Baekje at its height in 375.
(18 BC – 475 AD)
(Part of Old Korean)
|-||18 BC – 28 AD||Onjo|
|-||Campaigns of King Geunchogo||346–375|
|-||Introduction of Buddhism||385|
|-||Fall of Sabi||July 18, 660 AD|
|-||660 est.||3,800,000|
|Today part of|| South Korea
|Part of a series on the|
|History of Korea|
|Wiman Joseon||194–108 BC|
|Goguryeo||37 BC – 668 AD|
|Baekje||18 BC – 660 AD|
|Silla||57 BC – 935 AD|
|North and South States|
|Later Three Kingdoms|
|Silla||57 BC – 935 AD|
|Unitary dynastic period|
|Division of Korea|
|Monarchs of Korea
Baekje or Paekche (Hangul: 백제; hanja: 百濟, Korean pronunciation: [pɛktɕ͈e]) (18 BC – 660 AD) was a kingdom located in southwest Korea. It was one of the Three Kingdoms of Korea, together with Goguryeo and Silla.
Baekje was founded by Onjo, the third son of Goguryeo's founder Jumong and So Seo-no, at Wiryeseong (present-day southern Seoul). Baekje, like Goguryeo, claimed to succeed Buyeo, a state established in present-day Manchuria around the time of Gojoseon's fall.
Baekje alternately battled and allied with Goguryeo and Silla as the three kingdoms expanded control over the peninsula. At its peak in the 4th century, Baekje controlled most of the western Korean peninsula, as far north as Pyongyang, and may have even held territories in China, such as in Liaoxi, though this is controversial. It became a significant regional sea power, with political and trade relations with China and Japan.
- 1 History
- 2 Social and political structure
- 3 Language and culture
- 4 Foreign relations
- 5 Legacy
- 6 See also
- 7 Notes
- 8 External links
According to the Samguk Sagi, Baekje was founded in 18 BC by King Onjo, who led a group of people from Goguryeo south to the Han River basin. According to the Chinese Records of the Three Kingdoms, during the Samhan period, one of the chiefdoms of the Mahan confederacy was called Baekje.
The Samguk Sagi provides a detailed account of Baekje's founding. Jumong had left his son Yuri in Buyeo when he left that kingdom to establish the new kingdom of Goguryeo. Jumong became Divine King Dongmyeong, and had two more sons with So Seo-no, Onjo and Biryu. When Yuri later arrived in Goguryeo, Jumong promptly made him the crown prince. Realizing Yuri would become the next king, So Seo-no left Goguryeo, taking her two sons Biryu and Onjo south to found their own kingdoms with their people, along with ten vassals. She is remembered as a key figure in the founding of both Goguryeo and Baekje.
Onjo settled in Wiryeseong (present-day Hanam), and called his country Sipje (십제, 十濟, meaning "Ten Vassals"), while Biryu settled in Michuhol (present-day Incheon), against the vassals' advice. The salty water and marshes in Michuhol made settlement difficult, while the people of Wiryeseong lived prosperously.
Biryu then went to his brother Onjo, asking for the throne of Sipje. When Onjo refused, Biryu declared war, but lost. In shame, Biryu committed suicide, and his people moved to Wiryeseong, where King Onjo welcomed them and renamed his country Baekje ("Hundred Vassals").
King Onjo moved the capital from the south to the north of the Han river, and then south again, probably all within present Seoul, under pressure from other Mahan states. King Gaeru is believed to have moved the capital north of the river to Bukhansanseong in 132, probably in present-day Goyang to the northwest of Seoul.
During the reign of King Goi (234–286), Baekje became a full-fledged kingdom, as it continued consolidating the Mahan confederacy. In 249, according to the ancient Japanese text Nihonshoki, Baekje's expansion reached the Gaya confederacy to its east, around the Nakdong River valley. Baekje is first described in Chinese records as a kingdom in 345. The first diplomatic missions from Baekje reached Japan around 367 (According to the Nihon Shoki : 247).
