|The Association of Islamic Charitable Projects|
|Religion||Sunni Islam (Sufi)|
|Sufism and Tariqa|
Al-Ahbash (Arabic: الأحباش / al-aḥbash / English: The Ethiopians), also known as the Association of Islamic Charitable Projects (Arabic: جمعية المشاريع الخيرية الإسلامية / jam'iyyat al-mashari' al-khayriyya al-islamiyya) is a Sufi religious movement which was founded in the mid-1980s. The group follow the teachings of Ethiopian scholar Abdullah al-Harari. The organization runs Islamic schools affiliated with Cairo's Al-Azhar university.
Due to the group’s origins and activity in Lebanon, the Ahbash have been described as the “activist expression of Lebanese Sufism.”
- 1 History
- 2 Religious beliefs
- 3 Doctrinal Aspects
- 4 Political Positions
- 5 Controversy
- 6 See also
- 7 References
- 8 External links
The Association of Islamic Charitable Projects was founded in the 1930s by Ahmad al-Ajuz, According to Gary Gambill the AICP arrived in Lebanon in the 1950s, where he says "they blended Sunni and Shi'a theology with Sufi spiritualism into a doctrinal eclecticism that preached nonviolence and political quietism". The AICP remained without a leader until the 1980s when Abdullah al-Harari became the nominal head of the organization. and was taken over by Al-Ahbash in 1983.
Al-Ahbash was founded in the suburb of Bourj Abu Haidar, in West Beirut, as a small philanthropic and spiritualist movement among the Sunni lower classes. From there they spread throughout Lebanon to Tripoli, Akkar and Iqlim Al-Kharrub in the Chouf, where they founded educational and religious institutions. Beginning in the 1990s, Ahbash propelled from a minority group to the largest Sunni movement in Lebanon mainly due to Syrian government backing — having close links to Syrian intelligence. At the end of the 1990s there were close to 250,000 Ahbash members worldwide, according to a high-ranking Ahbash activist.
Several public figures became Ahbash members when it emerged in France beginning in 1991, such as rapper Kery James or Abd Samad Moussaoui. In 1995, members of a Salafi jihadi group called "Osbat al-Ansar" killed the leader of Al-Ahbash, Sheikh Nizar Halabi.
Al-Ahbash beliefs are an interpretation of Islam combining elements of Sunni Islam and Sufism. Their religious ideology is very much in line with the traditional Sunni doctrines, although the groups sometimes unrestrained use of takfir has brought them under discension by the wider Islamic community. Al-Ahbash follows the Shafi school and Ash'ari theology, their Sufi aspect is derived from the Rifa'i brotherhood. The group rejectsIslamist figures such as Ibn Taymiyyah, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Sayyid Qutb. It advocates Islamic pluralism, and opposition to political activism (its slogan is "the resounding voice of moderation"). It also promotes its beliefs internationally through a major internet presence and regional offices, notably in the United States.
Shaykh Habashi's syncretic teachings draw upon a conflation of different branches of Islamic theology, and thereby elude unambiguous classification. In an address to his followers, Shaykh Habashi stated that "[w]e are Ash'aris and Shafi'is. The Ash'ariyya is the basis of our belief, and the Shfi'iyya is our daily code." According to Thomas Pierret, Ahbash's ideology "can be termed "neo-tradionalist", in that it aims to preserve the Islamic heritage of the Ottoman era - which they consider themselves to be the inheritors."
Shaykh Habashi in his books and lectures blend elements of Sunni and Shi'a theological doctrines with Sufi spiritualism by supporting the legitimacy of Imam Ali and his descendents while condemning Mu'awiyya, the caliph and governor of Damascus, and his son Yazid as "seditious" thus adopting Shi'ite tradition whereas setting apart from all other Sunni jurists. Although not explicitly stated, Sufism plays also an important role in al-Ahbash's doctrine as demonstrated by the practice of several Sufi traditions such as the pilgrimage to holy men's tombs (Ziyarat), mystical dancing sessions, use of musical bands in religious ceremonies and the support of three Sufi Tariqas. The contention that it is a primarily Sufi movement, however, has been disputed.
