The Ballot or the Bullet

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Malcolm X, March 1964

"The Ballot or the Bullet" is the name of a public speech by human rights activist Malcolm X. In the speech, which was delivered on April 3, 1964, at Cory Methodist Church in Cleveland, Ohio,[1] Malcolm advised African Americans to judiciously exercise their right to vote, but he cautioned that if the government continued to prevent African Americans from attaining full equality, it might be necessary for them to take up arms. It was ranked 7th in the top 100 American speeches of the 20th century by 137 leading scholars of American public address.[2]

Background[edit]

Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam[edit]

On March 8, 1964, Malcolm X announced his separation from the Nation of Islam, a black nationalist religious organization for which he had been the spokesman for nearly a decade.[3] The Nation of Islam, which advocated on behalf of African Americans, had significant disagreements with the Civil Rights Movement. Whereas the Civil Rights Movement advocated on behalf of integration and against segregation, the Nation of Islam favored separatism. One of the goals of the Civil Rights Movement was to end disfranchisement of African Americans, but the Nation of Islam forbade its members from participating in the political process.[4]

When he left the Nation of Islam, Malcolm declared his willingness to cooperate with the Civil Rights Movement.[3] He reassured leaders of the Civil Rights Movement that "I've forgotten everything bad that [they] have said about me, and I pray they can also forget the many bad things I've said about them."[5]

The Civil Rights Act of 1964[edit]

For more details on this topic, see Civil Rights Act of 1964.

In June 1963, President John F. Kennedy sent Congress a civil rights bill. Southern Democrats, sometimes called Dixiecrats, blocked the bill from consideration by the House of Representatives.

After Kennedy's assassination in November 1963, President Lyndon B. Johnson threw his support behind the civil rights bill. The bill was passed by the House on February 10, 1964, and sent to the Senate for consideration. Southern Democrats had promised to oppose the bill.

The speech[edit]

Malcolm X began his speech by acknowledging that he was still a Muslim, but he quickly added that he didn't intend to discuss religion or any other issues that divide African Americans. Instead, he was going to emphasize the common experience of African Americans of all faiths:

It's time for us to submerge our differences and realize that it is best for us to first see that we have the same problem, a common problem — a problem that will make you catch hell whether you're a Baptist, or a Methodist, or a Muslim, or a nationalist. Whether you're educated or illiterate, whether you live on the boulevard or in the alley, you're going to catch hell just like I am.[6]

The ballot[edit]

Malcolm X noted that 1964 was an election year, a year "when all of the white political crooks will be right back in your and my community ... with their false promises which they don't intend to keep".[7] He said that President Johnson and the Democratic Party claimed to support the civil rights bill, and the Democrats controlled both the House of Representatives and the Senate, but they had not taken genuine action to pass the bill. Instead, he said, the Democrats blamed the Dixiecrats, who were "nothing but Democrat[s] in disguise". He accused the Democrats of playing a "political con game", with African Americans as its victims.[8]

Malcolm said that African Americans were becoming "politically mature" and recognizing that, through unity and nonalignment, they could be the swing vote in the coming elections and elect candidates who would be attentive to their concerns:

What does this mean? It means that when white people are evenly divided, and Black people have a bloc of votes of their own, it is left up to them to determine who's going to sit in the White House and who's going to be in the dog house.[9]

Malcolm described how potent a weapon the ballot could be, if it was exercised with care:

A ballot is like a bullet. You don't throw your ballots until you see a target, and if that target is not within your reach, keep your ballot in your pocket.[10]

The government[edit]

Although he advocated exercising the ballot, Malcolm X expressed skepticism that voting would bring about full equality for African Americans. The government, he said, "is responsible for the oppression and exploitation and degradation of Black people in this country. This government has failed the Negro".[11]

According to Malcolm, one of the ways in which the government had "failed the Negro" was its unwillingness to enforce the law. He pointed out that the Supreme Court had outlawed segregation, "which means a segregationist is breaking the law".[12] But, he said, the police department and local government often sided with segregationists against the Civil Rights Movement.[12]

Malcolm said that relying on the federal government to force local governments to obey civil rights laws was futile. "When you take your case to Washington, D.C., you're taking it to the criminal who's responsible; it's like running from the wolf to the fox. They're all in cahoots together".[13]

Human rights[edit]

The proper solution, Malcolm X said, was to elevate the struggle of African Americans from one of civil rights to one of human rights. A fight for civil rights was a domestic matter, and "no one from the outside world can speak out in your behalf as long as your struggle is a civil-rights struggle".[14]