King Geunchogo (346–375) expanded Baekje's territory to the north through war against Goguryeo, while annexing the remaining Mahan societies in the south. During Geunchogo's reign, the territories of Baekje included most of the western Korean Peninsula (except the two Pyeongan provinces), and in 371, Baekje defeated Goguryeo at Pyongyang. Baekje continued substantial trade with Goguryeo, and actively adopted Chinese culture and technology. Buddhism became the official state religion in 384.
Baekje also became a sea power and continued mutual goodwill relationships with the Japanese rulers of the Kofun period, transmitting continental cultural influences to Japan. The Chinese writing system, Buddhism, advanced pottery, ceremonial burial, and other aspects of culture were introduced by aristocrats, artisans, scholars, and monks throughout their relationship.
During this period, the Han River basin remained the heartland of the country.
In the 5th century, Baekje retreated under the southward military threat of Goguryeo, and in 475, the Seoul region fell to Goguryeo. Baekje's capital was located at Ungjin (present-day Gongju) from 475 to 538.
Isolated in mountainous terrain, the new capital was secure against the north but also disconnected from the outside world. It was closer to Silla than Wiryeseong had been, however, and a military alliance was forged between Silla and Baekje against Goguryeo.
In 538, King Seong moved the capital to Sabi (present-day Buyeo County), and rebuilt his kingdom into a strong state. From this time, the official name of the country was Nambuyeo ("Southern Buyeo"), a reference to Buyeo to which Baekje traced its origins. The Sabi Period witnessed the flowering of Baekje culture, alongside the growth of Buddhism.
Under pressure from Goguryeo to the north and Silla to the east, Seong sought to strengthen Baekje's relationship with China. The location of Sabi, on the navigable Geum River, made contact with China much easier, and both trade and diplomacy flourished during his reign and continuing on into the 7th century.
In the 7th century, with the growing influence of Silla in the southern and central Korean peninsula, Baekje began its decline.
Fall and restoration movement
In 660, the coalition troops of Silla and Tang of China attacked Baekje, which was then allied with Goguryeo. A heavily outmanned army led by General Gyebaek was defeated in the Battle of Hwangsanbeol near Nonsan. The capital Sabi fell almost immediately thereafter, resulting in the annexation of Baekje by Silla. King Uija and his son Buyeo Yung were sent into exile in China while at least some of the ruling class fled to Japan.
Baekje forces attempted a brief restoration movement but faced Silla-Tang joint forces. A Buddhist monk Dochim (도침, 道琛) and the former Baekje general Buyeo Boksin rose to try to revive Baekje. They welcomed the Baekje prince Buyeo Pung back from Japan to serve as king, with Juryu (주류, 周留, in modern Seocheon County, South Chungcheong) as their headquarters. They put the Tang general Liu Renyuan (劉仁願) under siege in Sabi. Emperor Gaozong sent the general Liu Rengui, who had previously been demoted to commoner rank for offending Li Yifu, with a relief force, and Liu Rengui and Liu Renyuan were able to fight off the Baekje resistance forces' attacks, but were themselves not strong enough to quell the rebellion, and so for some time the armies were in stalemate.
Baekje requested Japanese aid, and King Pung returned to Baekje with a contingent of 5,000 soldiers. Before the ships from Japan arrived, his forces battled a contingent of Tang forces in Ungjin County.
In 663, Baekje revival forces and a Japanese naval fleet convened in southern Baekje to confront the Silla forces in the Battle of Baekgang. The Tang dynasty also sent 7,000 soldiers and 170 ships. After five naval confrontations that took place in August 663 at Baekgang, considered the lower reaches of Geum River or Dongjin river, the Silla-Tang forces emerged victorious, and Buyeo Pung escaped to Goguryeo.
Social and political structure
The establishment of a centralized state in Baekje is usually traced to the reign of King Goi, who may have first established patrilineal succession. Like most monarchies, a great deal of power was held by the aristocracy. King Seong, for example, strengthened royal power, but after he was slain in a disastrous campaign against Silla, the nobles took much of that power away from his son.
