|Hetman of Zaporizhian Host|
30 January 1648 – 6 August 1657
|Preceded by||position created|
|Succeeded by||Yurii Khmelnytsky|
|Born||Bohdan Zynoviy Mykhailovych Khmelnytsky
Subotiv, near Chyhyryn, Crown of the Kingdom of Poland, Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
|Died||August 6, 1657
Chyhyryn, Hetmanate, Ukraine
Helena Czaplińska (ru),
Bohdan Zynoviy Mykhailovych Khmelnytsky (Ukrainian: Богдан Зиновій Михайлович Хмельницький; Russian: Богда́н Хмельни́цкий, Bogdan Khmelnitsky; Polish: Bohdan Zenobi Chmielnicki (c. 1595 – 6 August 1657), was the Hetman of the Zaporozhian Host of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (now part of Ukraine). He led an uprising against the Commonwealth and its magnates (1648–1654) which resulted in the creation of a Cossack state. In 1654, he concluded the Treaty of Pereyaslav with the Tsardom of Russia.
- 1 Biography
- 2 Khmelnytsky remembered
- 3 See also
- 4 References
- 5 Further reading
- 6 External links
Although there is no definite proof of the date of his birth, it has been suggested by Ukrainian historian Mykhaylo Maksymovych that it is likely 27 December 1595 (St. Theodore's  day). As it was the custom in the Orthodox Church, he was baptized with one of his middle names—Theodor, translated into Ukrainian as Bohdan.
The latest biography of Khmelnytsky by Smoliy and Stepankov, however, challenges the 27 December date and suggests that it is more likely he was born on 9 November (feast day of St Zenoby, 30 October in Julian Calendar) and was baptised on 11 November (feast day of St. Theodore in the Catholic Church)
Khmelnytsky was probably born in the village of Subotiv, near Chyhyryn in Ukraine at the estate of his father Mykhailo Khmelnytsky. Even though his father, a courtier of Great Crown Hetman Stanisław Żółkiewski, was of noble birth himself and belonged to the Clan Massalski, Abdank or Syrokomla, there was and is still controversy as to whether Bohdan belonged to the szlachta (Polish term for noblemen) himself. Some sources state that in 1590 his father Mykhailo was appointed as a sotnyk for the Korsun-Chyhyryn starosta Jan Daniłowicz, who continued to colonize the new Ukrainian lands near the Dnieper river. According to the above-mentioned-source, Mykhailo established Chyhyryn and later his own family estates of Subotiv (5 miles from Chyhyryn) and Novoseltsi. This, however, didn't prevent Khmelnytsky from considering himself a noble and his father's status as a deputy Starosta (elder) of Chyhyryn helped him to be considered as such by others. Later on, however, during the Uprising he would stress his mother's Cossack roots and his father's exploits with the Cossacks of the Sich.
There is also no concrete evidence in regard to Khmelnytsky's early education. Several historians believe he received his elementary schooling from a church clerk until he was sent to one of Kiev's Orthodox fraternity schools. He continued his education in Polish at a Jesuit college, possibly in Jarosław, but more likely in Lviv, in the school founded by hetman Żółkiewski. He completed his schooling by 1617 and acquired a broad knowledge of world history and learned Polish and Latin. Later he learned Turkish, Tatar and French. Unlike many of the other Jesuit students, he did not embrace Roman Catholicism but remained Orthodox.
Service with the Cossacks
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Upon completion of his studies in 1617, Bohdan entered into service with the Cossacks. As early as 1619 he was sent along with his father to Moldavia, when the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth entered into war with the Ottoman Empire. His first military engagement was a tragic one. During the battle of Cecora (Ţuţora) on 17 September 1620, his father was killed, and young Khmelnytsky among many others, including future hetman Stanisław Koniecpolski, was captured by the Turks. He spent the next two years in captivity in Constantinople as a prisoner of an Ottoman Kapudan Pasha (presumably Parlak Mustafa Pasha). Other sources claim that he spent his slavery in Ottoman Navy on galleys as an oarsman, where he picked up a knowledge of Turkic languages.
While there is no concrete evidence as to how he returned to Ukraine, most historians believe Khmelnytsky either escaped or his ransom was paid. Sources vary as to by whom — his mother, friends, the Polish king — but perhaps by Krzysztof Zbaraski, ambassador of the Rzeczpospolita to the Ottomans, who in 1622 paid 30,000 thalers in ransom for all prisoners of war captured at the Battle of Cecora. Upon return to Subotiv, Khmelnytsky took over the running of his father's estate and became a registered Cossack in the Chyhyryn Regiment. He was later promoted to pysar (a historical officer title among cossacks). Since 1625 he participated in several sea raids together with Zaporozhian Cossacks onto Constantinople. In those raids he earned his title of sotnyk (a leader of a hundred).
In the meantime, his widowed mother married again, to Belarusian noble Vasyl Stavetsky, and moved to his estate, leaving Bohdan in charge of Subotiv. In a year she had another son, Hryhoriy, who later took his mother's name and was known as Hryhoriy Khmelnytsky. For a short time he also served as a koniuszy to hetman Mikołaj Potocki, but relatively quickly they parted their ways after a personal conflict.
