Ain't is a contraction for am not, is not, are not, has not, and have not in the common English language vernacular. In some dialects ain't is also used as a contraction of do not, does not, and did not. The usage of ain't is a perennial subject of controversy in English. Ain't is commonly used by many speakers in oral or informal settings, especially in certain regions and dialects. Its usage is often highly stigmatized, and it may be used as a marker of socioeconomic or regional status or education level. Its use is generally considered nonstandard by dictionaries and style guides except when used for rhetorical effect, and it is rarely found in formal written works.
Ain't has several antecedents in English, corresponding to the various forms of to be not and to have not that ain't contracts. The development of ain't for to be not and to have not is a diachronic coincidence; in other words, they were independent developments at different times.
Contractions of to be not
Amn't as a contraction of am not is known from 1618. As the "mn" combination of two nasal consonants is disfavoured by many English speakers, the "m" of amn't began to be elided, reflected in writing with the new form an't. Aren't as a contraction for are not first appeared in 1675. In non-rhotic dialects, aren't also began to be represented by an't.
An't (sometimes a'n't) arose from am not and are not almost simultaneously. An't first appears in print in the work of English Restoration playwrights. In 1695 an't was used as a contraction of "am not", in William Congreve's play Love for Love: "I can hear you farther off, I an't deaf". But as early as 1696 Sir John Vanbrugh uses an't to mean "are not" in The Relapse: "Hark thee shoemaker! these shoes an't ugly, but they don't fit me".
An't for is not may have developed independently from its use for am not and are not. Isn't was sometimes written as in't or en't, which could have changed into an't. An't for is not may also have filled a gap as an extension of the already-used conjugations for to be not. Jonathan Swift used an't to mean is not in Letter 19 of his Journal to Stella (1710–13): It an't my fault, 'tis Patrick's fault; pray now don't blame Presto.
An't with a long "a" sound began to be written as ain't, which first appears in writing in 1749. By the time ain't appeared, an't was already being used for am not, are not, and is not. An't and ain't coexisted as written forms well into the nineteenth century—Charles Dickens used the terms interchangeably, as in Chapter 13, Book the Second of Little Dorrit (1857): "I guessed it was you, Mr Pancks," said she, "for it's quite your regular night; ain't it? ... An't it gratifying, Mr Pancks, though; really?. In the English lawyer William Hickey's memoirs (1808–1810), ain't appears as a contraction of aren't; "thank God we're all alive, ain't we..."
Contractions of to have not
Han't or ha'n't, an early contraction for has not and have not, developed from the elision of the "s" of has not and the "v" of have not.
Han't appeared in the work of English Restoration playwrights, as in The Country Wife (1675) by William Wycherley: Gentlemen and Ladies, han't you all heard the late sad report / of poor Mr. Horner.
Ain't as a contraction for has not/have not first appeared in dictionaries in the 1830s, and appeared in 1819 in Niles' Weekly Register: Strike! Why I ain't got nobody here to strike.... Charles Dickens likewise used ain't to mean haven't in Chapter 28 of Martin Chuzzlewit (1844): "You ain't got nothing to cry for, bless you! He's righter than a trivet!"
Like with an't, han't and ain't were found together late into the nineteenth century, as in Chapter 12 of Dickens' Our Mutual Friend: "Well, have you finished?" asked the strange man. "No," said Riderhood, "I ain't"...."You sir! You han't said what you want of me."
Contractions of to do not
Ain't meaning didn't is widely considered a feature unique to African American Vernacular English, although it can be found in some dialects of Caribbean English as well. It may function not as a true variant of didn't, but as a creole-like tense-neutral negator (sometimes termed generic ain't). Its origin may have been due to approximation when early African-Americans acquired English as a second language; it is also possible that early African-Americans inherited this variation from colonial European-Americans, and later kept the variation when it largely passed out of wider usage. Ain't is rarely attested for the present-tense constructions do not or does not.
Linguistically, ain’t is formed by the same rule that English speakers use to form aren’t and other contractions of auxiliary verbs. Most linguists consider usage of ain’t to be grammatically correct, as long as its users convey their intended meaning to their audience. In other words, a sentence such as "She ain’t got no sense" is grammatical because it generally follows a native speaker’s word order, and because a native speaker would recognize the meaning of that sentence. Linguists draw a distinction, however, between grammaticality and acceptability. What may be considered grammatical across all dialects may nevertheless be considered not acceptable in certain dialects or contexts. The usage of ain’t is socially unacceptable in some social situations.