The Hae clan and the Jin clan were the representative royal houses who had considerable power from the early period of Baekje, and they produced many queens over several generations. The Hae clan was probably the royal house before the Buyeo clan replaced them, and both clans appear descended from the lineage of Buyeo and Goguryeo. Eight clans (Sa, Yeon, Hyeop, Hae, Jin, Guk, Mok, and Baek) were powerful nobles in the Sabi era, recorded in Chinese records such as Tongdian.
Central government officials were divided into sixteen ranks, the six members of the top rank forming a type of cabinet, with the top official being elected every three years. In the Sol rank, the first (Jwapyeong) through the sixth (Naesol) officials were political, administrative, and military commanders. In the Deok rank, the seventh (Jangdeok) through the eleventh (Daedeok) officials may have headed each field. Mundok, Mudok, Jwagun, Jinmu and Geuku from the twelfth to the sixteenth, may have been military administrators.
According to the Samguk Yusa, during the Sabi period, the chief minister (Jaesang) of Baekje was chosen by a unique system. The names of several candidates were placed under a rock (Cheonjeongdae) near Hoamsa temple. After a few days, the rock was moved and the candidate whose name had a certain mark was chosen as the new chief minister. Whether this was a form of selection-by-lot or a covert selection by the elite is not clear.
Language and culture
Baekje was established by immigrants from Goguryeo who spoke what could be a Buyeo language, a hypothetical group linking the languages of Gojoseon, Buyeo, Goguryeo, and Baekje. In a case of diglossia, the indigenous Samhan people, having migrated in an earlier wave from the same region, probably spoke a variation or dialect of the same language. (See Baekje language.)
Baekje artists adopted many Chinese influences and synthesized them into a unique artistic tradition. Buddhist themes are extremely strong in Baekje artwork. The beatific Baekje smile found on many Buddhist sculptures expresses the warmth typical of Baekje art. Taoist influences are also widespread. Chinese artisans were sent to the kingdom by the Liang Dynasty in 541, and this may have given rise to an increased Chinese influence in the Sabi period.
The tomb of King Muryeong (501–523), although modeled on Chinese brick tombs and yielding some imported Chinese objects, also contained many funerary objects of the Baekje tradition, such as the gold crown ornaments, gold belts, and gold earrings. Mortuary practices also followed the unique tradition of Baekje. This tomb is seen as a representative tomb of the Ungjin period.
Delicate lotus designs of the roof-tiles, intricate brick patterns, curves of the pottery style, and flowing and elegant epitaph writing characterize Baekje culture. The Buddhist sculptures and refined pagodas reflect religion-inspired creativity. A splendid gilt-bronze incense burner (백제금동대향로 Baekje Geumdong Daehyeongno) excavated from an ancient Buddhist temple site at Neungsan-ri, Buyeo County, exemplifies Baekje art.
Little is known of Baekje music, but local musicians were sent with tribute missions to China in the 7th century, indicating that a distinctive musical tradition had developed by that time.
Relations with China
In 372, King Geunchogo paid tribute to the Jin Dynasty of China, located in the basin of the Yangtze River. After the fall of Jin and the establishment of Song Dynasty in 420, Baekje sent envoys seeking cultural goods and technologies.
Baekje sent an envoy to Northern Wei of Northern Dynasties for the first time in 472, and King Gaero asked for military aid to attack Goguryeo. Kings Muryeong and Seong sent envoys to Liang several times and received titles of nobility.
Tomb of King Muryeong is built with bricks according with Liang's tomb style.
Baekje's presence on the continent
According to the Book of Song, “Goguryeo came to conquer and occupy Liaodong (遼東), and Baekje came to occupy Liaoxi (遼西) (in modern Tangshan, Hebei); the place that came to be governed by Baekje was called the Jinpyeong (Jinping) District, Jinpyeong (Jinping) County.” The records of Book of Jin on Murong Huang states that the alliance of Goguryeo, Baekje, and a Xianbei tribe took military action. The Samguk Sagi records that these battles occurred during the reign of King Micheon of Goguryeo (309-331).