Mustafa Kabla and Haggai Erlich identify "moderation" as the key word in al-Ahbash's "necessary science of religion" and instance the group's twelve-goal platform whose second item calls for "[p]reaching moderation [...] and good behavior as ways of implementing religious principles, while combating extremism and zeal.". This position is also reflected in the groups's decided opposition to the Salafist movement and radical Islamist thinkers, namely Sayyid Qutb, Muhammed ibn 'Abd-al-Wahhab, and Ibn Taymiyyah. Al-Ahbash's rather progressive views on education, the role of women, and science contradict many of the above named writers' opinions.
Rejection of anthropomorphism
One further critical cleavage is al-Ahbash's strict rejection of any form of anthropomorphism of God which they accuse Wahhabis of. Consequently, Shaykh Habashi holds that "it does not befit God to speak like that, and his word is not a voice or letters" and that therefore, the Qu'ran contains the word of God but could be written only after "Gabriel listened to His word, understood it, and passed it on to the prophets and the angels." This is a highly controversial point of view within Islam which is not fully compatible with the consensus of Sunnis, and Wahhabis accuse Ahbash of doubt regarding the origin of the Qur'an. Another famous example regards the interpretations of the Qur'anic sentence describing God seated on his throne after creating the world. According to Wahhabi texts, this means that he sat like a human being. According to Shaykh Habashi, following the Mu'tazila school of thought, it meant that he took control of the world.
Separation of religion and state
The arguably most important split, however, is the question of the relation between religion, politics, and the state. Departing from most Islamic writings on this topic, al-Ahbash advocates a separation of religion and state and thereby rejects the idea of an Islamic state. Consequently, the group repeatedly emphasized the need for Muslim-Christian co-existence and tolerance towards other religious groups in Lebanon.
The tolerant stance in Al-Ahbash's public rhetoric is doubted by some Muslim groups, orthodox Sunni in particular. They accuse the group of an excessive use of Takfir - the act of declaring another Muslim an unbeliever - and thereby of the provocation of inner-Islamic tensions. According to Tariq Ramadan, Al-Ahbash"adherents carry on a permanent double discourse: to Western questioners, they claim to support the emancipation of women and laicism to oppose the "fundamentalists" (all the issues they know are sensitive and useful for getting them recognized). However, within Muslim communities, they carry on an extremely intransigent and closed discourse, usually treating most of the principal Muslim ulama as kuffar *by which they mean "unbeliever,' "impious people"). They base their teachings on interpretations recognized as deviant by all other schools of thought and all other scholars of note (for example, their singular understanding of the meaning of the name of God, or their assertion that the Qur'anic Text was interpreted by the angel Gabriel, or the practice of praying to the dead). Their approach on very specific points of doctrine (such as those we have referred to) is hostile and usually violent."
As a political party, when al-Ahbash ran for the 1992 Lebanese parliamentary elections, this constituency enabled its candidate, Adnan Trabulsi, to win a seat in a Beirut district after the Ahbash and Hezbollah concluded an undeclared alliance in Beirut that assured the election of their respective candidates. However, Trabulsi lost in the subsequent 1996 elections.
The group are seen as being controversial within Islam for its anti-Salafi religious stance as their Sufi and other beliefs are seen as heretical. As a result, they are commonly described by Wahhabis as combining "Sufi polytheism, shirk, with Shi'i covert anti-Sunna tactics". They are also viewed by other Muslims groups as being favoured by the governments of the United States, Europe, and Australia, who "do indeed welcome the Ahbash activities among their Muslim citizens." They have been described as a Sect by various commentators, while others see them as a valid religious movement.
During the 1990s fighting broke out between the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Ahbash in what became known as the "war of the mosques". The fighting was started due to the brotherhood believing that Jordan's Ministry of Religious Endowments were giving precedence to Al-Ahbash members being allowed to teach in mosques from which they themselves were banned.
