Arthur Griffith

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For other people named Arthur Griffith, see Arthur Griffith (disambiguation).
Arthur Griffith
Arthur Griffith.jpg
President of Dáil Éireann
In office
10 January 1922 – 12 August 1922
Preceded by Éamon de Valera
Succeeded by W. T. Cosgrave
Constituency Cavan
Minister for Foreign Affairs
In office
26 August 1921 – 9 January 1922
Preceded by Count Plunkett
Succeeded by George Gavan Duffy
Personal details
Born (1872-03-31)31 March 1872
Dublin, Ireland
Died 12 August 1922(1922-08-12) (aged 50)
Dublin, Ireland
Nationality Irish
Political party Sinn Féin
Spouse(s) Maud Griffith
Children 2
Religion Roman Catholicism[1]

Arthur Griffith (Irish: Art Ó Gríobhtha; 31 March 1872 – 12 August 1922) was an Irish politician and writer, who founded and later led the political party Sinn Féin. He served as President of Dáil Éireann from January to August 1922, and was head of the Irish delegation at the negotiations in London that produced the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, attending with Michael Collins.[2]

Early life[edit]

Arthur Griffith was born at 61 Upper Dominick Street, Dublin, Ireland on 31 March 1872, of distant Welsh lineage, and was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers.

He worked for a time as a printer before joining the Gaelic League, which was aimed at promoting the restoration of the Irish language. His father had been a printer on The Nation newspaper—Griffith was one of several employees locked out in the early 1890s due to a dispute with a new owner of the paper. The young Griffith was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). He visited South Africa from 1897 to 1898, after the defeat and death of Charles Stewart Parnell whose more moderate views he had initially supported, while recovering from tuberculosis. There he supported the Boers against British expansionism and was a strong admirer of Paul Kruger.

In 1899, on returning to Dublin, he co-founded the weekly United Irishman newspaper with his associate William Rooney, who died in 1901. In November 1901 Griffith was the first to introduce the student James Joyce to the Irish people as he defended Joyce's right to have his essay on the Irish Literary Theatre published in his university journal. Griffith wrote "We grow Censors in Ireland. Turnips would be more useful" [Arthur Griffith with James Joyce and WB Yeats - Liberating Ireland by Anthony J. Jordan. p. 54. Westport Books 2013. ISBN 9780957622906] On 24 November 1910, Griffith married his fiancée, Maud Sheehan, after a fifteen-year engagement; they had a son and a daughter.

Griffith's fierce criticism of the Irish Parliamentary Party's alliance with British Liberalism was heavily influenced by the anti-Liberal rhetoric of Young Irelander John Mitchel. Griffith made a number of highly controversial statements and opinions. He defended anti-semitic rioters in Limerick, and denounced socialists and pacifists as conscious tools of the British Empire. Griffith also supported movements seeking national independence from the British Empire in Egypt and India and wrote a highly critical description of the British government action at Matabele. Despite his opposition to communism and socialism, he sometimes worked with James Connolly, who also supported Irish nationalism.[3]

In September 1900, he established an organisation called Cumann na nGaedheal ("Society of Gaels") to unite advanced nationalist/separatist groups and clubs. In 1903 he set up the National Council to campaign against the visit to Ireland of King Edward VII and his consort Alexandra of Denmark.[4] A group led by Michael Grace, Mr. Bartley, Mr. Charles Fox, Mr. Liam Sheridan, and Mr. Michael Galligan of Old Castle realized that the that the "United Irishmen" was not selling very well. They decided to form their own newspaper. When the first issue was due to go for printing, they still did not have a name for the paper. Michael Grace wrote the leading article which set out the objects of the paper. He titled the paper "Sinn Féin". He had gotten the inspiration from the fact that they were a very small band, a very small one, who were trying to do something alone. Liam Sheridan saw the heading and stated, "That is the name." The paper was published monthly and sold for one penny. They continued publishing for approximately two years. The small band of publishers became known as the Sinn Féiners. The Black and Tans eventually seized the paper and confiscated most of the copies. Arthur Griffith took up the name shortly thereafter with the permission of the small group from Old Castle.[5] In 1907, this organisation merged with Sinn Féin and a number of others movements to form the Sinn Féin League (Irish for "Ourselves"). In 1906, after the United Irishman journal collapsed because of a libel suit, Griffith refounded it under the title Sinn Féin; it briefly became a daily in 1909 and survived until its suppression by the British government in 1914, after which it was sporadically revived as the nationalist journal, Nationality.