Malcolm said that changing the fight for African American equality to a human rights issue changed it from a domestic problem to an international matter that could be heard by the United Nations. He contrasted civil rights, which he described as "asking Uncle Sam to treat you right", to human rights, which he called "your God-given rights" and "the rights that are recognized by all nations of this earth".[13] He said that the people of the developing world were "sitting there waiting to throw their weight on our side" if the fight for civil rights were expanded into a human rights struggle.[13]

Black nationalism[edit]

Malcolm X described his continued commitment to Black nationalism, which he defined as the philosophy that African Americans should govern their own communities. He said that Black nationalists believe that African Americans should control the politics and the economy in their communities and that they need to remove the vices, such as alcoholism and drug addiction, that afflict their communities.[15]

Malcolm said that the philosophy of Black nationalism was being taught in the major civil rights organizations, including the NAACP, CORE, and SNCC.[10]

Black Nationalism was characterized by its political, social and economic philosophies. The political philosophy is self-government. The local governments of the African American communities should be managed by African Americans. African Americans should be “re-educated into the science of politics” in order to understand the importance and effect of the vote they cast.[16]

Don’t be throwing out any ballots. A ballot is like a bullet. You don’t throw your ballots until you see a target, and if that target is not within your reach, keep your ballot in your pocket.[16]

The economic philosophy is that African Americans should be in charge of the economy of the African American community. In frequenting stores not owned by an African American, the money is given to another community. The dollar is taken from the African American community and given to outsiders. In doing so, the African American community loses money and becomes poorer while the community the dollar was given to gains money and becomes richer. Therefore, stores in the African American community should be run by African Americans.

Then you wonder why where you live is always a ghetto or a slum area. And where you and I are concerned, not only do we lose it when we spend it out of the community, but the white man has got all our stores in the community tied up; so that though we spend it in the community, at sundown the man who runs the store takes it over across town somewhere.[16]

The social philosophy is to reform the community and reconstruct it to be welcoming.

We ourselves have to lift the level of our community to a higher level, make our own society beautiful so that we will be satisfied in our own circles and won’t be running around here try to knock our way into a social circle where we’re not wanted.[16]

Most of all, Malcolm promotes unity.

We've got to change our own minds about each other. We have to see each other with new eyes. We have to see each other as brothers and sisters. We have to come together with warmth so we can develop unity and harmony that’s necessary to get this problem solved ourselves.[16]

Self-defense[edit]

Malcolm X addressed the issue of "rifles and shotguns", a controversy that had dogged him since his March 8 announcement that he had left the Nation of Islam.[17] He reiterated his position that if the government is "unwilling or unable to defend the lives and the property of Negroes", African Americans should defend themselves.[18] He advised his listeners to be mindful of the law — "This doesn't mean you're going to get a rifle and form battalions and go out looking for white folks ... that would be illegal and we don't do anything illegal" — but he said that if white people didn't want African Americans to arm themselves, the government should do its job.[18]

The bullet[edit]

Malcolm X referred to "the type of Black man on the scene in America today [who] doesn't intend to turn the other cheek any longer",[7] and warned that if politicians failed to keep their promises to African Americans, they made violence inevitable:

It's time now for you and me to become more politically mature and realize what the ballot is for; what we're supposed to get when we cast a ballot; and that if we don't cast a ballot, it's going to end up in a situation where we're going to have to cast a bullet. It's either a ballot or a bullet.[19]

Malcolm predicted that if the civil rights bill wasn't passed, there would be a march on Washington in 1964. Unlike the 1963 March on Washington, which was peaceful and integrated, the 1964 march Malcolm described would be an all-Black "non-nonviolent army" with one-way tickets.[20]

But, Malcolm said, there was still time to prevent this situation from developing:

Lyndon B. Johnson is the head of the Democratic Party. If he's for civil rights, let him go into the Senate next week and ... denounce the Southern branch of his party. Let him go in there right now and take a moral stand — right now, not later. Tell him, don't wait until election time. If he waits too long ... he will be responsible for letting a condition develop in this country which will create a climate that will bring seeds up out of the ground with vegetation on the end of them looking like something these people never dreamed of. In 1964, it's the ballot or the bullet.[20]

Analysis[edit]

"The Ballot or the Bullet" served several purposes at a critical point in Malcolm X's life. It was part of his effort to distance himself from the Nation of Islam. It was also intended to reach out to moderate civil rights leaders. At the same time, the speech indicated that Malcolm still supported Black nationalism and self-defense and thus had not made a complete break with his past.