In 2003, Ali Gomaa, the Grand Mufti of Egypt, issued a fatwa describing the Ahbash as "deviant" that sought to "corrupt the Muslim creed and incite sedition amongst the Muslim Ummah. Moreover, they are paid agents to the enemies of Islam." In 2007, Egypt also arrested 22 men for seeking to spread the Ahbash faith in the country.
Due to its strong historical links with the Syrian government of the al-Assad family, the Ahbash have often been in conflict with the Lebanese supporters of the anti-Syrian Hariri family and in 2005 at least two of its members were initially implicated in the Assassination of Rafic Hariri. The Ahbash also strongly opposed and demonstrated against the Cedar Revolution that was triggered by Hariri's assassination. Ahbash reportedly remains neutral in the Syrian Civil War, despite pressure from both sides.
In 2010, Ahbash and Hezbollah members were involved in a street battle which was perceived to be over parking issues. Both groups later met to form a joint compensation fund for the victims of the conflict. However, despite this instance of violence, the Ahbash have "normal" and "friendly" relations with Hezbollah. The Ahbash have also engaged in bloody clashes in Sidon and Tripoli, in the 1990s, against the rival Sunni Al-Jama'ah Al-Islamiyah.
In 2011, the Australian National Imams Council accused the Muslim Community Radio Incorporated as being associated with Al-Ahbash, which they described as a fringe cult organisation and violent, and made public announcement for government officials not to renew its broadcasting license. However, the Australian Communications and Media Authority granted a 5 year license in 2011 which drew criticism from Islamic groups.
- Kabha, Mustafa; Erlich, Haggai (2006). "Al-Ahbash and Wahhabiyya: Interpretations of Islam". International Journal of Middle East Studies (United States: Cambridge University Press) 38 (4): 519–538. doi:10.1017/S0020743806384024. JSTOR 4129146.
- Seddon, David (2004). A political and economic dictionary of the Middle East (1st ed.). Routledge. p. 22. ISBN 978-1857432121.
- A. Nizar Hamzeh; R. Hrair Dekmejian (1996). "A SUFI RESPONSE TO POLITICAL ISLAMISM: AL-AHBASH OF LEBANON". International Journal of Middle East Studies 28: 217–229. Retrieved 28 October 2014.
- Rubin, Barry (2009). Guide to Islamist Movements. M.E. Sharpe. p. 322. ISBN 978-0765617477.
- Gambill, Gary C. (2009). Barry M. Rubin, ed. Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict, and Crisi. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0230605879.
- Rougier, Bernard (2007). Everyday jihad: the rise of militant Islam among Palestinians in Lebanon. Harvard University Press. p. 113. ISBN 978-0674025295.
- Hamzeh, A. Nizar; Dekmejian, R. Hrair (1996). "A Sufi Response to Political Islamism: Al-Ahbash of Lebanon". International Journal of Middle East Studies (Beirut: American University of Beirut) 28: 217–229. doi:10.1017/S0020743800063145. Retrieved 10 April 2009.
- Sfei, Antoine; Olivier Roy (2008). The Columbia world dictionary of Islamism. Columbia University Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-0231146401.
- Pierret, Thomas (2010). "Al-Ahbash". Basic Reference (Scotland, UK: Edinburgh Academics) 28: 217–229. doi:10.1017/S0020743800063145. Retrieved 27 April 2012.
- Raphaël Lefèvre (April 2014). "THE ROOTS OF CRISIS IN NORTHERN LEBANON". Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. p. 8. Retrieved 28 October 2014.
- Amghar, Boubekeur, Emerson, Samir, Amel, Emerson (2007). European Islam: The Challenges for Society and Public Policy. Centre for European Policy Studies. p. 29. ISBN 978-9290797104.
- Rubin, Barry M. (2008). Chronologies of Modern Terrorism. M.E. Sharpe. p. 265. ISBN 978-0765620477.
- Pierret, Thomas (2005). "Internet in a Sectarian Islamic Context". ISIM Review (The Netherlands: International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World) (Spring 2005): 15. Retrieved 2009-04-10.