Functionally, ain’t has operated in part to plug what is known as the "amn’t gap" – the anomalous situation in standard English whereby there are standard contractions for other forms of to be not (aren’t for are not, and isn’t for is not), but no standard contraction for am not. Historically, ain’t has filled the gap where one might expect amn’t, even in contexts where other uses of ain’t were disfavored. Standard dialects that regard ain’t as nonstandard often substitute aren’t for am not in tag questions (e.g., “I’m doing okay, aren’t I?”), while leaving the "amn’t gap" open in declarative statements.
Prescription and stigma
Ain’t has been called “the most stigmatized word in the language,” as well as “the most powerful social marker” in English. It is the classic example in English of a shibboleth – a word used to determine inclusion in, or exclusion from a group.
Historically, this was not the case. For most of its history, ain’t was acceptable across many social and regional contexts. Throughout the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, ain’t and its predecessors were part of normal usage for both educated and uneducated English speakers, and was found in correspondence and fiction of, among others, Jonathan Swift, Lord Byron, Henry Fielding, and George Eliot. For Victorian English novelists William Makepeace Thackeray and Anthony Trollope the educated and upper classes in 19th century England could use ain't freely, but in familiar speech only. Ain’t continued to be used without restraint by many upper middle class speakers in southern England through the beginning of the 20th century.
Ain’t was a prominent target of early prescriptivist writers. In the 18th and early 19th centuries, some writers began to propound the need to establish a “pure” or “correct” form of English. Contractions in general were disapproved of, but ain’t and its variants were seen as particularly “vulgar.” This push for “correctness” was driven mainly by the middle class, which led to an incongruous situation in which nonstandard constructions continued to be used in both lower and upper classes, while not in the middle class. The reason for the strength of the prescription against ain't is not entirely clear.
The strong prescription against ain’t in standard English has led to many misconceptions, often expressed jocularly (or ironically), as “ain’t ain’t a word” or “ain’t ain’t in the dictionary.” Ain't is listed in most dictionaries, including the Oxford English Dictionary and Merriam-Webster. However, Oxford states "it does not form part of standard English and should never be used in formal or written contexts," and Merriam-Webster states it is "widely disapproved as nonstandard and more common in the habitual speech of the less educated".
Webster’s Third New International Dictionary, published in 1961, went against then-standard practice when it included the following usage note in its entry on ain’t: “though disapproved by many and more common in less educated speech, used orally in most parts of the U.S. by many cultivated speakers esp. in the phrase ain’t I.” Many commentators disapproved of the dictionary’s relatively permissive attitude toward the word, which was inspired, in part, by the belief of its editor, Philip Gove, that “distinctions of usage were elitist and artificial.”
Regional usage and dialects
Ain’t is found throughout the English-speaking world across regions and classes, and is among the most pervasive nonstandard terms in English. It is one of two negation features (the other being the double negative) that is known to appear in all nonstandard English dialects. Ain’t is used throughout the United Kingdom, with its geographical distribution increasing over time. It is also found throughout the United States, including in Appalachia, the South, New England, the Mid-Atlantic, and the Upper Midwest. In its geographical ubiquity, ain’t is to be contrasted with other folk usages such as y'all, which is confined to the South region of the United States.
In England, ain’t is generally considered a nonstandard or illiterate usage, as it is used by speakers of a lower socioeconomic class, or by educated people in an informal manner. In the nineteenth century, ain't was often used by writers to denote regional dialects such as Cockney English. Ain't is a non-standard feature commonly found in mainstream Australian English, and in New Zealand, ain't is a feature of Maori-influenced English. In American English, ain’t is associated with a middle level of education, although it is widely believed that its use establishes of lack of education or social standing in the speaker.
The usage of ain’t in the southern United States is distinctive, however, in the continued usage of the word by well-educated, cultivated speakers. Ain’t is in common usage of educated Southerners. In the South, the use of ain’t can be used as a marker to separate cultured speakers from those who lack confidence in their social standing and thus avoid its use entirely.