The Zizhi Tongjian, compiled by Sima Guang (1019–1086) of the Song Dynasty (960-1279), states that in 346, Baekje invaded Buyeo, located at Lushan, and as a result the people of the country were scattered westward toward Yan. That year was the first year of the King Geunchogo’s reign (346-375) in Baekje.
The nearly contemporary record of the Book of Qi, as well as the later Zizhi Tongjian, state that a Northern Wei (386-534) army, composed of 100,000 cavalry, attacked Baekje but were defeated in 488. This account is confirmed by the Samguk-sagi records on the tenth year of King Dongseong’s reign (488). Since such an army could not have travelled from northern China to the southwestern corner of the Korean peninsula without passing through the hostile and powerful Goguryeo (in the reign of King Jangsu of Goguryeo (413-491)), without being recorded in contemporary chronicles, the “Baekje” in those records must refer to Baekje presence on the other side of Goguryeo, in Liaoxi.
The Book of Qi also records that in 495 Baekje's King Dongseong requested honorary titles for the generals who repulsed the Wei attack. The titles given by the Southern Qi court carried the names of their domains that sounded like some Liaoxi areas, such as Guangling, Qinghe, Chengyang, etc.
- The boundary of Baekje begins from the present-day Guangning and Jinyi provinces in the northwest and then crosses the sea in an easterly direction to arrive at the Joseon’s Hwanghae, Chungcheong, Jeolla, etc. provinces. Running east to west, Baekje’s territory is narrow; running north to south, it is long. Thus it occurs that if one looks at Baekje’s territory from the Liucheng and Beiping area, Silla is located in the southeast of Baekje, but if one looks from the Gyeongsang and Ungjin area of Baekje, Silla is located in the northeast. Baekje also borders Mohe in the north. Its royal capital has two castles at two different places in the east and west. Both castles are called “Goma.” The Book of Song says that the place governed by Baekje was called the Jinping district of the Jinping province. Tong-gao says that the Jinping province was located between Liucheng and Beiping of the Tang period.
Hence one of Baekje’s capitals was located in “Liaoxi,” and the other inside the "Joseon" provinces. It was during the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang that Baekje relocated its capital to southern Korea.
Both the Old and the New History of Tang say that the old Baekje territories were divided up and taken by Silla and Balhae. If Baekje was limited to the southwestern corner of the Korean peninsula, then it would have been impossible for the Balhae to occupy any of the old Baekje territories.
The Silla scholar and alleged Sinocentrist Choi Chi-won (857-?) wrote that “Goguryeo and Baekje at the height of their strength maintained strong armies numbering one million persons, and invaded Wu and Yue in the south and You, Yan, Qi, and Lu in the north of the mainland China, making grave nuisances to the Middle Kingdom”.
According to these records, Baekje must have held the Liao-xi province for more than a hundred years.
Relations with Japan
Cultural Impact and Military assistance
To confront the military pressure of Goguryeo to its north and Silla to its east, Baekje (Kudara in Japanese) established close relations with Japan. According to the Korean chronicle Samguk Sagi, Baekje and Silla sent some princes to the Japanese court as hostages. Whether the princes sent to Japan should be interpreted as diplomats as part of an embassy or literal hostages is debated. Due to the confusion on the exact nature of this relationship (the question of whether the Baekje Koreans were family or at least close to the Japanese Imperial line or whether they were hostages) and the fact that the Nihon Shoki, a primary source of material for this relationship, is a compilation of myth, makes it difficult to evaluate. The Samguk Sagi, which also documents this, can also be interpreted in various ways and at any rate it was rewritten in the 13th century, easily seven or eight centuries after these particular events took place. Adding to the confusion is the discovery (in Japan) that the "Inariyama sword, as well as some other swords discovered in Japan, utilized the Korean 'Idu' system of writing." The swords "originated in Paekche and that the kings named in their inscriptions represent Paekche kings rather than Japanese kings." The techniques for making these swords were the apparently similar to styles from Korea, specifically from Baekje. In Japan, the hostage interpretation is dominant.
