1993). "Formal operation: A test of two models of adolescent egocentrism". Journal of Youth and Adolescence 22: 313–326. 
  12. ^ Galanaki, Evangelia P. (June 2012). Psychology(Irvine) 3(6): 457(10). 
  13. ^ W.M., Reynolds (1987). Reynolds adolescent depression scale: Professional manual. Odessa, FL:: Psychological Assessment Resources. 
  14. ^ Lapsley, D.K., & Rice, K.G. (1988). The "new look" at the imaginary audience and personal fable: Toward a general model of adolescent ego development. In D.K. Lapsley & F.C. Power(eds.), Self, ego, and identity: Integrative approches. New York: Springer. pp. 109–129. 
  15. ^ a b Schonert-Reichl, Kimberly A. (1994). "Gender differences in Depressive Symptomatology and Egocentrism in Adolescence". The Journal of Early Adolescence 14: 49–65. 
  16. ^ Goossens, L., & Beyers, W. (1992). "The imaginary audience and personal fable: factor analyses and concurrent validity of the "New Look" measures". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 12(2): 193–215.