||This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. (November 2010)|
According to the 2010 Census
7.61% of Brazil's population
|63.20% Roman Catholicism, 23.45% Protestantism,
0.31% Afro-Brazilian religions
9.18% No religion (including 0.27% Atheism and 0.04% Agnosticism), 3.55% Other.
|Related ethnic groups|
|Brazilians, West/Central Africans, Afro-Argentine, Afro-Chilean, Afro-Cuban, Afro-Colombian, Afro-Ecuadorian, Afro-Latin American, Afro-Mexican, Afro-Peruvian, Afro-Haitian, Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Jamaicans, Afro-Costa Rican, Afro-Uruguayan, African-American|
Afro-Brazilian is a term used in the 21st century by some in Brazil to refer to Brazilian people with African ancestry. The term does not have widespread use in Brazil, where social constructs and classifications have been based on appearance. People with noticeable African features and skin color are generally referred to (and they identify) as negro or "preto ("black"). Another group of people of color, multiracial Brazilians or pardos, also have a range of degree of African ancestry.
Preto and pardo are among five color categories used by the Brazilian Census, along with branco ("white"), amarelo ("yellow", East Asian) and indígena (Amerindian). In 2010, 7.6% of the Brazilian population, some 15 million people, identified as "preto," while 43% (86 million) identified as "pardo". Pretos tend to be predominantly Sub-Saharan African in ancestry, while pardos tend to have a lesser percentage of African ancestry. On average pardos are predominantly European, with African and Native American ancestries.
Since the early 21st century, Brazilian government agencies such as the SEPPIR and the IPEA, have considered combining the categories "preto" and "pardo", as a single category called "negro" (Black, capital initial), because both groups show socioeconomic indications of discrimination. They suggest doing so would make it easier to help people who have been closed out of opportunity. This decision has caused much controversy because there is no consensus about it in Brazilian society.
Brazilians rarely use the American-style phrase "African Brazilian" as a term of ethnic identity, and never in informal discourse: the IBGE's July 1998 PME shows that, of Black Brazilians, only about 10% identify as being of "African origin"; most identify as being of "Brazilian origin". In the July 1998 PME, the categories "Afro-Brasileiro" (Afro-Brazilian) and "Africano Brasileiro" (African Brazilian) were not chosen at all; the category "Africano" (African) was selected by 0.004% of the respondents. In the 1976 National Household Sample (PNAD), none of these terms was used even once.
Because of how Brazilians perceive themselves, researchers are reluctant to adopt categories prevalent in other countries, including in genetic research. Brazilian geneticist Sérgio Pena has criticised American scholar Edward Telles for lumping "pretos" and "pardos" in the same category. According to him, "the autosomal genetic analysis that we have performed in non-related individuals from Rio de Janeiro shows that it does not make any sense to put "pretos" and "pardos" in the same category". As many pardos are primarily of European ancestry, Pena questioned studying them together with pretos, who are primarily of African ancestry. For example, an autosomal genetic study of students in a school in the poor periphery of Rio de Janeiro found that the "pardos" among the students were found to be on average more than 80% European in ancestry. Before testing, the students identified (when asked) as 1/3 European, 1/3 African and 1/3 Amerindian.
According to Edward Telles, three different systems related to "racial classification" along the White-Black continuum are used in Brazil. The first is the Census System, which distinguishes three categories: "branco" (White), "pardo", and "preto". The second is the popular social system that uses many different categories, including the ambiguous term "moreno". The third is the Black movement, which distinguishes only two categories, summing up "pardos" and "pretos" (blacks, lowercase) as "negros" (Blacks, with capital initial), and putting all others as "whites. More recently, the term "afrodescendente" has been adopted for use, but it is restricted to very formal discourse, such as governmental or academic discussions, being viewed by some as a cultural imposition from the "politically correct speech" common in the United States.
|Culture and music|
- 1 Brazilian race/colour categories
- 2 History
- 3 Evolution of the Black population in Brazil
- 4 Geographic distribution of Black Brazilians
- 5 Genetic studies
- 6 Media
- 7 Religion
- 8 Cuisine
- 9 Sports
- 10 Music
- 11 Important or famous Black Brazilians
- 12 See also
- 13 References
- 14 Further reading
- 15 External links
Brazilian race/colour categories
The first system referred by Telles is that of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). In the Census, respondents may identify their ethnicity or color from five categories: branca (white), parda (brown), preta (black), amarela (yellow) or indígena (indigenous). The term "parda" needs further explanation; it has been systematically used since the Census of 1940. In that census, people were asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "preta" (black), or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashes were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", "caboclo", etc., all indicating mixed race. In the following censuses, "pardo" was added as a category on its own, and included Amerindians. The latter were defined as a separate category only in 1991. It is a term for people of color who are lighter than blacks, and does not imply a black-white mixture, as there are some "pure" indigenous persons.
Telles' second system is that of popular classification. Two IBGE surveys made more than 20 years apart (the 1976 National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) and the July 1998 Monthly Employment Survey (PME) have been analyzed to assess how Brazilians think of themselves in "racial" terms. The IBGE thought the data might be used to adjust classifications on the census (neither survey, however, resulted in changes to the Census classifications). Data Folha has also conducted research on this subject. The results of these surveys are somewhat varied, but seem to coincide in some fundamental aspects. First, a great number of "racial" terms are in use in Brazil, indicating a flexibility in thinking about the topic. The 1976 PNAD found that people responded with a total of 136 different terms to the question about race; the July 1998 PME found 143. However, most of these terms are used by small numbers of people. Telles notes that 95% of the population used one of 6 different terms for people of color and at least some African ancestry (branco, moreno, pardo, moreno-claro, preto and negro). Petrucelli shows that the 7 most common responses (the above plus amarela) sum up 97% of responses, and the 10 most common (the previous plus mulata, clara, and morena-escura - dark brunette) make 99%.
Petrucelli, analysing the July 98 PME, finds that 77 denominations were mentioned by only one person in the sample. Twelve are misunderstandings, as respondents used terms of national or regional origin (francesa, italiana, baiana, cearense). Many of the "racial" terms are (or could be) remarks about the relation between skin colour and exposure to sun (amorenada, bem morena, branca-morena, branca-queimada, corada, bronzeada, meio morena, morena-bronzeada, morena-trigueira, morenada, morenão, moreninha, pouco morena, queimada, queimada de sol, tostada, rosa queimada, tostada). Others are clearly variations of the same idea (preto, negro, escuro, crioulo, retinto, for black, alva, clara, cor-de-leite, galega, rosa, rosada, pálida, for White, parda, mulata, mestiça, mista, for "parda"), or refinements of the same concept (branca morena, branca clara), and can be grouped together with one of the chiefly used racial terms without falsifying the interpretation. Some responses seem to express an outright refusal of classification: azul-marinho (navy blue), azul (blue), verde (green), cor-de-burro-quando-foge. In the July 1998 PME, the categories "Afro-Brasileiro" (Afro-Brazilian) and "Africano Brasileiro" (African Brazilian) were not used at all; the category "Africano" (African) was used by 0.004% of the respondents. In the 1976 PNAD, none of these terms was used even once.