Other historians, such as those who collaborated on 'Paekche of Korea and the Origin of Yamato Japan' and Jonathan W. Best, who helped translate what was left of the Baekje annals, have noted that these princes set up schools in Yamato Japan and took control of the Japanese naval forces during the war with Goguryeo, taking this as evidence of them being more along the lines of diplomats with some kind of familial tie to the Japanese imperial family and as evidence against any hostage status. In addition, the translation of the old documents is difficult because in the past, the term "Wa" was derogatory, meaning "midget" or "dwarf," which was a reference to the perceived smaller stature of the average Japanese in ancient times. As a result, it is difficult to assess what is truly being stated, particularly in records made in Korea after the fall of Baekje, as the reference to Yamato Wa (Japan) could have been a derogatory statement by a rival nation (specifically Silla).
As is with many long-past histories and competing records, very little can be definitively concluded. Further research has been difficult, in part due to the 1976 restriction on the study of royal tombs in Japan (to include tombs such as the Gosashi tomb, which is allegedly the resting place of Empress Jingu). Prior to 1976, foreign researchers did have access, and some found Korean artifacts in Japanese dig sites. Recently in 2008, Japan has allowed controlled limited access to foreign archaeologists, but the international community still has many unanswered questions. National Geographic has written that Japan "the agency has kept access to the tombs restricted, prompting rumors that officials fear excavation would reveal bloodline links between the "pure" imperial family and Korea—or that some tombs hold no royal remains at all."
In any case, these Koreans, diplomats and royal relatives or not, brought to Japan knowledge of the Chinese writing system, Buddhism, iron processing for weapons, and various other technologies. In exchange, Japan provided military support.
The History of the Three Kingdoms and Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms cite some of the Baekje royal family's descendants and some nobles as dignitaries in the Japanese court, maintaining Korean influence and ensuring the continuation of the Yamato alliance, as in the time of Emperor Yomei, when the Buddhist temple of Horyuji was constructed. It is also known that Muryeong of Baekje, the twenty-fifth king of Baekje, was born in Japan.
According to mythical accounts in the controversial Nihon Shoki, Empress Jingū extracted tribute and pledges of allegiance from the kings of Baekje, Silla, and Goguryeo. At the height of Japanese nationalism in the early 20th century, Japanese historians used these mythical accounts along with a passage in the Gwanggaeto Stele to establish ideological rationale to the imperialist outcry for invasion of Korea. Other historians have pointed out that there is no evidence of this Japanese account in any part of Korea, in addition to not being in any viable text in China or Korea. Regarding the Gwanggaeto Stele, because the lack of syntax and punctuation the text can be interpreted 4 different ways, one which states that Korea crossed the water and subjugated Yamato. Due to this problem in interpretation, nothing can be concluded. Also complicating the matter is that in the Nihongi a Korean named Amenohiboko is described in Nihon Shoki as a maternal predecessor of Tajima-no-morosuku (但馬諸助?), This is highly inconsistent and difficult to interpret correctly.
Scholars believe that the Nihon Shoki gives the invasion date of Silla and Baekje as the late 4th century. However, by this time, Japan was a confederation of local tribes without sophisticated iron weapons, while the Three Kingdoms of Korea were fully developed centralized powers with modern iron weapons and were already utilizing horses for warfare. It is very unlikely that a developing state such as Yamato had the capacity to cross the sea and engage in battles with Baekje and Silla. The Nihon Shoki is widely regarded to be an unreliable and biased source of information on early relations with Korea, as it mixes heavy amounts of supposition and legend with facts.
Some Japanese scholars interpret the Gwanggaeto Stele, erected in 414 by King Jangsu of Goguryeo, as describing a Japanese invasion in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula. However, Mohan claims that Goguryeo fabricated the Japanese invasion in order to justify its conquest of Baekje. If this stele was a dedication to a Korean king, it can be argued that it would logically highlight Korea's conquests and not dedicate it to a strange incident regarding Japan. In any case, because of these various possible interpretations, the circumstances surrounding the stele are still highly debated and inconclusive.