Foundation of Sinn Féin[edit]

Most historians opt for 28 November 1905, as a founding date because it was on this date that Griffith first presented his 'Sinn Féin Policy'. In his writings, Griffith declared that the Act of Union of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 was illegal and that, consequently, the Anglo-Irish dual monarchy which existed under Grattan's Parliament, and the so-called Constitution of 1782 was still in effect. Its first president was Edward Martyn.

The fundamental principles on which Sinn Féin was founded were outlined in an article published in 1904 by Griffith called The Resurrection of Hungary, in which, noting how in 1867 Hungary went from being part of the Austrian Empire to a separate co-equal kingdom in Austria-Hungary. Though not a monarchist himself, Griffith advocated such an approach for the Anglo-Irish relationship, namely that Ireland should become a separate kingdom alongside Great Britain, the two forming a dual monarchy with a shared monarch but separate governments, as it was thought this solution would be more palatable to the British. This was similar to the policy of Henry Grattan a century earlier. However, this idea was never really embraced by later separatist leaders, especially Michael Collins, and never came to anything, although Kevin O'Higgins toyed with the idea as a means of ending partition, shortly before his assassination.

Griffith sought to combine elements of Parnellism with the traditional separatist approach; he saw himself not as a leader but as providing a strategy which a new leader might follow. Central to his strategy was parliamentary abstention: the belief that Irish MPs should refuse to attend the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster, but should instead establish a separate Irish parliament (with an administrative system based on local government) in Dublin.

In 1907 Sinn Féin unsuccessfully contested a by-election in North Leitrim, where the sitting MP, one Charles Dolan of Manorhamilton, County Leitrim, had defected to Sinn Féin. At this time Sinn Féin was being infiltrated by the Irish Republican Brotherhood, who saw it as a vehicle for their aims; it had several local councillors (mostly in Dublin, including W. T. Cosgrave) and contained a dissident wing grouped from 1910 around the monthly periodical called Irish Freedom. The IRB members argued that the aim of dual monarchism should be replaced by republicanism, and that Griffith was excessively inclined to compromise with conservative elements (notably in his pro-employer position during the 1913 – 1914 Dublin Lockout, when he saw the syndicalism of James Larkin as aimed at crippling Irish industry for Great Britain's benefit).

1916 Rising[edit]

In 1916 rebels seized and took over a number of key locations in Dublin, in what became known as the Easter Rising. After its defeat, it was widely described both by British politicians and the Irish and British media as the "Sinn Féin rebellion", even though Sinn Féin had very limited involvement. When in 1917, surviving leaders of the rebellion were released from gaol (or escaped) they joined Sinn Féin en masse, using it as a vehicle for the advancement of the republic. The result was a bitter clash between those original members who backed Griffith's concept of an Anglo-Irish dual monarchy and the new members, under Éamon de Valera, who wanted to achieve a republic. Matters almost led to a split at the party's Ard Fheis (conference) in October 1917.

In a compromise, it was decided to seek to establish a republic initially, then allow the people to decide whether they wanted a republic or a monarchy, subject to the condition that no member of Britain's royal house could sit on any prospective Irish throne. Griffith resigned the party leadership and presidency at that Ard Fheis, and was replaced by de Valera. The leaders of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) sought a rapprochement with Griffith over the British threat of conscription, which both parties condemned, but Griffith refused unless the IPP embraced his more radical and subversive ideals, a suggestion which John Dillon, a leader of the IPP rubbished as unrealistic, although it would ultimately mean the defeat and dissolution of the IPP after the election in December 1918.

War of Independence[edit]

Griffith was elected a Sinn Féin MP in the East Cavan by-election in June 1918 when he asked William O'Brien to move the writ for his candidacy,[6] and held the seat when Sinn Féin subsequently routed the Irish Parliamentary Party at the 1918 general election.[7] In that election he was also returned for the seat of Tyrone North West.

Sinn Féin's MPs decided not to take their seats in the British House of Commons but instead set up an Irish parliament, Dáil Éireann; the Irish War of Independence followed almost immediately. The dominant leaders in the new Irish Republic were figures like Éamon de Valera, President of Dáil Éireann (1919–21), President of the Republic (1921–1922), and Michael Collins, Minister for Finance, head of the IRB and the Irish Republican Army's Director of Intelligence.

During de Valera's absence in the United States (1919–21) Griffith served as Acting President and gave regular press interviews. He was imprisoned in December 1920 but was subsequently released on 30 June 1921.