The notable difference in the popular system is the widespread use of the term "moreno". This is difficult to translate into English, and carries a few different meanings. Derived from Latin maurus, meaning inhabitant of Mauritania, traditionally it has traditionally been used to distinguish White people with dark hair, as opposed to "ruivo" (redhead) and "loiro" (blonde). It is also commonly used as a term for people with an olive complexion, a characteristic that is often found in connection with dark hair. In this connection, it is applied as a term for suntanned people, and is commonly opposed to "pálido" (pale) and "amarelo" (yellow), which in this case refer to people who aren't frequently exposed to sun. Finally, it is also often used as a euphemism for "pardo" and "preto".
Finally, the Black movement has combined the groups "pardos" and "pretos" as a single category of "negro" (it does not use "Afro-brasileiro" or any other hyphenated form). This appears to be similar to the Black Power movement in the United States, or, historically, the discriminatory one drop rule. But in Brazil, the Black movement understands that not everybody with some African descent is Black. It knows that many White Brazilians have African (or Amerindian, or both) ancestrys – so a "one drop rule" isn't what the Black movement envisages, as it would make affirmative actions impossible. Second, the main issue for the Black movement isn't "cultural", but rather economic: its members are not seeking a supposed cultural identification with Africa, but rather to rectify a situation of economic disadvantage, common to those who are non-White (with the exception of those of East Asian ancestry), that groups them into a "negro" category.
However, this effort to divide Brazilians between "brancos" and "negros" is seen as influenced by American one-drop rule, and attracts much criticism. For instance, sociologist Demétrio Magnoli considers classifying all pretos and pardos as Blacks as an "assault" on the racial vision of Brazilians. He believes that scholars and activists of the Black movement misinterpret the ample variety of intermediate categories, characteristic of the popular system, to be a result of Brazilian racism, and that causes Blacks to refuse their identity and "hide" in euphemisms. Magnoli refers to a survey about race, conducted in the town of Rio de Contas, Bahia, in which the choice of "pardo" was replaced by "moreno". The town has about 14,000 people, 58% of whom White. Not only "pardos" chose the "moreno" category, but also almost half of the people who previously had identified as white, and half the people previously identified as pretos also choose the moreno category.
|Self-reported ancestry of people from Rio de Janeiro, by race or skin color (2000 survey)|
|African and European||23%||34%||31%|
|Amerindian and European||14%||6%||-|
|African and Amerindian||–||4%||9%|
|African, Amerindian and European||15%||36%||35%|
According to a 2000 survey held in Rio de Janeiro, the entire self-reported preto population reported to have African ancestry. 86% of the self-reported "pardo" and 38% of the self-reported White population reported to have African ancestors. It is notable that 14% of the pardos (brown) from Rio de Janeiro said they have no African ancestors. This percentage may be even higher in Northern Brazil, where there was a greater ethnic contribution from Amerindian populations.
Racial classifications in Brazil are based on skin color and on other physical characteristics such as facial features, hair texture, etc. This is a poor scientific indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color: a person who is considered White may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered Black, and vice versa. But, as race is a social construct, these classifications relate to how people are perceived and perceive themselves in society. In Brazil, class and economic status also affect how individuals are perceived.
Conception of Black and prejudice
In Brazil, a person's "race" is based primarily on physical appearance. In Brazil it is possible for two siblings of different colors to be classified as people of different races. Children who are born to a black mother and a European father would be classified as black if their features read as African, and classified as white if their features appeared more European.
With no strict criteria for racial classifications, lighter-skinned mulattoes (who obviously were descendants of some Europeans) were easily integrated into the white population. Historically, Europeans took African women as concubines or sexual partners, resulting in mulatto children. Through years of integration and racial assimilation, a white Brazilian population has developed with more historic African ancestry, as well as a black population with European ancestry. In the United States, slavery became a racial caste, and children of slave mothers were considered born into slavery. The efforts to enforce white supremacy after the Civil War and Reconstruction resulted in southern states adopting a one drop rule at the turn of the 20th century, so that people with any known African ancestry were automatically classified as Black, regardless of skin color. At the same time, the United States was receiving millions of European immigrants. In the 21st century, many Black Americans have some degree of European ancestry, while few white Americans have African ancestry.
The Brazilian approach to classification by visible features is criticized by geneticist Sérgio Pena: "Only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin colour, which is a very poor indication of ancestry. A white person could have more African genes than a black one or vice versa, especially in a country like Brazil".
Sociologist Simon Schwartzman points out that to "substitute 'negro' for 'preto', suppressing the 'pardo' alternative would mean to impose unto Brazil a vision of the racial issue as a dichotomy, similar to that of the United States, which wouldn't be true."
A 2007 study found that White workers received an average monthly income almost twice that of blacks and pardos (browns). The blacks and browns earned on average 1.8 minimum wages, while the whites had a yield of 3.4 minimum wages.
Gilberto Freyre has described that few wealthy Brazilians admit to having African ancestry. People of darker complexion from the dominant classes usually associate their skin color with an Amerindian rather than African ancestry.
Revaluation of Black identity
In the last years, Brazil has been undergoing a process of redemption of its Black identity. This process was also reflected in national censuses. Each year the percentage of Brazilians who self-report to be non-Whites (pretos or pardos) is growing,[dubious ] while there is a decrease of the population that self-reports to be White. According to IBGE this is because of the "revaluation of the identity of historically discriminated ethnic groups".[not in citation given] In the social context of Brazil, where Blacks are seen as suffering higher rates of poverty, disease, crime and violence, to claim Black identity was unusual. This trend is being changed for many reasons. First of all, it was because of the direct influence of African Americans, who are seen by Brazilians as the "race victory". It was also because of the social mobility of many Black Brazilians, through education and expansion of employment opportunities. If before only the very dark Blacks would be considered pretos by Brazilian standards of race, this ethnic revaluation is now also affecting many Mulattos.[dubious ] Brazilians in general may be willing to affirm their European ancestry, and any person with a significant amount of European ancestry was systematically classified as White.[not in citation given] Thus, it was extremely difficult for the Mulattoes jump to the Black side of their dual nature,[dubious ] because they rarely wanted to be confused with the mass of poor Blacks that makes up the racial imaginary of Brazilians.[dubious ] . The Brazilian racism is peculiar, because the widespread miscegenation has not formed a racial democracy, due to the strong anti-Black oppression, prejudice and discrimination that it has.[clarification needed]
According to Darcy Ribeiro, the Brazilian racist assimilationism is perverse because it gives the impression that there is a greater social acceptance of people of color. He suggests that by dividing the African-descended population into ranges of skin colors, ethnic solidarity is reduced and they lose political power. He contrasts it with the racial segregation in the United States, which ultimately united all the population of African descent, regardless of skin color. He believes they developed a deep internal solidarity of the discriminated group, which enabled many to fight for their civil rights. But Ribeiro also says that what he describes as the US Apartheid model is worse than Brazilian assimilationism when other aspects are considered).
The Government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva created the "Ministry for racial equality," seeking to express work for civil rights in their policies. His administration established quotas in universities to encourage admission of Black students. These measures have been advocated by a part of Brazilian society that believes Blacks are socially disadvantaged and deserves government incentives. Encouraging a Black identity is a way to promote political unity of this population to fight against poverty and discrimination. Another portion is against such measures. Sociologist Demétrio Magnoli worries that to encourage the division of the Brazilian population in races and to privilege a certain segment of the society is dangerous, as it would promote racial rather than national identification, leading to more violence and segregation.
