Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi

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"Assassination of Gandhi" redirects here. For the assassination of the 3rd Prime Minister of India, see Assassination of Indira Gandhi. For the assassination of her son and the 7th Prime Minister of India, see Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi.
Assassination of M.K. Gandhi
Gandhi Memorial.jpg
Raj Ghat – Memorial marking the cremation spot of Mohandas Gandhi
Location New Delhi
Date 30 January 1948
Indian Standard Time (5:17 pm)
Target Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
Weapons Beretta M 1934 Semi-automatic pistol
Deaths 1 (Gandhi)
Perpetrators Nathuram Godse

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, better known as Mahatma Gandhi, was assassinated on 30 January 1948, shot at close range by Nathuram Godse. Gandhi was outside on the steps of a building where a prayer meeting was going to take place. He was surrounded by a part of his family and some followers when three gunshots killed him. Prior to his death, there had been five unsuccessful attempts to kill Gandhi, the first occurring in 1934.

Assassination[edit]

The Martyr's Column at the Gandhi Smriti, (Birla House), the spot where Gandhi was assassinated.

After a previous failed attempt to assassinate Gandhi at the Birla House, Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte returned to Pune via Mumbai (Bombay)[citation needed].With the help of Gangadhar Dandavate, Nathuram Vinayak Godse and Narayan Apte purchased a Beretta and reached Delhi on 29 January 1948, checking into the retiring room No. 6 at Delhi Railway Station where they chalked out the plan for his assassination[citation needed].

Conspirators[edit]

Reasons for assassination[edit]

During the subsequent trial,[1] and in various witness accounts and books written thence,[2][3] the reasons cited for carrying out the assassination were -

  • Godse felt that it was Gandhi's fast (announced in the second week of January) which had forced the cabinet to reverse its earlier recent decision not to give the cash balance of Rs. 550 million to Pakistan on 13 January 1948. (The Government of India had already given Pakistan the first installment of Rs. 200 million as per their agreement to give Pakistan Rs. 750 million in the division of balance money upon partition. However, in March 1948, the cabinet of Indian government decided to withhold the second installment after self-styled liberators from Pakistan invaded Kashmir with covert support from the Pakistani army[4]). Godse, Apte and their friends felt that this was appeasing Pakistani Muslims at the expense of Hindus in India. This decision of Gandhi and Nehru had also caused Vallabhbhai Patel to submit his resignation.[5][6] Interestingly, Gandhi's fast was for the restoration of Hindu-Muslim peace and continued for three days after the cabinet announced its decision to give the money to Pakistan. It is possible that Godse may not have known of this, however this cannot be said for certain.[7]
  • Godse felt that the sad situation and suffering caused during and due to the partition could have been avoided if the Indian government had lodged strong protests against the treatment meted out to the Minorities (Hindus and Sikhs) in Pakistan. However, being "under the thumb of Gandhi" they resorted to more feeble ways. He also felt that Gandhi had not protested against these atrocities being suffered in Pakistan and instead resorted to fasts.[8] In his court deposition, Godse said, "I thought to myself and foresaw I shall be totally ruined, and the only thing I could expect from the people would be nothing but hatred ... if I were to kill Gandhiji. But at the same time I felt that the Indian politics in the absence of Gandhiji would surely be proved practical, able to retaliate, and would be powerful with armed forces."[9]
  • In Godse's own words during his final deposition in the court during the trial, '"...it was not so much the Gandhian Ahimsa teachings that were opposed to by me and my group, but Gandhiji, while advocating his views, always showed or evinced a bias for Muslims, prejudicial and detrimental to the Hindu Community and its interests. I have fully described my Point of view hereafter in detail and have quoted numerous instances, which unmistakably establish how Gandhiji became responsible for a number of calamities which the Hindu Community had to suffer and undergo"[10]

The Sarvodaya Mandal mentioned in their website that these reasons were not justified and Godse's assumptions were incorrect.[4]

Nathuram Godse was arrested immediately after he assassinated Gandhiji, based on a F. I. R. filed by Nandlal Mehta at the Tughlak Road Police staton at Delhi . The trial, which was held in camera, began on May 27, 1948 and concluded on February 10, 1949. He was sentenced to death.