Treaty negotiations and death[edit]

In October 1921, de Valera, President of the Irish Republic, asked him to head the delegation of Irish plenipotentiaries to negotiate with the British government. The delegates set up Headquarters in Hans Place, London. Among the visitors Griffith had while in London was the American poet Ezra Pound. Pound was championing Social Credit Economics as a way of preventing another World War. He sought to sell the idea to the economist that Griffith was. Their meeting had a profound influence on Pound who wrote about it in his Cantos. [Arthur Griffith with James Joyce & WB Yeats -Liberating Ireland by Anthony J. Jordan ppp.107–8. Westport Books 2013] After nearly 2 months of negotiations it was there, in private conversations, that the delegates finally decided to recommend the Treaty to the Dáil Éireann on 5 December 1921; negotiations closed at 2.20am on 6 December 1921. Griffith was the member of the treaty delegation most supportive of its eventual outcome, a compromise based on dominion status, rather than a republic. After the ratification by 64 votes to 57 of the Anglo-Irish Treaty by the Second Dáil on 7 January 1922, he replaced de Valera, who stepped down in protest as President of the soon-to-be abolished Irish Republic. A vote was held on 9 January to choose between Griffith or De Valera, which De Valera lost by 58 to 60. A second ratification of the Treaty by the House of Commons of Southern Ireland followed shortly afterwards. Griffith was, however, to a great extent merely a figurehead as President of the second Dáil Éireann and his relations with Michael Collins, head of the new Provisional Government, were somewhat tense.

Griffith seen in July 1922, a month before his death.

Suffering from overwork and strain after the long and difficult negotiations with the British government, and the work involved in establishing the Free State government, Griffith entered St. Vincent's Nursing Home, Dublin, during the first week of August 1922, following an acute attack of tonsillitis.[8] He was confined to a room in St Vincent's by his doctors, who had observed signs of what they thought might be a subarachnoid haemorrhage, but it was difficult to keep him quiet,[9] and he resumed his daily work in the government building. He had been about to leave for his office shortly before 10 am on 12 August 1922, when he paused to retie his shoelace and fell down unconscious. He regained consciousness, but collapsed again with blood coming from his mouth. Three doctors rendered assistance, but to no avail. Father John Lee of the Marist Fathers administered extreme unction, and Griffith expired as the priest recited the concluding prayer. The cause of death was reported as being due to heart failure.[10] He died at the age of 50, ten days before Michael Collins' assassination in County Cork. He was buried in Glasnevin Cemetery four days later.

Posthumous reputation[edit]

The historian Diarmaid Ferriter considers that, though he had founded Sinn Féin, Griffith was 'quickly airbrushed' from Irish history. His widow had to beg his former colleagues for a pension, saying that he 'had made them all'. She considered that his grave plot was too modest and threatened to exhume his body. Only in 1968 was a plaque fixed on his former home.[11]

Griffith Barracks which is now Griffith College Dublin on South Circular Road, Dublin, Griffith Avenue in North Dublin, Griffith Park in Drumcondra and Arthur Griffith Park in Lucan, County Dublin are named after him.

An obelisk erected in 1950 in the grounds of Leinster House commemorates Griffith, as well as Michael Collins and Kevin O'Higgins.[12]

Charges of anti-semitism[edit]

The charge of anti-semitism has often been levelled at Griffith.[13] He published articles signed by 'The Home Secretary' in his newspaper, the United Irishman, during the Dreyfus Affair which displayed clear hatred for Jews. Even after Alfred Dreyfus had been pardoned Griffith remained virulently Anti-Dreyfusard. In 1899 he wrote in the United Irishman:

I have in former years often declared that the Three Evil Influences of the century were the Pirate, the Freemason, and the Jew.[14]

Griffith's grave in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin.