Affirmative action issue
In recent years, the Brazilian government has encouraged affirmative action programs for persons considered to be "African-descendant" and also for Amerindians. This is happening, in part, through the created systems of preferred admissions (quotas) for "racial minorities". Other measures include priority in land reform for areas populated by remnants of quilombos. The government notes that these groups have historically been discriminated against because of slavery and the Portuguese conquest of the indigenous peoples. They became landless and are represented among the poorest segments of Brazilian society, while the European or White population dominates the upper classes. Such efforts in affirmative action have been criticized because of the ambiguity of racial classification in Brazil. Some people have tried to "game" the system for personal advantage.
In 2007, the twin brothers Alex and Alan Teixeira applied for places in the University of Brasília through quotas reserved for "Black students". In the university, a team of specialists and professors used photos of the candidates to determine who was Black or not. The Teixeira brothers were identical twins, but in this process, only Alan was classified as Black, while his identical brother Alex, whose application was reviewed by different people, was not accepted in this program.
Since that case, affirmative action has been widely criticized as a governmental program. Given the high degree of miscegenation of the Brazilian people, critics say the definition of who is Black or not is very subjective. Magnoli describes Brazilian society as not divided between races, but between the poor and the rich, while acknowledging that it is widely agreed that people of darker skin color have suffered an "additional discrimination".
Iberian conquerors and early slavery in the New World
The first Spaniards and Portuguese conquerors in the New World initially enslaved Amerindian populations. Sometimes this labor was available through existing Native American states that fell under the control of invading Europeans; in other cases, Native American states provided the labor force. In the case of the Portuguese, the weakness of the political systems of the Tupi-Guarani Amerindian groups they conquered on the Brazilian coastline, and the inexperience of these Amerindians with systematic peasant labor, made them easy to exploit through non-coercive labor arrangements. However, several factors prevented the system of Amerindian slavery from being sustained in Brazil. For example, Native American populations were not numerous or accessible enough to meet all demands of the settlers for labor. In many cases, exposure to Old World diseases caused high fatalities among the Amerindian population, to such an extent that workers became scarce. Historians estimate that about 30,000 Amerindians under the rule of the Portuguese died in a smallpox epidemic in the 1560s. The Iberian conquerors could not attract sufficient settlers from their own countries to the colonies and, after 1570, they began increasingly to import slaves from Africa as a primary labor force.
African slavery in the New World
Over nearly three centuries from the late 1500s to the 1860s, Brazil was consistently the largest destination for African slaves in the Americas. In that period, approximately 4 million enslaved Africans were imported to Brazil. Brazilian slavery included a diverse range of labor roles. For example, gold mining in Brazil began to grow around 1690 in interior regions of Brazil, such as modern-day region of Minas Gerais. Slaves in Brazil also worked on sugar plantations, such as those found in the first capital of Brazil—Salvador, Bahia. Other products of slave labor in Brazil during that era in Brazilian history included tobacco, textiles, and cachaça, which were often vital items traded in exchange for slaves on the African continent.
Slave life, Creole populations, and abolition
The nature of the work that slaves did had a direct effect on aspects of slaves' lives such as life expectancy and family formation. An example from an early inventory of African slaves (1569–71) from the plantation of Sergipe do Conde in Bahia shows that he owned nineteen males and one female. These uneven gender-ratios combined with the high mortality rate related to the physical duress that working in a mine or on a sugar plantation (for example) could have on a slave's body. The effect was often that many New World slave economies, including Brazil, relied on a constant importation of new slaves to replace those who had died. Despite the changes in the slave population demographic related to the constant importation of slaves through the 1860s, a creole generation in the African population emerged in Brazil. By 1800, Brazil had the largest single population of African and creole slaves in any one colony in America. In 1888 Brazil abolished slavery.
|Estimated disembarkment of Africans in Brazil from 1781 to 1855|
|Period||Place of arrival|
|Total in Brazil||South of
|Note: "South of Bahia" means "from Espírito Santo to Rio Grande do Sul" States; "North of Bahia" means "from Sergipe to Amapá States"|
|African disembarkments in Brazil, from 1500 to 1855|
In Africa, about 40% of Blacks died on the route between the areas of capture and the African coast. Another 15% died in the ships crossing the Atlantic Ocean between Africa and Brazil. From the Atlantic coast, the journey could take from 33 to 43 days. From Mozambique it could take as many as 76 days. Once in Brazil, from 10 to 12% of the slaves also died in the places where they were taken to be bought by their future masters. In consequence, only 45% of the Africans captured in Africa to become slaves in Brazil survived. Darcy Ribeiro estimated that, in this process, some 12 million Africans were captured to be brought to Brazil, even though the majority of them died before becoming slaves in the country.
Violence and resistance
|This section's factual accuracy is disputed. (July 2010)|
Although there is a myth that the slavery in Brazil was more lenient, the reports of colonial chroniclers show the opposite. The African slaves in Brazil were known to have suffered various types of physical violence. Lashes on the back was the most common repressive measure. About 40 lashes per day were common and they prevented the mutilation of slaves. After the violence, the wounds were washed with salt, pepper or vinegar to prevent infection. This washing was also painful. "Preventive punishments" were also common, as they served to keep slaves under systematic, permanent fear. Foremen monitored the slaves during all day, forcing them to comply with their tasks and physically repressing them as deemed necessary. In 1741, the Portuguese Crown decreed that all slaves who fled to quilombos should be branded in their backs with the letter F (from fugido, fugitive in Portuguese). Reincidents should have one ear cut off and should be sentenced to death. The colonial chroniclers[who?] recorded the extreme violence and sadism of White women against female slaves, usually due to jealousy or to prevent a relationship between their husbands and the slaves.
Slaves resisted against slavery during all the centuries it lasted. The most frequent form of resistance was flight, which often led to death. Fled slaves tried to reunite, forming quilombos, communities composed of fugitive slaves. The biggest quilombo, Palmares, had a population of about 30,000 people and resisted for about 100 years, until it was finally destroyed by bandeirantes. Other forms of resistance were working slowly or hurting animals or destroying tools in order to hinder the production. The most notorious[dubious ] slave rebellion occurred in 1835, when Muslim slaves tried to kill whites and mulattoes considered traitors in Salvador, Bahia and free all slaves[not in citation given] in Bahia. As with all other rebellions, the insurgents would have been repressed, killed or sold as slaves to the Caribbean.[not in citation given]
The Africans brought to Brazil belonged to two major groups: the West African and the Bantu people. The West Africans mostly belong to the Yoruba people, Fon people and other neighboring ethnic groups.
Gilberto Freyre noted the major differences between these groups. Some Sudanese peoples, such as Hausa, Fula and others, were Islamic and spoke Arabic and many of them could read and write in this language. Among Muslim slaves were brought from northern Mozambique. Freyre noted that many slaves were better educated than their masters, because many Muslim slaves were literate in Arabic, while many Portuguese Brazilian masters could not read or write in Portuguese. These slaves of greater Arab and Berber influence were largely sent to Bahia. These Muslim slaves, known as Malê in Brazil, produced one of the greatest slave revolts in the Americas, known as the Malê Revolt, when in 1835 they tried to take control of Salvador, until then the largest city of the American continent, and all of the New World.