An appeal to the Punjab High Court, then in session at Simla, did not find favour and the sentence was upheld. The statement that you are about to read is the last made by Godse before the Court on the May 5, 1949.

Such was the power and eloquence of this statement that one of the judges, G. D. Khosla, later wrote, “I have, however, no doubt that had the audience of that day been constituted into a jury and entrusted with the task of deciding Godse’s appeal, they would have brought a verdict of ‘not Guilty’ by an overwhelming majority” WHY I KILLED GANDHI

Nathuram Godse Speech During In Court Born in a devotional Brahmin family, I instinctively came to revere Hindu religion, Hindu history and Hindu culture. I had, therefore, been intensely proud of Hinduism as a whole. As I grew up I developed a tendency to free thinking unfettered by any superstitious allegiance to any isms, political or religious. That is why I worked actively for the eradication of untouchability and the caste system based on birth alone. I openly joined RSS wing of anti-caste movements and maintained that all Hindus were of equal status as to rights, social and religious and should be considered high or low on merit alone and not through the accident of birth in a particular caste or profession.

I used publicly to take part in organized anti-caste dinners in which thousands of Hindus, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Chamars and Bhangis participated. We broke the caste rules and dined in the company of each other. I have read the speeches and writings of Ravana, Chanakiya, Dadabhai Naoroji, Vivekanand, Gokhale, Tilak, along with the books of ancient and modern history of India and some prominent countries like England , France , America and Russia . Moreover I studied the tenets of Socialism and Marxism. But above all I studied very closely whatever Veer Savarkar and Gandhiji had written and spoken, as to my mind these two ideologies have contributed more to the moulding of the thought and action of the Indian people during the last thirty years or so, than any other single factor has done.

All this reading and thinking led me to believe it was my first duty to serve Hindudom and Hindus both as a patriot and as a world citizen. To secure the freedom and to safeguard the just interests of some thirty crores (300 million) of Hindus would automatically constitute the freedom and the well-being of all India , one fifth of human race. This conviction led me naturally to devote myself to the Hindu Sanghtanist ideology and programme, which alone, I came to believe, could win and preserve the national independence of Hindustan , my Motherland, and enable her to render true service to humanity as well.

Since the year 1920, that is, after the demise of Lokamanya Tilak, Gandhiji’s influence in the Congress first increased and then became supreme. His activities for public awakening were phenomenal in their intensity and were reinforced by the slogan of truth and non-violence which he paraded ostentatiously before the country. No sensible or enlightened person could object to those slogans. In fact there is nothing new or original in them.. They are implicit in every constitutional public movement. But it is nothing but a mere dream if you imagine that the bulk of mankind is, or can ever become, capable of scrupulous adherence to these lofty principles in its normal life from day to day.

In fact, honour, duty and love of one’s own kith and kin and country might often compel us to disregard non-violence and to use force. I could never conceive that an armed resistance to an aggression is unjust. I would consider it a religious and moral duty to resist and, if possible, to overpower such an enemy by use of force. [In the Ramayana] Rama killed Ravana in a tumultuous fight and relieved Sita.. [In the Mahabharata], Krishna killed Kansa to end his wickedness; and Arjuna had to fight and slay quite a number of his friends and relations including the revered Bhishma because the latter was on the side of the aggressor. It is my firm belief that in dubbing Rama, Krishna and Arjuna as guilty of violence, the Mahatma betrayed a total ignorance of the springs of human action. In more recent history, it was the heroic fight put up by Chhatrapati Shivaji that first checked and eventually destroyed the Muslim tyranny in India . It was absolutely essentially for Shivaji to overpower and kill an aggressive Afzal Khan, failing which he would have lost his own life. In condemning history’s towering warriors like Shivaji, Rana Pratap and Guru Gobind Singh as misguided patriots, Gandhiji has merely exposed his self-conceit. He was, paradoxical as it may appear, a violent pacifist who brought untold calamities on the country in the name of truth and non-violence, while Rana Pratap, Shivaji and the Guru will remain enshrined in the hearts of their countrymen for ever for the freedom they brought to them.