- al-Habashi, Shaykh 'Abdallah (1990). Sarih al-Bayan (Explicit Declaration). Beirut, Lebanon: Jam'iyyat al-Mashari'. pp. 86, 88, 90, 105('These ahadith are: "For whosoever I am master, this Ali is his master; 0 God support whosoever is"'), 111 ('Habashi does not give much importance to the Hanafi and Maliki Schools of Law'), 107, 195.
- Manar al-Huda (Beirut, Lebanon: Association of Islamic Charitable Projects). November 1992, 32; ibid., April 1993, 37; April–May 1993, 45. Check date values in:
|date=(help); Missing or empty
- al-Habashi, Shaykh 'Abdallah (1994). Al-Kafil bi-'Ilm al-Din al-Daruri (The Guarantor of the Necessary Science of Faith). Beirut, Lebanon: Burj Abi Haydar Mosque. p. 46.
- al-Habashi, Shaykh 'Abdallah. Bughyat al-talib. Beirut, Lebanon: Association of Islamic Charitable Projects. p. 31.
- al-Habashi, Shaykh 'Abdallah. "Shaykh Abdalla's lecture, 26 January 2003". Beirut, Lebanon: Association of Islamic Charitable Projects.
- Rubin, Barry (2009). Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict, and Crisis. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 139. ISBN 0230623069.
- Marshall, Paul; Shea, Nina (2011). Silenced: How Apostasy and Blasphemy Codes are Choking Freedom Worldwide. Oxford University Press, USA. p. 356. ISBN 0199812284.
- A Sufi Response to Political Islamism, by R. Hrair Dekmejian, & A. Nizar Hamzeh, p.225.
- Cited in Kabla and Erlich 2006: 531
- Mustafa Kabha; Haggai Erlich (Nov 2006). Al-Ahbash and Wahhabiyya: Interpretations of Islam. Cambridge University Press. p. 531. Retrieved 27 October 2014.
- Patrick Desplat; Terje Østebø (18 Apr 2013). Muslim Ethiopia: The Christian Legacy, Identity Politics, and Islamic Reformism. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 181. ISBN 9781137322098.
- Ramadan, Tariq (2004). Western Muslims and the future of Islam. Oxford University Press US. pp. 29, 234. ISBN 978-0-19-517111-2.
- Hamzeh and Demekjian 1996: 225; el Khazen 2003: 620, Table 2
- Grayling, A. C. (2010). Ideas That Matter: The Concepts That Shape the 21st Century. Basic Books. p. 139. ISBN 0230623069.
- Mustafa Kabha; Haggai Erlich (Nov 2006). Al-Ahbash and Wahhabiyya: Interpretations of Islam. Cambridge University Press. p. 529. Retrieved 27 October 2014.
- Mustafa Kabha; Haggai Erlich (Nov 2006). Al-Ahbash and Wahhabiyya: Interpretations of Islam. Cambridge University Press. pp. 527–8. Retrieved 27 October 2014.
- "Syria and the Hariri assassination". The Economist (Print Edition). 27 October 2005.
- Roy, Oliver (2006). Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah. Columbia University Press. p. 227. ISBN 0231134991.
- Tal, Nahman (2005). Radical Islam in Egypt and Jordan. Sussex Academic Press. p. 215. ISBN 978-1845190989.
- Egypt arrests 22 men for corrupting Islam, by Cairo (Reuters), Thursday 13 December 2007.
- Guide to Islamist Movements, by Barry Rubin, pp.322-323.
- Last chance: the Middle East in the balance, by David Gardner, I.B. Tauris, 15 Jun 2009, the University of Michigan, pp. 135, 140.
- Yalib, Yalib (August 30, 2010). "hezbollah-al ahbash meet". Yalibnan.
- O'Brien, Natalie (January 9, 2011). "Muslims call for 'radical' radio station to be closed". Sydney Morning Herald.
- Norrie, Justin (22 May 2011). "Muslim radio stays on airwaves". Sydney Morning Herald.
- Maasho, Aaron (May 11, 2012). "Ethiopian Muslims protest government 'interference'". Reuters Africa.
- Association of Islamic Charitable Projects Official US site