Despite the large influx of Islamic slaves, most of the slaves in Brazil were brought from the Bantu regions of the Atlantic coast of Africa where today Congo and Angola are located, and also from Mozambique. In general, these people lived in tribes, kingdoms or city-states. The people from Congo had developed agriculture, raised livestock, domesticated animals such as goat, pig, chicken and dog and produced sculpture in wood. Some groups[which?] from Angola were nomadic and did not know agriculture.
Africans from Mozambique
Abolition of slavery
According to Petrônio Domingues, by 1887 the slave struggles pointed to a real possibility of widespread insurrection. On October 23, in São Paulo, for instance, there were violent confrontations between the police and rioting Blacks, who chanted "long life freedom" and "death to the slaveowners". The president of the province, Rodrigues Alves, reported the situation as following:
- The massive flight of slaves from several fazendas threatens, in some places in the province, public order, alarming the proprietaries and the productive classes.
Uprisings erupted in Itu, Campinas, Indaiatuba, Amparo, Piracicaba and Capivari; ten thousand fugitive slaves grouped in Santos. Flights were happening in daylight, guns were spotted among the fugitives, who, instead of hiding from police, seemed ready to engage in confrontation.
It was as a response to such situation that, on May 13, 1888, slavery was abolished, as a means to restore order and the control of the ruling class, in a situation in which the slave system was almost completely disorganised.
As an abolitionist newspaper, O Rebate, put it, ten years later,
- Had the slaves not fled en masse from the plantations, rebelling against their masters ... Had they not, more than 20,000 of them, gone to the famous quilombo of Jabaquara (out of Santos, itself a center of abolitionist agitation), then maybe they would still be slaves today ... Slavery ended because slaves no longer wanted to be slaves, because slaves rebelled against their masters and against the law that enslaved them ... The law of May 13th was nothing more than the legal recognition – so as not to discredit public authority – of an act that had already been accomplished by the mass revolt of slaves.
Evolution of the Black population in Brazil
|Evolution of the Brazilian population
according skin color: 1872–1991
Before abolition, the growth of the black population was mainly due to the acquisition of new slaves from Africa. In Brazil, the black population had a negative growth. This was due to the low life expectancy of the slaves, which was around 7 years. It was also because of the imbalance between the number of men and women. The vast majority of slaves were men, black women being a minority. Slaves rarely had a family and the unions between the slaves was hampered due to incessant hours of work. Another very important factor was that black women were held by white and mixed-race men. The Portuguese colonization, largely composed of men with very few women resulted in a social context in which white men disputed indigenous or African women. According to Gilberto Freyre in colonial Brazilian society, the few African women who arrived quickly became concubines, and in some cases, officially wives of the Portuguese settlers. In large plantations of sugar cane and in the mining areas, the white master often choose the most beautiful black slaves to work inside the house. These slaves were forced to have sex with their master, producing a very large Mulato population. The English diplomat and ethnologist Richard Francis Burton wrote that "Mulatism became a necessary evil" in the captaincies in the interior of Brazil. He noticed a "strange aversion to marriage" in the 19th century Minas Gerais, arguing that the colonists preferred to have quick relationships with black slaves rather than a marriage.
According to Darcy Ribeiro the process of miscegenation between whites and blacks in Brazil, in contrast to an idealized racial democracy and a peaceful integration, was a process of sexual domination, in which the white man imposed an unequal relationship using violence because of his prime condition in society. As an official wife or as a concubine or subjected to a condition of sexual slave, the black woman was the responsible for the growth of the "parda" population. The non-White population has grown mainly through sexual intercourse between the black female slave and the Portuguese master, which, together with assortative mating, explains the high degree of European ancestry in the black Brazilian population and the high degree of African ancestry in the white population.
Historian Manolo Florentino refutes the idea that a large part of the Brazilian people is a result of the forced relationship between the rich Portuguese colonizer and the Amerindian or African slaves. According to him, most of the Portuguese settlers in Brazil were poor adventurers from Northern Portugal who immigrated to Brazil alone. Most of them were men (the proportion was eight or nine men for each woman) and then it was natural that they had relationships with the Amerindian or Black women. According to him the mixture of races in Brazil, more than a sexual domination of the rich Portuguese master over the poor slaves, was a mixture between the poor Portuguese settlers with the Amerindian and Black women.
The Brazilian population of more evident black physiognomy is more strongly present along the coast, due to the high concentration of slaves working on sugar cane plantations. Another region that had a strong presence of Africans was the mining areas in the center of Brazil. Gilberto Freyre wrote that the states with strongest African presence were Bahia and Minas Gerais. Freyre wrote, however, that there's no region in Brazil where the black people have not penetrated. Many blacks fled to the hinterland of Brazil, including the Northern region, and met Amerindian and Mameluco populations. Many of these acculturated blacks were accepted in these communities and taught them the Portuguese language and the European culture. In these areas the blacks were "agents for transmitting European culture" to those isolated communities in Brazil. Many blacks mixed with the Amerindian and caboclo women.
The following are the results for the different Brazilian censuses, since 1872:
|Brazilian Population, by Race, from 1872 to 20101 (Census Data)|
|Race or Colour||Brancos (whites)||Pardos (browns)||Pretos (blacks)||Caboclos||Amarelos (yellows)||Indigenous||Undeclared||Total|
|Race or Colour||Brancos (whites)||Pardos (browns)||Pretos (blacks)||Caboclos||Amarelos (yellows)||Indigenous||Undeclared||Total|
^1 The 1900, 1920, and 1970 censuses did not count people for "race".
^3 The 1872 and 1890 censuses counted "caboclos" (White-Amerindian mixed race people) apart. In the 1890 census, the category "pardo" was replaced with "mestiço". Figures for 1890 are available at the IBGE site.
^4 In the 1940 Census, people were asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "Black", or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashs were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", "caboclo", etc.
Geographic distribution of Black Brazilians
As of 2007[update], the Brazilian Metropolitan Area with the largest percentage of people reported as Black was Salvador, Bahia, with 1,869,550 Pardo people (53.8%) and 990,375 pretos (28.5%). The state of Bahia has also the largest percentage of "pardos" (62.9%) and pretos (15.7%).
|Genetic origin of Brazilian population (Perc.% rounded values)|
(White)[not in citation given]
The research analyzed the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), that is present in all human beings and passed down with only minor mutations through the maternal line. The other is the Y chromosome, that is present only in males and passed down with only minor mutations through the paternal line. Both can show from what part of the world a matrilineal or patrilineal ancestor of a person came from, but one can have in mind that they are only a fraction of the human genome, and reading ancestry from Y chromosome and mtDNA only tells 1/23rd the story, since humans have 23 chromosome pairs in the cellular DNA.
Analyzing the Y chromosome, which comes from male ancestors through paternal line, it was concluded that half (50%) of Brazilian "negros" Y chromosomes come from Europe, 48% come from Africa and 1.6% come from Native Americans. Analyzing their mitochondrial DNA, that comes from female ancestors though maternal line, 85% of them come from Africa, 12.5% come from Native Americans and 2.5% come from Europe.