The accumulating provocation of thirty-two years, culminating in his last pro-Muslim fast, at last goaded me to the conclusion that the existence of Gandhi should be brought to an end immediately. Gandhi had done very good in South Africa to uphold the rights and well-being of the Indian community there. But when he finally returned to India he developed a subjective mentality under which he alone was to be the final judge of what was right or wrong. If the country wanted his leadership, it had to accept his infallibility; if it did not, he would stand aloof from the Congress and carry on his own way.

Against such an attitude there can be no halfway house. Either Congress had to surrender its will to his and had to be content with playing second fiddle to all his eccentricity, whimsicality, metaphysics and primitive vision, or it had to carry on without him. He alone was the Judge of everyone and every thing; he was the master brain guiding the civil disobedience movement; no other could know the technique of that movement. He alone knew when to begin and when to withdraw it. The movement might succeed or fail, it might bring untold disaster and political reverses but that could make no difference to the Mahatma’s infallibility. ‘A Satyagrahi can never fail’ was his formula for declaring his own infallibility and nobody except himself knew what a Satyagrahi is. Thus, the Mahatma became the judge and jury in his own cause. These childish insanities and obstinacies, coupled with a most severe austerity of life, ceaseless work and lofty character made Gandhi formidable and irresistible.

Many people thought that his politics were irrational but they had either to withdraw from the Congress or place their intelligence at his feet to do with as he liked. In a position of such absolute irresponsibility Gandhi was guilty of blunder after blunder, failure after failure, disaster after disaster. Gandhi’s pro-Muslim policy is blatantly in his perverse attitude on the question of the national language of India . It is quite obvious that Hindi has the most prior claim to be accepted as the premier language. In the beginning of his career in India , Gandhi gave a great impetus to Hindi but as he found that the Muslims did not like it, he became a champion of what is called Hindustani.. Everybody in India knows that there is no language called Hindustani; it has no grammar; it has no vocabulary. It is a mere dialect, it is spoken, but not written. It is a bastard tongue and cross-breed between Hindi and Urdu, and not even the Mahatma’s sophistry could make it popular. But in his desire to please the Muslims he insisted that Hindustani alone should be the national language of India . His blind followers, of course, supported him and the so-called hybrid language began to be used. The charm and purity of the Hindi language was to be prostituted to please the Muslims. All his experiments were at the expense of the Hindus.

From August 1946 onwards the private armies of the Muslim League began a massacre of the Hindus. The then Viceroy, Lord Wavell, though distressed at what was happening, would not use his powers under the Government of India Act of 1935 to prevent the rape, murder and arson. The Hindu blood began to flow from Bengal to Karachi with some retaliation by the Hindus. The Interim Government formed in September was sabotaged by its Muslim League members right from its inception, but the more they became disloyal and treasonable to the government of which they were a part, the greater was Gandhi’s infatuation for them. Lord Wavell had to resign as he could not bring about a settlement and he was succeeded by Lord Mountbatten. King Log was followed by King Stork. The Congress which had boasted of its nationalism and socialism secretly accepted Pakistan literally at the point of the bayonet and abjectly surrendered to Jinnah. India was vivisected and one-third of the Indian territory became foreign land to us from August 15, 1947.

Lord Mountbatten came to be described in Congress circles as the greatest Viceroy and Governor-General this country ever had. The official date for handing over power was fixed for June 30, 1948, but Mountbatten with his ruthless surgery gave us a gift of vivisected India ten months in advance. This is what Gandhi had achieved after thirty years of undisputed dictatorship and this is what Congress party calls ‘freedom’ and ‘peaceful transfer of power’. The Hindu-Muslim unity bubble was finally burst and a theocratic state was established with the consent of Nehru and his crowd and they have called ‘freedom won by them with sacrifice’ – whose sacrifice? When top leaders of Congress, with the consent of Gandhi, divided and tore the country – which we consider a deity of worship – my mind was filled with direful anger.

