|Pauker on the cover of Time, 1948|
|Minister of Foreign Affairs|
30 December 1947 – 9 July 1952
|President||Constantin Ion Parhon
|Prime Minister||Petru Groza
|Preceded by||Gheorghe Tătărescu|
|Succeeded by||Simion Bughici|
February 13, 1893
Codăești, Vaslui, Romania
|Died||June 14, 1960
|Political party||Romanian Communist Party|
|Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)
Socialist Party of Romania
|Children||Tanio, Vlad, Tatiana, Masha (Marie)|
|Residence||Bucharest, Switzerland, Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Moscow|
|Parents||Sarah and (Tsvi-)Hersh Kaufman Rabinsohn|
Ana Pauker (born Hannah Rabinsohn; February 13, 1893 – June 14, 1960) was a Romanian communist leader and served as the country's foreign minister in the late 1940s and early 1950s. She was the unofficial leader of the Romanian Communist Party after World War II.
Early life and political career
Pauker was born into a poor, religious Orthodox Jewish family in Codăești, Vaslui County (the region of Moldavia). Her parents, Sarah and Hersh Kaufman Rabinsohn, had 4 surviving children; an additional two died in infancy. As a young woman, she became a teacher in a Jewish elementary school in Bucharest. While her younger brother was a Zionist and remained religious, she opted for Socialism, joining the Romanian Social Democratic Party in 1915 and then its successor, the Socialist Party of Romania, in 1916. She was active in the pro-Bolshevik faction of the group, the one that took control after the Party's Congress of May 8–12, 1921 and joined the Comintern under the name of Socialist-Communist Party (future Communist Party of Romania). She and her husband, Marcel Pauker, became leading members. They were both arrested in 1923 and 1924 for their political activities and went into exile in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna in 1926 and 1927. In 1928, Ana Pauker moved to Moscow to enter the Comintern's International Lenin School, which trained the top functionaries of the Communist movement. There, she became closely associated with Dmitry Manuilsky, the Kremlin's foremost representative at the Comintern in the 1930s. 
Communist leadership position
Ana Pauker went to France where she became an instructor for the Comintern and was also involved in the Communist movement elsewhere in the Balkans. She returned to Romania and was arrested in 1935, was put on trial together with other leading Communists such as Alexandru Moghioroș and Alexandru Drăghici, and was sentenced to ten years in prison. In May 1941, the Romanian government sent her into exile to the Soviet Union in exchange for Ion Codreanu, a former member of Sfatul Țării (parliament of Bessarabia that voted for Union with Romania on 27 March 1918), who was detained by the Soviets after the occupation of Bessarabia in 1940. In the meantime, her husband fell victim to the Soviet Great Purge, in 1938. Rumors abounded that she herself had denounced him as a Trotskyist traitor; Comintern archival documents reveal, however, that she repeatedly refused to do so.
In Moscow, she became the leader of the Romanian Communist exiles who would later become known as the "Muscovite faction". She returned to Romania in 1944 when the Red Army entered the country, becoming a member of the post-war government, which came to be dominated by the Communists. In November 1947, the non-Communist Foreign Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu was ousted and replaced by Pauker, making her the first woman in the modern world to hold such a post.
But it was her position in the Communist Party leadership that was paramount. As a member of the 4-person Secretariat of the Central Committee and formally second in the leadership, Pauker was widely believed to be the actual leader of the Romanian Communists in all but name during the immediate post-war period. In 1948 Time magazine featured her portrait on its cover and described her as "the most powerful woman alive". Infamous as the "Iron Lady" of Romanian Communist politics, she was universally seen as unreservedly Stalinist and as Moscow's primary agent in Romania.
Unquestionably, Ana Pauker played a pivotal role in the brutal imposition of Communism on Romania. At the same time, she emerged as a force for moderation within the Romanian Communist leadership during the early postwar period. Pauker was certainly complicit in the extensive purges and arrests in 1945 of tens of thousands of Romanians who were linked to the Antonescu regime. But by August 1945 Pauker and Interior Minister Teohari Georgescu released all but two to three thousand of those arrested, and they offered amnesty to any member of the fascist Iron Guard who had not committed serious crimes and who would turn in his weapons.  In late 1944 or early 1945, she pushed for creating a more broad-based coalition with the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, but was overruled by Joseph Stalin; hence, the Communist-led government created in March 1945 comprised a more restrictive coalition with a faction of the National Liberals led by Gheorghe Tătărescu.