Separation from the Nation of Islam[edit]

"The Ballot or the Bullet" presented a fundamental difference with the Nation of Islam in its advocacy of voting, a position opposite that of the Nation of Islam, which forbade its members from participating in the political process.[4]

Another difference was Malcolm's choice not to discuss the religious differences that divide Muslims and Christians, a common theme of his speeches when he was the spokesman for the Nation of Islam. In "The Ballot or the Bullet", Malcolm chose not to discuss religion but rather to stress the experiences common to African Americans of all backgrounds.[21]

Black nationalism[edit]

When Malcolm X spoke of "the type of Black man on the scene in America today [who] doesn't intend to turn the other cheek any longer",[7] he was addressing his followers, people who were not advocates of the non-violent approach generally favored by the Civil Rights Movement. Likewise, by stating his continued commitment to Black nationalism, Malcolm reassured his followers that he had not made a complete break with his past.[22]

One biographer notes that Malcolm was one of the first African American leaders to note the existence and growing influence of Black nationalism among young civil rights activists.[23]

Key excerpts[edit]

  • "Sitting at the table doesn't make you a diner, unless you eat some of what's on that plate. Being born here in America doesn't make you an American. Why, if birth made you American, you wouldn't need any legislation, you wouldn't need any amendments to the Constitution, you wouldn't be faced with civil-rights filibustering in Washington, D.C., right now."[9]
  • "I'm not an American. I'm one of the 22 million Black people who are the victims of Americanism. One of the 22 million Black people who are the victims of democracy."[9]
  • "I'm nonviolent with those who are nonviolent with me. But when you drop that violence on me, then you've made me go insane, and I'm not responsible for what I do. And that's the way every Negro should get. Any time you know you're within the law, within your legal rights, within your moral rights, in accord with justice, then die for what you believe in. But don't die alone. Let your dying be reciprocal. This is what is meant by equality. What's good for the goose is good for the gander."[14]
  • "You and I, 22 million African Americans — that's what we are — Africans who are in America. You're nothing but Africans. Nothing but Africans. In fact, you'd get farther calling yourself African instead of Negro. Africans don't catch hell. You're the only one catching hell. They don't have to pass civil-rights bills for Africans."[24]
  • "If it doesn't take senators and congressmen and presidential proclamations to give freedom to the white man, it is not necessary for legislation or proclamation or Supreme Court decisions to give freedom to the Black man. You let that white man know, if this is a country of freedom, let it be a country of freedom; and if it's not a country of freedom, change it."[25]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 23.
  2. ^ "Top 100 American speeches of the 20th century". University of Wisconsin-Madison. December 15, 1999. Archived from the original on March 28, 2008. Retrieved March 25, 2009. 
  3. ^ a b Perry, p. 249.
  4. ^ a b Natambu, p. 260.
  5. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 20.
  6. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 24.
  7. ^ a b c Malcolm X Speaks, p. 25.
  8. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 28.
  9. ^ a b c Malcolm X Speaks, p. 26.
  10. ^ a b Malcolm X Speaks, p. 38.
  11. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 31.
  12. ^ a b Malcolm X Speaks, p. 33.
  13. ^ a b c Malcolm X Speaks, p. 35.
  14. ^ a b Malcolm X Speaks, p. 34.
  15. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 38–39.
  16. ^ a b c d e http://thespeechsite.com/en/famous/MalcolmX-1.shtml
  17. ^ Cone, pp. 195–196. At his press conference, Malcolm X said that "in areas where our people are the constant victims of brutality, and the government seems unable or unwilling to protect them, we should form rifle clubs that can be used to defend our lives and our property in times of emergency". Malcolm X Speaks, p. 22.
  18. ^ a b Malcolm X Speaks, p. 43.
  19. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 30.
  20. ^ a b Malcolm X Speaks, p. 44.
  21. ^ Cone, p. 194.
  22. ^ Cone, pp. 194–195.
  23. ^ Natambu, pp. 302–303.
  24. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, p. 36.
  25. ^ Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 41–42.

Sources[edit]

  • Cone, James H. (1991). Martin & Malcolm & America: A Dream or a Nightmare. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. ISBN 0-88344-721-5. 
  • Malcolm X; George Breitman (ed.) (1990) [1965]. Malcolm X Speaks. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. ISBN 0-8021-3213-8. 
  • Natambu, Kofi (2002). The Life and Work of Malcolm X. Indianapolis: Alpha Books. ISBN 0-02-864218-X. 
  • Perry, Bruce (1991). Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America. Barrytown, N.Y.: Station Hill Press. ISBN 0-88268-103-6. 

External links[edit]