One of the conditions imposed by Gandhi for his breaking of the fast unto death related to the mosques in Delhi occupied by the Hindu refugees. But when Hindus in Pakistan were subjected to violent attacks he did not so much as utter a single word to protest and censure the Pakistan Government or the Muslims concerned. Gandhi was shrewd enough to know that while undertaking a fast unto death, had he imposed for its break some condition on the Muslims in Pakistan , there would have been found hardly any Muslims who could have shown some grief if the fast had ended in his death. It was for this reason that he purposely avoided imposing any condition on the Muslims. He was fully aware of from the experience that Jinnah was not at all perturbed or influenced by his fast and the Muslim League hardly attached any value to the inner voice of Gandhi.

Gandhi is being referred to as the Father of the Nation. But if that is so, he had failed his paternal duty inasmuch as he has acted very treacherously to the nation by his consenting to the partitioning of it. I stoutly maintain that Gandhi has failed in his duty. He has proved to be the Father of Pakistan. His inner-voice, his spiritual power and his doctrine of non-violence of which so much is made of, all crumbled before Jinnah’s iron will and proved to be powerless. Briefly speaking, I thought to myself and foresaw I shall be totally ruined, and the only thing I could expect from the people would be nothing but hatred and that I shall have lost all my honour, even more valuable than my life, if I were to kill Gandhiji. But at the same time I felt that the Indian politics in the absence of Gandhiji would surely be proved practical, able to retaliate, and would be powerful with armed forces. No doubt, my own future would be totally ruined, but the nation would be saved from the inroads of Pakistan . People may even call me and dub me as devoid of any sense or foolish, but the nation would be free to follow the course founded on the reason which I consider to be necessary for sound nation-building.

After having fully considered the question, I took the final decision in the matter, but I did not speak about it to anyone whatsoever. I took courage in both my hands and I did fire the shots at Gandhiji on 30th January 1948, on the prayer-grounds of Birla House. I do say that my shots were fired at the person whose policy and action had brought rack and ruin and destruction to millions of Hindus. There was no legal machinery by which such an offender could be brought to book and for this reason I fired those fatal shots. I bear no ill will towards anyone individually but I do say that I had no respect for the present government owing to their policy which was unfairly favourable towards the Muslims. But at the same time I could clearly see that the policy was entirely due to the presence of Gandhi.

I have to say with great regret that Prime Minister Nehru quite forgets that his preachings and deeds are at times at variances with each other when he talks about India as a secular state in season and out of season, because it is significant to note that Nehru has played a leading role in the establishment of the theocratic state of Pakistan, and his job was made easier by Gandhi’s persistent policy of appeasement towards the Muslims. I now stand before the court to accept the full share of my responsibility for what I have done and the judge would, of course, pass against me such orders of sentence as may be considered proper. But I would like to add that I do not desire any mercy to be shown to me, nor do I wish that anyone else should beg for mercy on my behalf. My confidence about the moral side of my action has not been shaken even by the criticism levelled against it on all sides. I have no doubt that honest writers of history will weigh my act and find the true value thereof some day in future.

Day of assassination[edit]

Godse approached Gandhi on 30 January 1948 during the evening prayer at 5:17 pm. When Godse bowed, one of the girls flanking and supporting Gandhi, Abha Chattopadhyay, said to Godse, "Brother, Bapu is already late" and tried to put him off, but he pushed her aside and shot Gandhi in the chest three times at point-blank range with a Beretta M 1934 semi-automatic pistol chambered in .380 ACP bearing the serial number 606824.[11] Gandhi died a couple of hours later. Godse himself shouted "police" and surrendered himself.

Gandhi's last words[edit]

It is widely stated that Gandhiji invoked God saying, "Hey Rama" as he was assassinated.[12]

Trial and justice[edit]

All of those involved in the crime were arrested and tried in a trial that attracted considerable media attention. Those convicted were either executed or served their complete sentences.

Arrests[edit]

Some of the arrests were high-profile such as the arrest of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.[13][14][15][16]

Trials and convictions[edit]

The Accused were put on trial at Peterhoff, Shimla which housed the Punjab High Court.[17] Savarkar was acquitted and set free due to lack of evidence. The trial ran for eight months before Justice Atma Charan passed his final order on 10 February 1949. Eight men were convicted for the murder conspiracy, and others convicted for violation of the Explosive Substances Act. Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte were sentenced to death by hanging and the remaining six (including Godse's brother, Gopal) were sentenced to life imprisonment[18] although Dattatraya Parchure, who had been found guilty in the original trial was later acquitted on appeal.