During this same period, Pauker also pursued what she later described as "a type of Social Democratic policy" of mass recruitment of as many as 500,000 new Communist Party members without verification, including former members of the Iron Guard.  This policy would later be the subject of an attack on Pauker during her purge, and it was quickly overturned. Mass arrests would return with a vengeance beginning in 1947 (including the members of the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, as well as the amnestied Iron Guardists), and many of those who entered the party during Pauker's mass recruitment campaign would be purged between 1948 and 1950.
These contradictions would intensify as the regime became more Stalinist under Cold War pressures from 1947 on. Ana Pauker was a steeled and tested Stalinist who was "fanatically loyal to Stalin and the Soviet Union," who once admitted that "[i]f a Soviet official told me something, it was the gospel for me... If they had told me that the USSR needed it, I would have done it... [I]f they had told me to throw myself into the fire, I would have done it." Nevertheless, Pauker paradoxically promoted a number of policies counter to those of the Kremlin during the Cominform period of "high Stalinism," when the Soviet Union imposed a single, hegemonic line on all its satellites. In 1948 she opposed the verification and purge of the large numbers who had entered the Communist Party during her mass recruitment campaign, even though the Cominform had ordered such a verification in every Bloc country.  In 1949 she opposed the construction of the Danube-Black Sea Canal, even though, according to her own testimony, Stalin had personally proposed the project. In 1949-52 she opposed the purging of the Romanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War and French Resistance as part of Moscow's bloc-wide campaign against Josip Broz Tito, or, at the very least, took no part in their repression, as they were not purged en masse in Romania until a few months after Pauker's downfall. And she was reported by colleagues and associates to have resisted Stalin's plans to have Justice Minister Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu put on trial, and was accused by the Securitate's chief Soviet adviser of having "sabotaged and postponed investigations" in the Pătrășcanu case. (This remains a subject of debate among historians, for there is a dearth of evidence in the Romanian archives on Pauker's position on Pătrășcanu because all transcripts of Politburo discussions on the Pătrășcanu inquiry were summarily destroyed on the orders of General Secretary Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.)
In addition, Pauker supported, and helped facilitate, the emigration of roughly 100,000 Jews to Israel from the spring of 1950 to the spring of 1952, when all other Soviet satellites had shut their gates to Jewish emigration in line with Stalin's escalating "anti-Zionist" campaign. And she firmly opposed forced collectivization that was carried out on Moscow's orders in the summer of 1950 while she was in a Kremlin hospital undergoing treatment for breast cancer. Angrily condemning such coercion as "absolutely opposed to the line of our party and absolutely opposed to any serious Communist thought", she allowed peasants forced into collective farms to return to private farming and effectively halted additional collectivization throughout 1951. This, as well as her support in 1947 for higher prices for agricultural products in defiance of her Soviet "advisers", along with her favoring the integration of kulaks into the emerging socialist order,  led Stalin to charge that Pauker had fatefully deviated into "peasantist, non-Marxist policies".
Pauker's "Moscow faction" (so called because many of its members, like Pauker, had spent years in exile in Moscow) was opposed by the "prison faction" (most of whom had spent the Fascist period in Romanian prisons, particularly Doftana Prison). Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, the de facto leader of the prison faction, had supported intensified agricultural collectivization, pushed for Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu's trial and execution, and was a rigid Stalinist; however, he resented some strains of Soviet influence (which would become clear at the time of de-Stalinization when, as leader of Communist Romania, he was a determined opponent of Nikita Khrushchev).
Gheorghiu-Dej profited from the mounting anti-Semitism in Soviet policy and actively lobbied Joseph Stalin to take action against the Pauker faction. Gheorghiu-Dej traveled to Moscow in August 1951 to seek Stalin's approval for purging Pauker and her allies in the Secretariat (Vasile Luca and Teohari Georgescu).  But archival evidence has led Vladimir Tismaneanu to conclude that "Ana Pauker's downfall did not occur merely, or even primarily, because of Gheorghiu-Dej's skillful maneuvering—as some Romanian novels published in the 1980s would have us believe—but foremost because of Stalin's decision to initiate a major political purge in Romania." Pauker, Luca, and Georgescu were purged in May 1952, consolidating Gheorghiu-Dej's own grip over country and Party.
The charges against Ana Pauker increasingly focused on her positions on Zionism and Israel. She was accused of supporting "the subversive and espionage activities of the Israeli Legation and of the Zionists in the country," of making secret commitments to Israeli diplomats, of displaying a "nationalist attitude on the emigration of Jews to Israel," and of divulging secrets to "the enemy" (the United States) through its principal agent, "international Zionism." 
Pauker was arrested in February 1953 and was subjected to prolonged interrogations in preparation to be put on trial, as had occurred with Rudolf Slánský and others in the Prague Trials. After Stalin's death in March 1953 she was freed from jail and put under house arrest instead.