Rhetorical and popular usage
Ain't can be used in both speech and writing to catch attention and to give emphasis, as in "Ain't that a crying shame," or "If it ain't broke, don't fix it." Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary gives an example from film critic Richard Schickel: "the wackiness of movies, once so deliciously amusing, ain't funny anymore." It can also be used deliberately for what The Oxford Dictionary of American Usage and Style describes as "tongue-in-cheek" or "reverse snobbery". Star baseball pitcher Dizzy Dean, a member of the Baseball Hall of Fame and later a popular announcer, once said, "A lot of people who don't say ain't, ain't eatin'."
Although ain't is seldom found in formal writing, it is frequently used in more informal written settings, such as popular song lyrics. In genres such as traditional country music, blues, rock n’ roll, and hip-hop, lyrics often include nonstandard features such as ain’t. This is principally due to the use of such features as markers of “covert identity and prestige.”
Ain't is standard in some fixed phrases, such as "You ain't seen nothing yet".
- "Ain't I a Woman?", 1851 speech by abolitionist Sojourner Truth.
- "If you want to know who we are", from The Mikado lyrics by W. S. Gilbert "We figure in lively paint: Our attitude's queer and quaint—You're wrong if you think it ain't." (1885).
- "Say it ain't so, Joe!", apocryphal quote from a young baseball fan to Shoeless Joe Jackson after the fan learned about the Black Sox scandal involving throwing the 1919 World Series.
- "You ain't heard nothing yet!" spoken by Al Jolson in The Jazz Singer (1927), the first feature-length motion picture with synchronized dialogue sequences.
- "It Ain't Necessarily So", song from Porgy and Bess (1935); music by George Gershwin, words by Ira Gershwin.
- "He ain't heavy, he's my brother" has been used as the motto of Boys Town since 1943, and inspired a song He Ain't Heavy, He's My Brother, written by Bobby Scott and Bob Russell, and recorded by The Hollies, Neil Diamond, and other artists.
- Anderwald, Liselotte. Negation in Non-Standard British English. Routledge. 2003.
- "ain't", Merriam-Webster's dictionary of English usage (1995) pp. 60–64 online
- Cheshire, Jenny (2009). Variation in an English Dialect. Cambridge University Press. p. 53. ISBN 0-521-11715-1.
- "Amn't", Merriam-Webster online.
- Denham, Kristin, Anne Lobeck. Linguistics for Everyone:An Introduction. 2009. p.171.
- "Aren't", Merriam-Webster online.
- Merriam-Webster, Inc. "ain't". The Merriam-Webster New Book of Word Histories. 1991. pp.7-9.
- Love for Love, Project Gutenberg.
- The Relapse, 1761 London printing.
- The Journal to Stella by Jonathan Swift: Ch 2: Letters 11-20
- "Ain't", Merriam-Webster online.
- Alfred Spencer Memoirs of William Hickey (1749–1775) READ BOOKS, 2008
- The Country Wife, 1751 London printing.
- Niles' weekly register—Google Books
- Howe, Darin. "Negation in African American Vernacular English", from Aspects of English Negation. p.185.
- Anderwald, Liselotte. Negation in varieties of English, from Areal Features of the Anglophone World, Raymond Hickey, ed. p.311. 2012.
- Peoples, James and Garrick Bailey. Humanity: An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology. Cengage. 2011. p.52.
- Clark, Irene L. Concepts in Composition: Theory and Practice in the Teaching of Writing. Routledge. 2011. p.283.
- Aarts, Bart, Sylvia Chalker, and Edmund Weiner. The Oxford Dictionary of English Grammar. Oxford University Press. 2014. p.5.
- Wolfram, Walt. Vernacular Dialects of English, from Languages and Dialects in the U.S.: An Introduction to the Linguistics of Diversity. Marianna Di Paolo, Arthur K. Spears, eds. Routledge. p.86.
- Hudson, Richard. "*I amn’t." Language, Vol 76, No 2. pp. 297-323. 308-09, 311.
- Wilson, Kenneth G. The Columbia Guide to Standard American English. Columbia University Press. 1993. p.22.
- Lynch, Jack. The Lexicographer’s Dilemma. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. 2009. pp.15-16.