The high level of European ancestry in black Brazilians through paternal line exists because, for much of Brazil's History, there were more Caucasian males than Caucasian females. So inter-racial relationships between Caucasian males and Sub-Saharan African or Native American females were widespread.
Over 75% of Caucasians from North and Northeastern Brazil would have over 10% Sub-Saharan African genes, according to this particular study. Even in Southeastern and Southern Brazil, regions which received large waves of European immigration beginning in the 1820s and growing strongly in the late nineteenth century, 49% of the Caucasian population would have over 10% Sub-Saharan African genes, according to that study. Thus, 86% of Brazilians would have at least 10% of genes that came from Africa. The researchers however were cautious about its conclusions: "Obviously these estimates were made by extrapolation of experimental results with relatively small samples and, therefore, their confidence limits are very ample". A new autosomal study from 2011, also led by Sérgio Pena, but with nearly 1000 samples this time, from all over the country, shows that in most Brazilian regions most Brazilians "whites" are less than 10% African in ancestry, and it also shows that the "pardos" are predominantly European in ancestry, the European ancestry being therefore the main component in the Brazilian population, in spite of a very high degree of African ancestry and significant Native American contribution. Other autosomal studies (see some of them below) show a European predominance in the Brazilian population.
Another study (based on blood polymorphisms, from 1981) carried out in one thousand individuals from Porto Alegre city, Southern Brazil, and 760 from Natal city, Northeastern Brazil, found whites of Porto Alegre had 8% of African alleles and in Natal the ancestry of the samples total was characterized as 58% White, 25% Black, and 17% Amerindian". This study found that persons identified as White or Pardo in Natal have similar ancestries, a dominant European ancestry, while persons identified as White in Porto Alegre have an overwhelming majority of European ancestry.
According to an autosomal DNA genetic study from 2011, both "whites" and "pardos" from Fortaleza have a predominantly degree of European ancestry (>70%), with minor but important African and Native American contributions. "Whites" and "pardos" from Belém and Ilhéus also were found to be pred. European in ancestry, with minor Native American and African contributions.
|Genomic ancestry of individuals in Porto Alegre Sérgio Pena et al. 2011 .|
|Genomic ancestry of individuals in Fortaleza Sérgio Pena et al. 2011 .|
|Genomic ancestry of non-related individuals in Rio de Janeiro Sérgio Pena et al. 2009|
|Cor||Number of individuals||Amerindian||African||European|
According to another study conducted on a school in the poor periphery of Rio de Janeiro, autosomal DNA study (from 2009), the "pardos" there were found to be on average over 80% European, and the "whites" (who thought of themselves as "very mixed") were found out to carry very little Amerindian and/or African admixtures. "The results of the tests of genomic ancestry are quite different from the self made estimates of European ancestry", say the researchers. In general, the test results showed that European ancestry is far more important than the students thought it would be. The "pardos" for example thought of themselves as 1/3 European, 1/3 African and 1/3 Amerindian before the tests, and yet their ancestry was determined to be at over 80% European. The "blacks" (pretos) of the periphery of Rio de Janeiro, according to this study, thought of themselves as predominantly African before the study and yet they turned out predominantly European (at 52%), the African contribution at 41% and the Native American 7%.
According to another autosomal DNA study (see table), those who identified as Whites in Rio de Janeiro turned out to have 86.4% – and self identified pardos 68.1% – European ancestry on average (autosomal). Pretos were found out to have on average 41.8% European ancestry 
Another study (autosomal DNA study from 2010) found out that that European ancestry predominates in the Brazilian population as a whole ("whites", "pardos" and "blacks" altogether). European ancestry is dominant throughout Brazil at nearly 80%, except for the Southern part of Brazil, where the European heritage reaches 90%. "A new portrayal of each ethnicity contribution to the DNA of Brazilians, obtained with samples from the five regions of the country, has indicated that, on average, European ancestors are responsible for nearly 80% of the genetic heritage of the population. The variation between the regions is small, with the possible exception of the South, where the European contribution reaches nearly 90%. The results, published by the scientific magazine 'American Journal of Human Biology' by a team of the Catholic University of Brasília, show that, in Brazil, physical indicators such as skin colour, colour of the eyes and colour of the hair have little to do with the genetic ancestry of each person, which has been shown in previous studies"(regardless of census classification) "Ancestry informative SNPs can be useful to estimate individual and population biogeographical ancestry. Brazilian population is characterized by a genetic background of three parental populations (European, African, and Brazilian Native Amerindians) with a wide degree and diverse patterns of admixture. In this work we analyzed the information content of 28 ancestry-informative SNPs into multiplexed panels using three parental population sources (African, Amerindian, and European) to infer the genetic admixture in an urban sample of the five Brazilian geopolitical regions. The SNPs assigned apart the parental populations from each other and thus can be applied for ancestry estimation in a three hybrid admixed population. Data was used to infer genetic ancestry in Brazilians with an admixture model. Pairwise estimates of F(st) among the five Brazilian geopolitical regions suggested little genetic differentiation only between the South and the remaining regions. Estimates of ancestry results are consistent with the heterogeneous genetic profile of Brazilian population, with a major contribution of European ancestry (0.771) followed by African (0.143) and Amerindian contributions (0.085). The described multiplexed SNP panels can be useful tool for bioanthropological studies but it can be mainly valuable to control for spurious results in genetic association studies in admixed populations."  It is important to note that "the samples came from free of charge paternity test takers, thus as the researchers made it explicit: "the paternity tests were free of charge, the population samples involved people of variable socioeconomic strata, although likely to be leaning slightly towards the ‘‘pardo’’ group". According to it the total European, African and Native American contributions to the Brazilian population are:
According to another autosomal DNA study (from 2009) conducted on a school in the poor periphery of Rio de Janeiro the "pardos" there were found to be on average over 80% European, and the "whites" (who thought of themselves as "very mixed") were found out to carry very little Amerindian and/or African admixtures. "The results of the tests of genomic ancestry are quite different from the self made estimates of European ancestry", say the researchers. In general, the test results showed that European ancestry is far more important than the students thought it would be. The "pardos" for example thought of themselves as 1/3 European, 1/3 African and 1/3 Amerindian before the tests, and yet their ancestry was determined to be at over 80% European. The "blacks" (pretos) of the periphery of Rio de Janeiro, according to this study, thought of themselves as predominantly African before the study and yet they turned out predominantly European (at 52%), the African contribution at 41% and the Native American 7%.
An autosomal study from 2013, with nearly 1300 samples from all of the Brazilian regions, found a pred. degree of European ancestry combined with African and Native American contributions, in varying degrees. 'Following an increasing North to South gradient, European ancestry was the most prevalent in all urban populations (with values up to 74%). The populations in the North consisted of a significant proportion of Native American ancestry that was about two times higher than the African contribution. Conversely, in the Northeast, Center-West and Southeast, African ancestry was the second most prevalent. At an intrapopulation level, all urban populations were highly admixed, and most of the variation in ancestry proportions was observed between individuals within each population rather than among population'.