Following the rise of Nikita Khrushchev in the Soviet Union, Pauker was recast by Romania's leaders as having been a staunch ultra-Orthodox Stalinist, even though she had opposed or had attempted to moderate a number of Stalinist policies while she was in a leadership position. Following the Twentieth Party Congress in Moscow there were fears that Khrushchev might force the Romanian Party to rehabilitate Pauker and possibly install her as Romania's new leader.
In 1956, she was summoned for questioning by a high-level party commission, which insisted that she acknowledge her guilt. Again, she claimed she was innocent and demanded that she be reinstated as a party member, without success. Gheorghiu-Dej went on to scapegoat her, Vasile Luca, and Teohari Georgescu for their alleged Stalinist excesses in the late 1940s and early 1950s, despite the fact that they had urged moderation against Gheorghiu-Dej's insistence on dogmatism. The period when the three were in power was marked by political persecution and the murder of opponents (such as the infamous brainwashing experiments conducted at Pitești prison in 1949-1952). Gheorghiu-Dej, who had as much to account for, used moments like these to ensure the survival of his policies in a post-Stalinist age.
Marcel and Ana Pauker had three children:
- Tanio (1921–1922);
- Vlad (born 1926);
- Tatiana (1928–2011).
Vlad and Masha (Pauker's fourth child, also known as Marie was born in 1932, fathered by the Czech-Jewish Communist Eugen Fried) currently live in France.
- Robert Levy, Ana Pauker: The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001, ISBN 0-520-22395-0, pp. 39, 45-47.
- Levy, pp. 64-66. Levy's findings are based on documents in the Comintern and the Romanian Communist Party archives.
- "A Girl Who Hated Cream Puffs", Time, September 20, 1948
- Levy, p. 75.
- Levy, p. 74.
- Levy, pp. 74-75.
- Vladimir Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, pp. 92-93, 127.
- Levy, pp. 3, 157.
- Levy, pp. 87, 285, note 147 and 148.
- Levy, pp. 88, 286, note 158.
- Levy, pp. 153-162.
- Levy, pp. 134-152.
- Vladimir Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p. 116.
- "Report on the Party Commission Established to Clarify the Situation of Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu, submitted to the Party Leadership on June 29, 1968," Executive Archive of the Central Committee of the R.C.P., pp. 43-44; cited in Levy, p. 149, 321, note 137.
- Levy, pp. 166-180
- Levy, pp. 108-109
- Levy, 109-111. Gail Kligman and Katherine Verdery concur on this point: Ana Pauker, they write, "consistently fought for a gradualist strategy once the Soviets insisted that Romania collectivize [in 1948]."--Gail Kligman and Katherine Verdery, Peasants Under Siege: The Collectivization of Romanian Agriculture, 1949-1962, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011, p. 105.
- Levy, pp. 91-93
- Levy, pp. 118-119
- Levy, pp. 199-200.
- Kligman and Verdery, Peasants Under Siege: The Collectivization of Romanian Agriculture, 1949-1962, pp. 105, 201-202.
- Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, pp. 118-119.
- Vladimir Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej and the Romanian Workers' Party: From De-Sovietization to the Emergence of National Communism, (Working Paper No. 37) Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 2002.
- George H. Hodos, Show trials: Stalinist purges in Eastern Europe, 1948-1954, Praeger, New York, 1987. p.103. ISBN 0-275-92783-0; Levy, p. 199.
- Vladimir Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p. 133.
- Levy, pp. 214, 217.
- Robert Levy, Ana Pauker: The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001, ISBN 0-520-22395-0
- Book review of Ana Pauker: The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist
- Red Star Over Romania, review by Susan Brownmiller in The Nation.
- Ana Pauker: Dilemmas of a Reluctant Stalinist Robert Levy on Ana Pauker.
- "The Doctor's Story", Time, March 25, 1957
- Adrian Cioroianu, Pe umerii lui Marx. O introducere în istoria comunismului românesc, Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest, 2005. ISBN 973-669-175-6
- Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003. ISBN 0-520-22395-0
- Gail Kligman and Katherine Verdery, Peasants Under Siege: The Collectivization of Romanian Agriculture, 1949-1962, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011. ISBN 978-0-691-14972-1
- Un episod puțin cunoscut: Schimbarea lui Ana Pauker cu Moș Ion Codreanu, mai 1941 [A less known episode: the exchange of Ana Pauker with Ion Codreanu, May 1941], in Pontes. Review of South East European Studies (Chișinău, Moldova State University), vol. III-IV, 2009, p. 292-301.
- Communist Romania article from the City of Brașov website on Romania's Communist period, including the conflicts between Pauker and Gheorghiu-Dej.