Aftermath[edit]

Funeral procession of Gandhi, passing the India Gate, Delhi

Violent incidents took place in Pune, the hometown of Nathuram Godse. Violent incidents occurred in other parts of India as well.[19]

Previous attempts[edit]

First attempt[edit]

In 1944, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was in Pune along with his wife, Kasturba Gandhi, to deliver a speech at Corporation Auditorium. They were travelling in a motorcade of two cars. The car in which the couple was travelling was delayed and the first car reached the auditorium. Just when the first car arrived at the auditorium, a bomb was thrown, which exploded near the car. This caused grievous injury to the Chief Officer of the Pune Municipal Corporation, two policemen and seven others. Nevertheless, no account or records of the investigation nor arrests made can be found. Gandhi's secretary, Pyarelal Nayyar, believed that the attempt failed due to lack of planning and co-ordination.[20]

Second attempt[edit]

The second attempt on the life of Mohandas Gandhi may not have been an attempt to assassinate as much as a demonstration of anger by a young man who tried to bow down to Gandhi and was rejected. In May 1944, Gandhi was sent from Aga Khan Palace prison and soon after he contracted malaria. On the advice of doctors, he took a vacation to Panchgani, a hill station near Poona. During his stay at Panchgani, Gandhi was staying at Dilkush Bungalow. This group of 15–21 young men came to Panchgani after realising that Gandhi was staying there. This young crowd was led by Nathuram Godse.[citation needed]

However, by evening, during the prayer meeting, Nathuram Godse rushed towards Gandhi with a dagger shouting anti-Gandhi slogans. He was unable to reach Gandhi as he was overpowered by Mani Shankar Purohit (proprietor of Surti Lodge, Poona) and D. Bhilare Guruji of Satara (who later became a Congress legislator from Mahabaleshwar). The documentary evidence of this attack can be found in the depositions made by Mani Shankar Purohit and D. Bhilare Guruji before the Kapur Commission set up to investigate the assassination of Gandhi. However, the Kapur Commission rejected this theory as many of the close associates of Gandhi were not present during that time.[citation needed]

Third attempt[edit]

The third attempt was also a demonstration. However, people who testified before the Kapur Commission referred to it as an attempt at violence. Mohandas Gandhi began his talks with Mohammad Ali Jinnah on 9 September 1944 which lasted for 14 days. While leaving for Mumbai from Sevagram Ashram, a group of Hindu activists stopped him. They did not want him to go to Mumbai to hold talks with Jinnah, however, these protesters were stopped by volunteers of the ashram. The leader of this group, Nathuram Godse, was again found in possession of a dagger. The policeman who found the dagger then looked up to him and joked, "Why do you want to kill Gandhi? Let's leave it to the leaders themselves... perhaps (Veer) Savarkar will finish off the job!" At which Godse retorted, "Gandhi does not require such an honor. Even the jamadar (Fish) is enough for that."[citation needed] This incident has also been portrayed in the film Gandhi by Lord Richard Attenborough. However, it is not portrayed as an attempt to murder but as a peaceful demonstration in which the demonstrators were waving black flags.

Fourth attempt[edit]

A group photo of people accused in Gandhi's murder case. Standing: Shankar Kistaiya, Gopal Godse, Madanlal Pahwa, Digambar Badge (Approver). Sitting: Narayan Apte, Vinayak D. Savarkar, Nathuram Godse, Vishnu Karkare

On 20 January 1948, Madanlal Pahwa, Shankar Kistaiya, Digambar Badge, Vishnu Karkare, Gopal Godse, Nathuram Godse, and Narayan Apte came to Birla Bhavan (aka Birla House) in Delhi to carry out another attack on Mahatma Gandhi and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy.[21] Except for Madanlal Pahwa and Vishnu Karkare, everyone else reached the venue through the rear entrance in a cab. Madanlal Pahwa tried to bribe Choturam, the driver at Birla Bhavan, to let him go behind the podium to take pictures of Gandhi. However, Choturam became suspicious and asked Madanlal Pahwa why he needed photographs from behind, and inquired about the absence of a camera. Madanlal Pahwa instead left, making Choturam think he was going back to the taxi; however, he placed a cotton ball enclosing a bomb on the wall behind the podium and ignited it. The bomb went off without creating any panic. The team had left after abandoning Madanlal Pahwa.