According to another autosomal DNA study from 2009, the Brazilian population, in all regions of the country, was also found out to be predominantly European: "all the Brazilian samples (regions) lie more closely to the European group than to the African populations or to the Mestizos from Mexico". According to it European ancestry was the main component in all regions of Brazil: Northeast of Brazil (66.7% European 23.3% African 10.0% Amerindian) Northern Brazil (60.6% European 21.3% African 18.1% Amerindian) Central West (66,3% European 21.7% African 12.0% Amerindian) Southeast Brazil (60.7% European 32.0% African 7.3% Amerindian) Southern Brazil (81.5% European 9.3% African 9.2% Amerindian). According to it the total European, African and Native American contributions to the Brazilian population are:
An autosomal study from 2011 (with nearly almost 1000 samples from all over the country, "whites", "pardos" and "blacks" included, according to their respective proportions) has also concluded that European ancestry is the predominant ancestry in Brazil, accounting for nearly 70% of the ancestry of the population: "In all regions studied, the European ancestry was predominant, with proportions ranging from 60.6% in the Northeast to 77.7% in the South". The 2011 autosomal study samples came from blood donors (the lowest classes constitute the great majority of blood donors in Brazil), and also public health institutions personnel and health students. In all Brazilian regions European, African and Amerindian genetic markers are found in the local populations, even though the proportion of each varies from region to region and from individual to individual. However most regions showed basically the same structure, a greater European contribution to the population, followed by African and Native American contributions: “Some people had the vision Brazil was a heterogeneous mosaic [...] Our study proves Brazil is a lot more integrated than some expected". Brazilian homogeneity is, therefore, greater within regions than between them:
|Northeast of Brazil||60,10%||29,30%||8,90%|
A 2015 autosomal genetic study, which also analysed data of 25 studies of 38 different Brazilian populations concluded that: European ancestry accounts for 62% of the heritage of the population, followed by the African (21%) and the Native American (17%). The European contribution is highest in Southern Brazil (77%), the African highest in Northeast Brazil (27%) and the Native American is the highest in Northern Brazil (32%). 
According to another study from 2008, by the University of Brasília (UnB), European ancestry dominates in the whole of Brazil (in all regions), accounting for 65,90% of the heritage of the population, followed by the African contribution (24,80%) and the Native American (9,3%).
According to an autosomal DNA study (from 2003) focused on the composition of the Brazilian population as a whole, "European contribution [...] is highest in the South (81% to 82%), and lowest in the North (68% to 71%). The African component is lowest in the South (11%), while the highest values are found in the Southeast (18%-20%). Extreme values for the Amerindian fraction were found in the South and Southeast (7%-8%) and North (17%-18%)". The researchers were cautious with the results as their samples came from paternity test takers which may have skewed the results partly.
São Paulo state, the most populous state in Brazil, with about 40 million people, showed the following composition, according to an autosomal study from 2006: European genes account for 79% of the heritage of the people of São Paulo, 14% are of African origin, and 7% Native American. A more recent study, from 2013, found the following composition in São Paulo state: 61,9% European, 25,5% African and 11,6% native American.
Several other older studies have suggested that European ancestry is the main component in all Brazilian regions. A study from 1965, Methods of Analysis of a Hybrid Population (Human Biology, vol 37, number 1), led by the geneticists D. F. Roberts e R. W. Hiorns, found out the average the Northeastern Brazilian to be predominantly European in ancestry (65%), with minor but important African and Native American contributions (25% and 9%). A study from 2002 quoted previous and older studies (28. Salzano F M. Interciêência. 1997;22:221––227. 29. Santos S E B, Guerreiro J F. Braz J Genet. 1995;18:311––315. 30. Dornelles C L, Callegari-Jacques S M, Robinson W M, Weimer T A, Franco M H L P, Hickmann A C, Geiger C J, Salzamo F M. Genet Mol Biol. 1999;22:151––161. 31. Krieger H, Morton N E, Mi M P, Azevedo E, Freire-Maia A, Yasuda N. Ann Hum Genet. 1965;29:113––125. [PubMed]), saying that: "Salzano (28, a study from 1997) calculated for the Northeastern population as a whole, 51% European, 36% African, and 13% Amerindian ancestries whereas in the north, Santos and Guerreiro (29, a study from 1995) obtained 47% European, 12% African, and 41% Amerindian descent, and in the southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, Dornelles et al. (30, a study from 1999) calculated 82% European, 7% African, and 11% Amerindian ancestries. Krieger et al. (31, a study from 1965) studied a population of Brazilian northeastern origin living in São Paulo with blood groups and electrophoretic markers and showed that whites presented 18% of African and 12% of Amerindian genetic contribution and that blacks presented 28% of European and 5% of Amerindian genetic contribution (31). Of course, all of these Amerindian admixture estimates are subject to the caveat mentioned in the previous paragraph. At any rate, compared with these previous studies, our estimates showed higher levels of bidirectional admixture between Africans and non-Africans."
Crioulo (Brazilian born) slaves
In 2007 BBC Brasil launched the project Raízes Afro-Brasileiras (Afro-Brazilian Roots), in which they analyzed the genetic ancestry of nine famous Brazilian blacks and "pardos". Three tests were based on analysis of different parts of their DNA: an examination of paternal ancestry, maternal ancestry and the genomic ancestry, allowing to estimate the percentage of African, European and Amerindian genes in the composition of an individual.
Of the 9 people analyzed, 3 of them had more European ancestry than African one, while the other 6 people had more African ancestry, with varying degrees of European and Amerindian admixture. The African admixture varied from 19.5% in actress Ildi Silva to 99.3% in singer Milton Nascimento. The European admixture varied from 0.4% in Nascimento to 70% in Silva. The Amerindian admixture from 0.3% in Nascimento to 25.4% in soccer player Obina.
Seu Jorge is: 85.1% African, 12.9% European and 2% Amerindian<¢er>
Djavan is: 65% African, 30.1% European and 4.9% Amerindian
Obina is: 61.4% African, 25.4% Amerindian and 13.2% European
Daiane dos Santos is: 40.8% European, 39.7% African and 19.6% Amerindian
Neguinho da Beija-Flor is: 67.1% European, 31.5% African and 1.4% Amerindian
Pretos, along with other non Europeans, have a low representation in the Brazilian media. Blacks are under-represented in telenovelas, which have the largest audience of Brazilian television. The Brazilian soap operas, as well as throughout Latin America, are accused of hiding the Black and Amerindian population and to make almost entirely white casts, usually as upper-middle-class people and are usually blond and blue/green-eyed who resemble Scandinavians and other Northern Europeans rather than they look like white Brazilians mostly of typical Southern European features.[not in citation given] Brazil has produced soap operas since the 1960s, but it was only in 1996 that a black actress, Taís Araújo, was the protagonist of a telenovela, playing the role of the famous slave Chica da Silva. In 2002, Araujo was protagonist of another soap, being the only Black actress to have a more prominent role in a TV production of Brazil. Black actors in Brazil are usually required to follow stereotypes and are usually in subordinate and submissive roles, as maids, drivers, servants, bodyguards, and poor favelados. Joel Zito Araújo wrote the book A Negação do Brasil (The Denial of Brazil) which talks about how Brazilian TV hides the Black population. Araújo analyzed Brazilian soap operas from 1964 to 1997 and only 4 black families were represented as being of middle-class. Black women usually appear under strong sexual connotation and sensuality. Black men usually appear as rascals or criminals. Another common stereotype is of the "old mammies". In 1970, in the soap A Cabana do Pai Tomás (based on American novel Uncle Tom's Cabin) a white actor, Sérgio Cardoso, played Thomas, who was a black man in the book. The actor had to paint his body in black to look black. The choice of a White actor to play a black character caused major protests in Brazil. In 1975 the telenovela Gabriela was produced, based on a book by Jorge Amado, who described Gabriela, the main character, as a mulata. But to play Gabriela on television Rede Globo choose a White actress, Sônia Braga, who is an olive-skinned woman. The producer claimed he "did not find any talented Black actress" for the role of Gabriela. In 2001 Rede Globo produced Porto dos Milagres, also based on a book by Jorge Amado. In the book Amado described a Bahia full of blacks. In the Rede Globo's soap opera, on the other hand, almost all the cast was white.