- Dillard, Joey Lee. Toward a Social History of American English. Walter de Gruyter. 1985. p.86.
- O’Conner, patricia T. and Stewart Kellerman. Origins of the Specious: Myths and Misconceptions of the English Language. Random House. 2010. p.48.
- Görlach, Manfred. English in nineteenth-century England: an introduction Cambridge University Press. 1999.
- Williams, Joseph M. Origins of the English Language. Simon and Schuster. 1986. p.277.
- Wolfram, Walt and Donna Christian. Appalachian Speech. Center for Applied Linguistics. 1976. p.114.
- Pahta, Päivi, Minna Palander-Collin, Minna Nevala, and Arja Nurmi. Language practices in the construction of social roles in Late Modern English, from Social Roles and Language Practices in Late Modern English. Päivi Pahta, Minna Nevala, Minna Palander-Collin, and Arja Nurmi, eds. 2010. pp.18-19.
- See also Tieken-Boone van Ostade, Ingrid. An Introduction to Late Modern English. Edinburgh University Press. 2009. pp.82-83.
- Spears, Richard A. (2007). "Dictionary of American Slang and Colloquial Expressions: Saying “Ain't ain't in the dictionary” ain't so."". Dictionary of American Slang, cited at dictionary.reference.com. McGraw Hill Education. Retrieved 27 April 2014.
- "Ain't," entry in Oxford English Dictionary
- "Ain't", entry in Merriam Webster's Dictionary of English Usage, E. Ward Gilman, ed., (Merriam-Webster 1989) ISBN 0-87779-132-5
- For an in-depth discussion, see Skinner David. The Story of Ain't. 2014.
- Kovecses, Zoltan. American English:An Introduction. Broadview Press. 2000. p.224.
- See, e.g., Anderwald, Liselotte. Negation in varieties of English, from Areal Features of the Anglophone World, Raymond Hickey, ed. Walter de Gruyter. 2012. p.314.
- Ian Hancock, Lorento Todd eds. International English Usage. Routledge. 2005. p.31.
- Kortmann, Bernd. Syntactic Variation in English: A Global Perspective, from The Handbook of English Linguistics, Bas Aarts and April McMahon, eds. John Wiley & Sons. 2008. p.610.
- Anderwald, Liselotte. Non-standard English and typological principles, from Determinants of Grammatical Variation in English, Günter Rohdenburg, Britta Mondorf, eds. Walter de Gruyter. 2003. pp.517-518.
- Castillo González, Maria del Pilar. Uncontracted Negatives and Negative Contractions in Contemporary English. Universidad de Santiago de Compostela. p.34.
- Jan Harold Brunvand, ed. American Folklore: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. 1998. p.581.
- Crystal, David. The Story of English in 100 Words. 2011.
- Leitner, Gerhard. Australian English - The National Language. 2004. p.245.
- Kachru, Yamuna and Cecil Nelson. World Englishes in Asian Contexts. 2006. p.280.
- Kachru, Yamuna and Cecil Nelson. World Englishes in Asian Contexts. 2006. pp.211-212.
- McDavid, Raven. “The Dialects of Negro Americans” (1972), from Varieties of American English, Stanford University Press. 1980. p. 85.
- McDavid, Raven. “The Dialects of Negro Americans” (1972), from Varieties of American English, Stanford University Press. 1980. p. 32.
- Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary (2003) p,. 27
- Garner, Bryan. The Oxford Dictionary of American Usage and Style. 2000. p.14.
- Bartlett's Book of Anecdotes. Clifton Fadiman and Andre Bernard, eds. 2000. p.159.
- "Modern History Sourcebook: Sojourner Truth: "Ain't I a Woman?", December 1851". Fordham University. Retrieved 13 July 2014.
- Batiste, Stephanie Leigh. Darkening Mirrors. 2011. p.120.
- The Gigantic Book of Baseball Quotations. Wayne Stewart, ed. 2007. p.8.
- The Yale Book of Quotations. Shapiro, Fred. R., ed. 2006. p.406.
- Rimler, Walter. George Gershwin. 2009. p.97.
- "The story behind "He ain't heavy..."". Boys Town. Retrieved 19 July 2014.