Gandhi and Jinnah in Bombay, September 1944

On interrogation, Madanlal Pahwa admitted that he was part of a seven member gang who wanted to kill Gandhi. The plan was that Madanlal Pahwa would explode a bomb as close to the podium as possible while Digambar Bagde or Shankar Kishtaiyya would shoot Gandhi in the head during the ensuing panic and stampede, using the chaotic situation to cover their escape. (Vishnu Karkare was to compound the chaos by hurling hand grenades.) Faced with Choturam's suspicious attitude, Digambar Badge decided at the last minute not to act, and instructed Shankar Kishtaiyya (his servant) to also stand down.

Later, Madanlal Phawa led the police to the Marina Hotel where Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte had been staying and also to Sharief Hotel where all other gang members had been staying. Everyone had left by that time and the police were only able to recover some letters and clothes which had the initials "NVG" on it. By this time they were able to ascertain that the members of that team were from Maharashtra; however they were not able to establish the identity and the involvement of Nathuram Godse.

During the Gandhi murder trial, Madanlal Pahwa was identified by Mrs. Sulochana Devi, who had come to Birla Bhavan in search of her three-year old son (who used to play in the servant quarters). She was the fifteenth witness in the trial, and Surjeet Singh, the driver, was the fourteenth witness.

Legacy[edit]

Kapur Commission[edit]

Main article: Kapur Commission

On 12 November 1964,[citation needed] a religious programme was organised in Pune, to celebrate the release of the Gopal Godse, Madanlal Pahwa, Vishnu Karkare from jail after the expiry of their sentences. Dr. G. V. Ketkar, grandson of Bal Gangadhar Tilak,[22] former editor of Kesari and then editor of Tarun Bharat, who presided over the function, revealed six months before the actual event, that Nathuram Godse disclosed his ideas to kill Gandhi and was opposed by Ketkar. Ketkar said that he passed the information to Balukaka Kanitkar who conveyed it to the then Chief Minister of Bombay State, B. G. Kher. The Indian Express in its issue of 14 November 1964, commented adversely on Ketkar's conduct that Ketkar's fore-knowledge of the assassination of Gandhi added to the mystery of the circumstances preceding to the assassination. Ketkar was arrested. A public furore ensued both outside and inside the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly and both houses of the Indian parliament. There was a suggestion that there had been a deliberate dereliction of duty on the part of people in high authority, who failed to act responsibly even though they had information that could have prevented Gandhi's shooting. Under pressure of 29 members of parliament and public opinion the then Union home minister Gulzarilal Nanda, appointed Gopal Swarup Pathaka, M. P. and a senior advocate of the Supreme Court of India, in charge of inquiry of conspiracy to murder Gandhi. Since both Kanitkar and Kher were deceased, the central government intended on conducting a thorough inquiry with the help of old records in consultation with the government of Maharashtra, Pathak was given three months to conduct his inquiry. But as Pathak was appointed a central minister and then governor of Mysore state, the commission of inquiry was reconstituted and Jevanlal Kapur a retired judge of the Supreme Court of India was appointed to conduct the inquiry.[23]

Reappraisal of Savarkar's role[edit]

Kapur commission also examined Savarkar's role in the assassination. Godse had claimed full responsibility for planning and carrying out the attack, in absence of an independent corroboration of the prosecution witness Digambar Badge's evidence implicating Savarkar directly, the court exonerated him citing insufficient evidence. According to Badge, on 17 January 1948, Nathuram Godse went to have a last darshan of Savarkar in Bombay before the assassination. While Badge and Shankar waited outside, Nathuram and Apte went in. On coming out Apte told Badge that Savarkar blessed them "Yashasvi houn ya" ("यशस्वी होऊन या" return victorious). Apte also said that Savarkar predicted that Gandhiji's 100 years were over and there was no doubt that the task would be successfully finished.[24][25] However Badge’s testimony was not accepted as it lacked independent corroboration. This was later corroborated by the testimony of two of Savarkar's close aides – Appa Ramachandra Kasar, his bodyguard, and Gajanan Vishnu Damle, his secretary, who had not testified in the original trial but later testified before the Justice Kapur commission set up in 1965. Kasar told the Kapur Commission that they visited him on or about 23 or 24 January, which was when they returned from Delhi after the bomb incident. Damle deposed that Godse and Apte saw Savarkar in the middle of January and sat with him (Savarkar) in his garden. Justice Kapur concluded: "All these facts taken together were destructive of any theory other than the conspiracy to murder by Savarkar and his group."[26][27]