In the fashion world blacks and "pardos" are also poorly represented. In Brazil there is a clear predominance of models from the South of Brazil, mostly of European descent. Many black models complained of the difficulty of finding work in the fashion world in Brazil. This reflects a Caucasian standard of beauty demanded by the media. To change this trend, the Black Movement of Brazil entered in court against the fashion show, where almost all the models were whites. In a fashion show during São Paulo Fashion Week in January 2008, of the 344 models only eight (2.3% of total) were blacks. A public attorney reuquired the fashion show to contract Black models and demanded that during São Paulo Fashion Week 2009, at least 10% of the models should be "Blacks, Afro-descendants or Indians", under penalty of fine of 250,000 reais.
Most blacks are Christians, mainly Catholics. Afro-Brazilian religions such as Candomblé and Umbanda have many followers, but they are open to people of any race, and, indeed, while the proportions of blacks (in the strict sense, i.e., "pretos") are higher among practitioners of these religions than among the population in general, Whites are a majority in Umbanda, and a significant minority (bigger than blacks in the strict sense) in Candomblé. They are concentrated mainly in large urban centers such as Recife, Rio de Janeiro, Porto Alegre, Brasília, São Luís. In addition to Candomblé which is closer to the original West African religions, there is also Umbanda which blends Catholic and Kardecist Spiritism beliefs with African beliefs. Candomblé, Batuque, Xango and Tambor de Mina were originally brought by black slaves shipped from Africa to Brazil.
These black slaves would summon their gods, called Orixas, Voduns or Inkices with chants and dances they had brought from Africa. These religions have been persecuted in the past, mainly due to Catholic influence. However, Brazilian government has legalized them.[when?] In current practice, Umbanda followers leave offerings of food, candles and flowers in public places for the spirits. The Candomblé terreiros are more hidden from general view, except in famous festivals such as Iemanjá Festival and the Waters of Oxalá in the Northeast. From Bahia northwards there is also different practices such as Catimbo, Jurema with heavy, though not necessarily authentic, indigenous elements.
Since the late 20th Century, a large number of negros became followers of Protestant denominations, mainly Neopentecostal churches. Among Brazil's predominant ethnicities, Blacks make up the largest proportion of Pentecostal Protestants, while Whites make up the largest group of non-Pentecostal Protestants. As mentioned, some black Brazilians are Muslims of Sunni sect whose ancestors were called Malê.
The influence of African cuisine in Brazil is expressed in a wide variety of dishes. In the state of Bahia, an exquisite cuisine evolved when cooks improvised on African and traditional Portuguese dishes using locally available ingredients. Typical dishes include Vatapá and Moqueca, both with seafood and dendê palm oil (Portuguese: Azeite de Dendê). This heavy oil extracted from the fruits of an African palm tree is one of the basic ingredients in Bahian or Afro-Brazilian cuisine, adding flavor and bright orange color to foods. There is no equivalent substitute, but it is available in markets specializing in Brazilian or African imports.
Feijoada is the national dish of Brazil (for over 300 years). It is basically a mixture of black beans, pork and farofa (lightly roasted coarse cassava manioc flour). It started as a Portuguese dish that the African slaves built upon, made out of cheap ingredients: pork ears, feet and tail, beans and manioc flour. It has been adopted by all the other cultural regions, and there are hundreds of ways to make it.
Acarajé is a dish made from peeled black-eyed peas formed into a ball and then deep-fried in dendê (palm oil). It is found in Nigerian and Brazilian cuisine. The dish is traditionally encountered in Brazil's northeastern state of Bahia, especially in the city of Salvador, often as street food, and is also found in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana and the Republic of Benin.
Capoeira is a martial art developed initially by African slaves that came predominantly from Angola or Mozambique to Brazil, starting in the colonial period. Developed mainly in Bahia, where there was then a higher concentration of black Africans from these places. Documents, legends and literature of Brazil portrays this practice, especially in the port of Salvador, a city in which black Africans were discriminated by colonial society, seen as villains. Despite being reprimanded, Africans continued to practice this martial art, on the pretext that it was just a dance. Until the present, to Capoeira cofunde as dance and fight, and important part of the culture of Brazil. It is marked by deft, tricky movements often played on the ground or completely inverted. It also has a strong acrobatic component in some versions and is always played with music. Recently, the sport has been popularized by the addition of Capoeira performed in various computer games and movies, and Capoeira music has been featured in modern pop music (see Capoeira in popular culture).
Football is the most important national sport in Brazil, until recently the only to be practiced in truly professional way, and even nowadays the one that has most professional practitioners, infrastructure, and public. Although it has been, in its early development, an elite amateur sport, whose clubs discriminated against Blacks, it soon became a popular sport, with a huge following. The need to win competitions eventually forced football clubs to adopt professionalism, and, consequently, to hire the best players, regardless of race.
Soccer was quickly dominated by blacks and "pardos", and it became – and still remains – a mainstream way of social ascension for poor boys, especially blacks and "pardos" who had fewer opportunities in education or conventional labour.
The International Federation of Football History & Statistics Player of the Century list of the 20 best Brazilian players of the 20th Century includes 6 black (Pelé (#1), Arthur Friedenreich (#5), Leônidas da Silva (#8), Luís Pereira (#15), Domingos da Guia (#17), and Jairzinho (#19)) and 9 "pardo" (Garrincha (#2), Zizinho (#4), Didi (#7), Nilton Santos (#9), Ronaldo (#9), Romário (#11), Ademir da Guia (#14), Carlos Alberto Torres (#16) and Ademir (#18)) players, compared to only 5 Whites (Zico, Tostão, Falcão, Rivelino and Bebeto).
The music of Brazil is a mixture of Portuguese, Amerindian, and African music, making a wide variety of styles. Brazil is well known for the rhythmic liveliness of its music as in its Samba dance music. This is largely because Brazilian slave owners allowed their slaves to continue their heritage of playing drums (unlike U.S. slave owners who feared use of the drum for communications). Other popular music styles include pagode and hip hop.
Important or famous Black Brazilians
In spite of strong prejudice, many black Brazilians have been prominent in Brazilian society. This is particularly true of fields where neither academic achievement nor material investment is decisive: the arts, particularly music and sports.
Many important names of Brazilian literature are or have been blacks. Some of theses individuals include: Remarkable artists João da Cruz e Souza, symbolist poet of refined inspiration, João do Rio, fine chronicler, Maria Firmina dos Reis, abolitionist and author, José do Patrocínio, journalist, among others.