Following the Dreyfus Affair, an article in 16 September 1899 edition of the United Irishman stated:

A few days ago a Jew traitor, who had sold the most vital secrets of France to her military enemies, was condemned to the mild punishment of imprisonment, after his guilt had been for a second time in five years demonstrated to a court martial of his comrades ... The simple fact is that the whole European world, with the exception of the Anglo-Jew coalition and its Irish sycophants, is utterly indifferent to the traitor's fate.[14]

Griffith's editorial support for the Limerick Boycott (a boycott of Jewish businesses in Limerick organised by the Redemptorist Father John Creagh in 1904) has also been criticised. His claim that it was a boycott of usurers is weakened by the fact that the vast majority of the people affected by the boycott were tradesmen:

When Catholics – as Catholics – are boycotted, it constitutes undoubtedly an outrageous injustice, and similarly if Jews – as Jews – were boycotted, it would be outrageously unjust. But the Jew in Limerick has not been boycotted because he is a Jew, but because he is a usurer. And we deny that we offend against ethics by most heartily advocating the boycott of usurers, whether they be Jew, Pagan or Christian.[1]

As his biographer Brian Maye has pointed out, Griffith clearly had a "wildly exaggerated notion of the extent of Jewish involvement in money-lending and devious business practices"[15] and his language was dangerously provocative. Griffith immediately challenged on what appeared in his newspaper by a member of the Celtic Literary Society, Fred Ryan. Griffith afforded Ryan space in the paper to make his criticism and responded accordingly. Griffith's defense was essentially that he was anti-usury rather than anti-Semitic.[Arthur Griffith with James Joyce & WB Yeats - liberating Ireland by Anthony J. Jordan pp. 33–37] Westport Books 2013]

Maye has also stated that Griffith's anti-semitic beliefs were tempered after 1910. At that period he became a close friend and associate of the Jewish solicitor Michael Noyk. Noyk defended many IRA members in courts martial during the Irish War of Independence and served as an official in the First Dáil Department of Finance and as a Dáil Court judge during the war.[16] A number of friends included Dr Bethel Solomons, who contributed to the purchase of a house for Griffith when he married,[17] Dr Edward Lipman, Jacob Elyan and Philip Sayers.[18]

Quotations[edit]

  • "In Arthur Griffith there is a mighty force in Ireland. He has none of the wildness of some I could name. Instead there is an abundance of wisdom and an awareness of things which are Ireland." – Michael Collins.

See also[edit]

Sources[edit]

Anthony J. Jordan, Arthur Griffith with James Joyce & WB Yeats - Liberating Ireland" [Westport Books 2013]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b Maye, Brian: Arthur Griffith, Dublin, Griffith College Publications, 1997, p368
  2. ^ "Mr. Arthur Griffith". Oireachtas Members Database. Retrieved 1 June 2009. 
  3. ^ http://www.historyireland.com/volumes/volume6/issue1/reviews/?id=113342[dead link]
  4. ^ Irish Leaving cert history textbook; Movements for Political and Social Reform 1870–1914.
  5. ^ Roinn Cosanta Bureau of Military History, 1912-21 Statement by Witness "Michael Grace" close associate of Arthur Griffith. Document no. W.S. 931
  6. ^ Maume, Patrick: The long Gestation, Irish Nationalist Life 1891–1918 p.207 (note 322), Gill & Macmillan (1999) ISBN 0-7171-2744-3
  7. ^ "Arthur Griffith". ElectionsIreland.org. Retrieved 1 June 2009. 
  8. ^ Glandon, Virginia E. (1985). Arthur Griffith and the Advanced-nationalist Press, Ireland, 1900–1922. P. Lang. p. 230. ISBN 0-8204-0041-6. 
  9. ^ O'Connor, Ulick (1996). Michael Collins and the Troubles. W.W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-31645-9. 
  10. ^ "Arthur Griffith Dies Suddenly" (PDF). New York Times. 13 August 1922. 
  11. ^ Ferriter D. The Transformation of Ireland 1900–2000 (Profile 2004) p.260. ISBN 1-86197-307-1
  12. ^ The OPW – a history of service. The Office of Public Works. 2006. p. 5. 
  13. ^ Arthur Griffith, anti-Semite, The Spectator, 11 October 1997 (BNET Business Library). Retrieved 24 January 2010
  14. ^ a b Keogh, Dermot (1998). Jews in Twentieth-century Ireland: Refugees, Anti-semitism and the Holocaust. Cork University Press. p. 22. ISBN 1-85918-150-3. 
  15. ^ Maye: Op. Cit.,p368
  16. ^ Benson, Asher (2007). Jewish Dublin. ISBN 978-1-906353-00-1. 
  17. ^ http://www.drb.ie/more_details/08-09-28/Citizens_of_the_Republic.aspx
  18. ^ "Arthur Griffiths". The Irish Times. 11 November 1997. 

External links[edit]

Parliament of the United Kingdom
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Samuel Young
Sinn Féin Member of Parliament for Cavan East
1918–1922
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1918–1922
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1922
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