Is it true that on the day of the bomb blast during the search of the room at Marina Hotel clothes were found bearing the initials N.V.G. – Nathuram Vinayak Godse -? On the basis of which the police went to Bombay and requested the Bombay police to look for this person, the Bombay police assured the Delhi police to do the needful and asked them to return, but did nothing. Is it true that the Bombay Police failed in tracing Nathuram Vinayak Godse?

— Balkrishna Sharma, during the debate on murder of Mahatma Gandhi in the Constituent Assembly of India.

To comment on matters under investigation is both difficult and unwarranted. I can only say that after the arrest and interrogation of the bomber, an officer of Delhi police went to Bombay and briefed the C.I.D. in Bombay. After the briefing, it was decided that some people should be arrested but to arrest them immediately would lead to the other conspirators going underground. So the Delhi police and Bombay C.I.D. decided to defer the arrests for some time to enable them to uncover the conspiracy and all who were involved in it. It is true that the police were on a look out for them but all of them were not in Bombay

Sardar Patel, during the debate on murder of Mahatma Gandhi in the Constituent Assembly of India.

If I am to die by the bullet of a mad man, I must do so smiling. There must be no anger within me. God must be in my heart and on my lips.


Mohandas K. Gandhi, 28 January 1948, two days prior to his assassination.

In media[edit]

Several books, plays and movies have been produced about the event.

  • May It Please Your Honor is a book by Nathuram Godse.
  • Me Nathuram Godse Boltoy is a controversial Marathi play about the event. It was briefly banned by the Shiv Sena+BJP ruled State of Maharashtra in 1999 upon directions from the BJP led Central Government.
  • Gandhi vs. Gandhi is Marathi play that has been translated in several languages. Its primary plot is the relationship between Gandhi and his estranged son but it also deals briefly with the assassination.
  • Why I Killed Gandhi is a publication that contains the original transcript of Nathuram Godse's defence in the trial.
  • Nine Hours to Rama is a 1963 British movie based on Stanley Wolpert's novel of the same name, which is a fictional account of the final nine hours leading up to Gandhi's assassination.
  • Gandhi and the Unspeakable: His Final Experiment with Truth by James Douglass is a non-fiction book that seeks to understand not only the facts of the murder but its importance in the larger struggle between non-violence and violence.
  • Hey Ram (2000) - a Tamil-Hindi by Kamal Haasan about a fictitious plot to kill Gandhi by a man devastated by partition riots and his change of heart even as the real-life plot succeeds.
  • In the 1982 film Gandhi, the actor Harsh Nayyar portrayed Godse