It is in popular music, however, that the talents of black Brazilians found the most fertile ground for their development. Masters of samba, Pixinguinha, Cartola, Lupicínio Rodrigues, Geraldo Pereira, Wilson Moreira, and of MPB, Milton Nascimento, Jorge Ben Jor, Gilberto Gil, have built the Brazilian musical identity.
Another field where disenfranchised black Brazilians have excelled is football (soccer): Pelé, arguably the most complete soccer player ever, Garrincha, right-forward, exceptional dribbler, Leônidas da Silva, nicknamed "Black Diamond", are well known historic names of Brazilian football; Ronaldinho, Romário, Robinho and many others continue this tradition.
Important athletes in other sports include NBA players, Nenê and Leandro Barbosa, nicknamed "The Brazilian Blur", referring to his speed. João Carlos de Oliveira Jadel Gregório, Nelson Prudêncio, Adhemar da Silva.
Particularly important among sports is capoeira, itself a creation of Black Brazilians; important "Mestres" (masters) include Mestre Amen Santo, Mestre Barba Branca, Mestre Bimba, Mestre Cobra Mansa, Mestre João Grande, Mestre João Pequeno, Mestre Jogo de Dentro, Mestre Moraes, Mestre Pastinha, Mestre Pé de Chumbo.
Since the end of the military dictatorship, the political participation of black Brazilians has increased. The first female senator, Benedita da Silva, is Black; other important politicians include Senator Paulo Paim, former mayor of São Paulo Celso Pitta, former governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Alceu Collares, former governor of Espírito Santo, Albuíno Azeredo. One of the justices of the Supremo Tribunal Federal, Joaquim Barbosa, is Black. There is only one Black Justice at the TST (Tribunal Superior do Trabalho) who is Minister Carlos Alberto Reis de Paula.
- Afro-Anglo American
- Afro-Hispanic people
- Ethnic groups in Brazil
- Haitian Brazilian
- Liberated Africans in Nigeria
- List of Brazilians of Black African descent
- Racial democracy
- Tambor de Mina
- População residente por cor ou raça e religião http://www.sidra.ibge.gov.br/bda/tabela/protabl.asp?c=2094&z=cd&o=13&i=P
- "Características Étnico-raciais da População:Classificações e identidades" (PDF) (in Portuguese). IBGE. 2010. p. 58.
O movimento de etnização, situado no pós-guerra, a partir de 1945, foi responsável pelo conceito de afro-brasileiro. Este termo foi e continua sendo uma invenção do mundo ocidental, constituída a partir de uma leitura culturalista. (Since 1945, a Brazilian Black movement has resulted in more people using the term (and concept) of Afro-Brazilian. But, this term was coined by and remains associated with the United States and its culture, derived from a culturalist viewpoint.)
- Loveman, Mara; Muniz, Jeronimo O.; Bailey, Stanley R. (2011). "Brazil in black and white? Race categories, the census, and the study of inequality" (PDF). Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 (8): 1466–1483. doi:10.1080/01419870.2011.607503.
- "Censo 2010" (PDF). IGBE.
- Peno, et. al. (16 February 2011). "The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Regions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected". PLOS ONE 6 (2): e17063. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0017063. PMC 3040205. PMID 21359226.
- "Em Debate". Geledes.org.br. Retrieved 2012-07-21.
- IBGE embaralha números e confunde debate sobre brancos e negros[dead link]
- Simon Schwartzman. Fora de foco: diversidade e identidades étnicas no Brasil. Quadro 6, p. 10.
- José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada. Anexo 1. p. 43 (unavailable online)
- Cristina Grillo, "Brasil quer ser chamado de moreno e só 39% se autodefinem como brancos", Folha de S. Paolo, 25 June 1995. (PDF) Accessed 19 September 2010.
- http://www.unl.edu/rhames/courses/current/readings/santos-race-brazil.pdf ], University of Nebraska Lincoln
- "Negros e pardos do Rio têm mais genes europeus do que imaginam, segundo estudo (Pretos and pardos have more European genes than believed, according to study)". Meionews.com.br. Retrieved 2012-07-21.
- Edward Eric Telles (2004). "Racial Classification". Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton University Press. pp. 81–84. ISBN 0-691-11866-3.
- Telles. Race in Another America, pp. 80-81.
- "adj. e s.m. Diz-se de, ou quem tem cabelos negros e pele um pouco escura; trigueiro. / Bras. Designação irônica ou eufemística que se dá aos pretos e mulatos. Literally, this means: "(said of) those who have black hair and a somewhat dark skin, of the colour of ripe wheat. / (in Brazil) Ironic or euphemistic designation given to blacks and Mulattoes". Dicionariodoaurelio.com.
- Telles (2004), Race in Another America, p. 85
- Pena, Sérgio, and Bortolini, Maria Cátira. Pode a genética definir quem deve se beneficiar das cotas universitárias e demais ações afirmativas? (Can genetics define who should benefit from university quotas and affirmative action) Note 1, p. 47
- IBGE. Censo Demográfico. p. XVIII
- José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada. (The Identified/Named Color), p. 18 (unavailable online)
- José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada, p. 19 (unavailable online)
- José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada, p. 14 (unavailable online)
- Anusuya A. Mokashi and Noah S. Scheinfeld. "Photoaging," In Robert A. Norman, Diagnosis of Aging Skin Diseases, p. 13.
- "adj. e s.m. Diz-se de, ou quem tem cabelos negros e pele um pouco escura; trigueiro. / Bras. Designação irônica ou eufemística que se dá aos pretos e mulatos. Literally, this means: "(said of) those who have black hair and a somewhat dark skin, of the colour of ripe wheat. / (in Brazil) Ironic or euphemistic designation given to blacks and mulattoes.". Dicionariodoaurelio.com.
- Telles (2004), Race in Another America, p. 85
- Telles. Race in another America. p. 86: The Brazilian government had sought to dichotomize, or worse, (North) "americanize" racial classification in a society that used and even celebrated intermediate terms.
- Kabengele Munanga Uma resposta contra o racismo. In Brasil Autogestinário. Do ponto de vista norteamericano, todos os brasileiros seriam, de acordo com as pesquisas do geneticista Sergio Danilo Pena, considerados negros ou ameríndios, pois todos possuem, em porcentagens variadas, marcadores genéticos africanos e ameríndios, além de europeus, sem dúvida. ("From the American standpoint, all Brazilians would, according to the researches of geneticist Sergio Danilo Pena, be considered Black or Amerindian, for all of them have, in varied proportions, African and Amerindian genetic markers, besides, of course, European ones")
- Telles (2004), Race in Another America, p. 85.: Thus, they claim that Brazil's informal one-drop rule holds that one drop of White blood allows one to avoid being classified as Black, a tradition that they seek to revert.
- MAGNOLI, Demétrio. Uma Gota de Sangue, Editora Contexto 2008 (2008). p. 143
- MAGNOLI, Demétrio. Uma Gota de Sangue, Editora Contexto 2008 (2008). p. 157. Notice how the words "moreno" and "pardo" cannot be synonymous: they refer to different sets of people.
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