Chinese scholars participated in the study of the Stele during the 1980s. Wang Jianqun interviewed local farmers and decided that no intentional fabrication occurred, adding that the lime on the Stele was pasted by local copy-making workers to enhance readability. Xu Jianxin of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences discovered the earliest rubbed copy which was made before 1881. He also concluded that there was no evidence the Japanese had intentionally damaged any of the characters on the Stele.
Today, most Chinese and Japanese scholars contradict the conspiracy theories, based on the study of the Stele itself and advocate Japanese intervention in the era, although its size and effect are disputed.
In the project of writing a common history textbook, Kim Tae-sik of Hongik University (Korea) denied Japan's theory. But, Kōsaku Hamada of Kyushu University (Japan) reported their interpretations of the Gwanggaeto Stele text, neither of them adopting the intentionally damaged stele theory in their interpretations.
The fall of Baekje and the military support from Japan
Some members of the Baekje nobility and royalty emigrated to Japan even before the kingdom was overthrown. In response to Baekje's request, Japan in 663 sent the general Abe no Hirafu with 20,000 troops and 1,000 ships to revive Baekje with Buyeo Pung (known in Japanese as Hōshō), a son of Uija of Baekje who had been an emissary to Japan. Around August 661, 10,000 soldiers and 170 ships, led by Abe no Hirafu, arrived. Additional Japanese reinforcement, including 27,000 soldiers led by Kamitsukeno no Kimi Wakako and 10,000 soldiers led by Iohara no Kimi also arrived at Baekje in 662.
This attempt, however, failed at the battle of Baekgang, and the prince escaped to Goguryeo. According to the Nihon Shoki, 400 Japanese ships were lost in the battles. Only half of the troops were able to return to Japan.
The Japanese army retreated to Japan with many Baekje refugees. The former royal family members were initially treated as "foreign guests" (蕃客) and were not incorporated into the political system of Japan for some time. Buyeo Pung's younger brother Sun-gwang (Zenkō in Japanese) (善光 or 禅広) used the family name Kudara no Konikishi ("King of Baekje") (百濟王) (they are also called the Kudara clan, as Baekje was called Kudara in Japanese). The mother of Emperor Kammu (737-806) was Takano no Niigasa, a descendant of King Muryeong of Baekje. Emperor Kammu treated the Kudara no Konikishi clan as his "relatives by marriage". Baekje royalty are also the ancestors of the Ouchi clan, the Sue clan, Soga clan[dead link] and others.
Baekje was briefly revived in the Later Three Kingdoms of Korea period, as Unified Silla collapsed. In 892, General Gyeon Hwon established Hubaekje (“Later Baekje”), based in Wansan (present-day Jeonju). Hubaekje was overthrown in 936 by King Taejo of Goryeo.
In contemporary South Korea, Baekje relics are often symbolic of the local cultures of the southwest, especially in Chungnam and Jeolla. The gilt-bronze incense burner, for example, is a key symbol of Buyeo County, and the Baekje-era Buddhist rock sculpture of Seosan Maaesamjonbulsang is an important symbol of Seosan City.
- Crown of Baekje
- Index of Korea-related articles
- List of Baekje researchers
- List of Baekje monarchs
- List of monarchies
- "Korean Buddhism Basis of Japanese Buddhism," Seoul Times, June 18, 2006; "Buddhist Art of Korea & Japan," Asia Society Museum; "Kanji," JapanGuide.com; "Pottery," MSN Encarta; Archived 2009-10-31.