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Godse Last Speech Part hitesh joshi1". votebankpolitics.com of Shri Gopal Vinayak Godse, brother of Shri Nathuram Vinayak Godse and http://satyabhashnam.blogspot.com. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  2. ^ Gandhi, Tushar (2012). Lets Kill Gandhi. Mumbai: Rupa Publications. ISBN 8129128942. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  3. ^ Godse, Nana. Godse - Official Websiteramgodse.com/views-e.html "The views of Nathuram Godse". menathuramgodse.com Godse - Official Website. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  4. ^ a b Vaidya, Chunibhai; Samiti, Gujarat Lok. "Assassination of Gandhi - The Facts Behind". mkgandhi.org website - Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal / Gandhi Book Centre. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  5. ^ Hazra, Sugato (5 November 2013). "Whose Patel is he really?". Millenium Post. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  6. ^ Lal, Vinay. Gandhi's last fast (July - September 1989 ed.). Gandhi Marg. pp. 171–187. 
  7. ^ Yadav, Professor Yogendra. "The Facts of 55 Crores and Mahatma Gandhi". gandhiking.ning.com Research Foundation / Gandhi-King Community. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  8. ^ "Excerpts From Nathuram Godse's Deposition Before Justice Atma Charan of the Special Court" (January 2006). Janasangh Today. January 2006. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  9. ^ Overdof, Jason (5 February 2009). "Analysis: The man who killed Gandhi". Global Post. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  10. ^ "Nathuram Godse's deposition in the red Fort Court case (November 8, 1948) - Items 15 to 47". Indian Court Records. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  11. ^ "Beretta M 1934 No.606824 – Most Infamous Weapon in Mankind's History". punjabjalandhar.info. 18 March 2012. Retrieved 15 October 2012. 
  12. ^ The First Infor [http://www.academia.edu/303908/Gandhis_inaudible_last_words Gandhi's Inaudible Last Words
  13. ^ How Savarkar escaped the gallows thehindu.com. Retrieved 3 February 2013
  14. ^ http://www.savarkar.org/en/biography/charges-framed-against-savarkar-mahatma-gandhi-murder-case
  15. ^ Savarkar and Gandhi frontlineonnet.com. Retrieved 5 February 2013
  16. ^ The BJP and Nathuram Godse frontlineonnet.com. Retrieved 5 February 2013
  17. ^ "Nathuram Godse was tried at Peterhoff Shimla in Gandhi Murder Case". IANS. Biharprabha News. Retrieved 30 January 2014. 
  18. ^ Menon, Vinod Kumar (30 January 2014). "Revealed: The secret room where Godse was kept after killing Gandh". Mid-Day. Retrieved 18 June 2014. 
  19. ^ http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/gandhiji-shot-dead-the-hindu-january-31-1948/article4358055.ece
  20. ^ Pyarelal Nayyar, Mahatma Gandhi – The Last Phase, Navajivan, (1956). ISBN 0-85283-112-9
  21. ^ Turning Crown's evidence at trial, Digamber Badge stated that the explosion was meant to create a distraction while Gandhi and Suhrawardy would be "finished off""Gandhi conspiracy trial: informer's evidence". The Times. 22 July 1948. p. 3. Retrieved 27 January 2011. 
  22. ^ "Interview: K. Ketkar". University of Cambridge, Centre of South Asian Studies. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 
  23. ^ Jain, Jagdishchandra (1987). Gandhi the forgotten Mahatma. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. ISBN 81-7099-037-8. 
  24. ^ Abdul Gafoor Abdul Majeed Noorani (2002) Savarkar and Hindutva: the Godse connection LeftWord Books, ISBN 81-87496-28-2, ISBN 978-81-87496-28-1 p. 4 & 114
  25. ^ Mahatma Gandhi—the last phase, Volume 2 Navajivan Pub. House, 1958 p.752
  26. ^ Noorani, A G (15–28 March 2003). "Savarkar and Gandhi". FrontLine. The Hindu. Retrieved 27 January 2011. 
  27. ^ Rajesh Ramchandran The Mastermind? Outlook Magazine 6 September 2004

Further reading[edit]

  • Tushar A. Gandhi; 'LET'S KILL GANDHI!' – A Chronicle of His Last Days, the Conspiracy, Murder, Investigation and Trial
  • Could Gandhi be Saved? by Bal Patil
  • Main Bapu ko na bacha saka by Prof. J C Jain, Chief Prosecution Witness in Gandhi Murder Trial.
  • "The Men who Killed Gandhi" by Manohar Malgonkar
  • K. L. Gauba's Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi
  • J. L. Kapur Commission of Inquiry into the Conspiracy to Murder Mahatma Gandhi
  • G. D. Khosla Murder of the Mahatma
  • Pyarelal Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase
  • "Gandhi Murder Trial" by Tapan Ghosh
  • P. L. Inamdar The Story of the Red Fort Trial: 1948–49
  • "காந்தி புன்னகைக்கிறார்" மாதவராசு, பாரதி புத்தகாலயம், சென்னை (In Tamil)

External links[edit]

Coordinates: 28°36′04.6″N 77°12′49.4″E / 28.601278°N 77.213722°E / 28.601278; 77.213722