- Il-yeon: Samguk Yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, translated by Tae-Hung Ha and Grafton K. Mintz. Book Two, page 121. Silk Pagoda (2006). ISBN 1-59654-348-5
- 宋書 列傳 夷蠻 東夷 百濟國 高麗略有遼東 百濟略有遼西 百濟所治 謂之晋平郡晋平縣
- 三國史記 高句麗本紀 美川王 十四年 侵樂浪郡 十五年...南侵帶方郡 二十年 我及殷氏宇文氏 使共攻慕容廆 二十一年...遣兵寇遼東 晋書卷一百九 載記第九 慕容皝 句麗百濟及宇文殷部之人 皆兵勢所徙
- 梁書 列傳 東夷 百濟 晋世句麗旣略有遼東 百濟亦據有遼西 晋平二郡地矣 自置百濟郡
- 資治通鑑 晋紀 穆帝 永和二年 春正月...初 夫餘居于鹿山 爲百濟所侵 部落衰散 西徙近燕 而不設備 燕王皝 遣世子儁 帥慕容軍 慕容恪 慕容根三將軍 萬七千騎 襲夫餘 (二: 326)
- 資治通鑑 齊紀 武帝永明六年十二月 魏遣兵擊百濟 爲百濟所敗...晉世句麗略有遼東百濟亦據有遼西晉平二郡也 (二: 1159)
南齊書 列傳 東夷 百濟國 魏虜又發騎數十萬攻百濟入其界 牟大遣將...率衆襲擊虜軍 大破之 建武二年 牟大遣使上表曰...臣遣...等領軍逆討 三國史記 百濟本紀 東城王 十年 魏遣兵來伐 爲我所敗
- 南齊書 百濟國 . . .牟大又表曰 臣所遣行...廣陽太守...廣陵太守 淸河太守 ... 詔可...除太守 ... 城陽太守 ... 詔可 竝賜軍號
- 欽定滿洲源流考 卷九 疆域二 百濟諸城 ... 謹案 ... 百濟之境 西北自今廣甯錦義 南踰海 蓋 東極 朝鮮之黃海忠淸全羅等道 東西狹而南北長 自柳城北平計 之則 新羅在其東南 自慶尙熊津 計之則 新羅在其東北 其北亦與 勿吉爲隣也 王都有東西兩城 號 固麻城 亦曰居拔城 以滿洲語考 之 固麻爲格們之轉音 居拔蓋滿 洲語之卓巴言 二處也 二城皆王 都 故皆以固麻名之 宋書言百濟 所治謂之 晉平郡晉平縣 通考云 在唐柳城北平之間則國都在遼西 而朝鮮全州境內又有俱拔故城殆 梁天監時[502-19] 遷居南韓之 城 歟唐顯慶中[656-60]分爲 五都督府曰 ... 東明爲百濟之祖 自槀離渡河以之名地當與槀離國 相近考 遼史 槀離爲鳳州韓州 皆在今開原境則東明都督府之設 亦應與開原相邇矣 ... 唐書又言 後爲新羅渤海靺鞨所分百濟遂絶
金史 地理上 廣寧府本遼顯州 ... 廣寧有遼世宗顯陵
遼史 地理志二 東京道 顯州 ... 奉顯陵...置醫巫閭山絶頂築堂曰望海...穆宗葬世宗於顯陵西山...有十三山
欽定滿洲源流考 卷十四 山川一
元一統志 十三山在廣寧府南一 百十里 ... 在今錦縣東七十五里 卷十五 山川二 ... 明統志 大凌河源出大甯自義州西六十里入境南流經廣寧左右屯衛入海
欽定滿洲源流考 卷十一 疆域四 遼東北地界 遼史 顯州 ... 本漢無盧縣卽醫巫閭 ... 自錦州八十里至... 元一統志 乾州故城在廣甯府西南七里
- 欽定 滿洲源流考 卷三 部族 百濟 ... 通典 [卷一百八十五 邊方典一]... 晋時句麗旣略有遼東 百濟亦略有遼西晋平 唐柳城北平之閒 ... 元史 ... 唐柳城北平之間實今錦州
- 舊唐書 列傳 東夷 百濟 ... 其地自此爲新羅及渤海靺鞨所分百濟之種遂絶
新唐書 列傳 東夷 百濟 ... 而其地已新羅及 渤海靺鞨所分 百濟遂絶
- 三國史記 下 卷第四十六 列傳 第六 崔致遠 ...高麗百濟全盛之時 强兵百萬 南侵吳越 北撓幽燕齊魯 爲中國巨蠹
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|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Baekje.|
- Baekje History & Culture Hall maintained by South Chungcheong Province of South Korea
- Buyeo National Museum
- Gongju National Museum
- Baekje Research Institute eatablished in Chungnam National University