Marriage and family
Bohdan Khmelnytsky later married Hanna Somkivna, a daughter of a rich Pereyaslavl Cossack; they settled in Subotiv. By the second half of the 1620s, they already had three daughters: Stepanida, Olena, and Kateryna. His first son Tymish (Tymofiy) was born in 1632, and another son Yuriy was born in 1640.
During this time Khmelnytsky ran his estate and advanced in his service in the Regiment. He first became a sotnyk and later advanced to the rank of a regiment scribe. He had significant negotiation skills and commanded respect of his fellow Cossacks. On 30 August 1637 he was included in a delegation to Warsaw to plead the Cossacks' case before the Polish King Władysław IV. Serving in the army of a Polish magnate and great commander, hetman Stanisław Koniecpolski, he participated in a successful campaign when the Commonwealth army (and his regiment) scored a decisive victory over the Crimean Khanate in 1644. During this time, as some archival documents show, he also had a meeting in Warsaw with the French ambassador Count De Bregie, during which he discussed the possibility of Cossack participation in war in France. Sources vary as to whether in April 1645 he traveled to France (to Fontainebleau) to discuss further details of Cossack service in France; this claim is supported by Ukrainian historiography but disputed by Polish scholarship. In October 1644 around 2,000 (two thousand) Polish infantry soldiers (some scholars think they were Cossacks, but the French sources do not identify them as such) went to France by sea via Gdańsk and Calais, where they participated in the siege and capture of Dunkerque.
Upon the death of magnate Stanisław Koniecpolski, an advocate of fair treatment of Cossacks, his successor Aleksander redrew the maps of his possessions and laid claim to Khmelnytsky's estate, claiming it as his. Trying to find protection from this grab by the powerful magnate, Khmelnytsky wrote numerous appeals and letters to different representatives of the Polish crown — but to no avail. At the end of 1645 the Chyhyryn starosta Daniel Czapliński officially received authority from Koniecpolski to seize Khmelnytsky's Subotiv estate.
In the summer of 1646, Khmelnytsky arranged an audience with King Władysław IV to plead his case, as he had favorable standing at the court. Władysław, who wanted Cossacks on his side in the wars he planned, gave him a royal charter, which protected his rights to the Subotiv estate. But, because of the structure of the Commonwealth at that time and the lawlessness of Ukraine, that even the King was not able to avert the confrontation with the local magnates. In the beginning of 1647, Daniel Czapliński started to harass Khmelnytsky to force him off the land. On two occasions the magnate had Subotiv raided: considerable property damage was done and Khmelnytsky's son Yuriy was badly beaten. Finally, in April 1647, Czapliński succeeded in evicting Khmelnytsky from the land, and the Cossack moved with his large family to a relative's house in Chyhyryn.
In May 1647 Khmelnytsky arranged a second audience with the King to plead his case, but found him unwilling to confront a powerful magnate. In addition to his losing the estate, his first wife Hanna died, and he was left alone with their children. While he promptly remarried, to Motrona, his second wife, he was not successful in trying to regain his estate or compensation. During this time, he met several higher Polish officials to discuss the Cossacks' issue of the war with the Tatars and used this occasion again to plead his case with Czapliński, still unsuccessfully.
While Khmelnytsky found no support from the Polish officials, he found it in his Cossack friends and subordinates. His Chyhyryn regiment and others, the Sich, were on his side in this abuse by the Polish. All through the autumn of 1647 Khmelnytsky traveled from one regiment to another, and had numerous consultations with Cossack leaders throughout Ukraine. His activity raised suspicion among the Polish authorities already used to Cossack revolts; he was promptly arrested. Koniecpolski issued an order for his execution, but the Chyhyryn Cossack polkovnyk, who held Khmelnytsky, was persuaded to release him. Not willing to tempt fate any further, Khmelnytsky headed for the Zaporozhian Sich with a group of his supporters.
While it might appear that the Czapliński Affair was the immediate cause of the Uprising, it was only a catalyst for bringing a talented Cossack to lead actions representing popular discontent among the people of what is now Ukraine. Religion, ethnicity, and economics factored into this discontent. While the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth remained a union of two nations: of Poland and Lithuania, a sizable population of Orthodox Ruthenians were ignored. Oppressed by the Polish magnates, they took their wrath out on the Poles' Jewish traders, who also often operated their estatesc The advent of the Counter-Reformation worsened relations between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches. Many Orthodox Ukrainians considered the Union of Brest as a threat to their Orthodox faith. Coupled with frequent abuse by the Poles of Orthodox clergy, a religious dimension to the conflict. The stature and skills of 50-year-old negotiator and warrior Khmelnytsky appeared to be the elements that contributed to his success in the uprising.
At the end of the year Khmelnytsky finally made his way to the south, to the estuary of the Dnieper river. On December 7, 1648 his small (300–500-man) detachment, with the help of registered Cossacks who went to his side, disarmed the small Polish detachment guarding the area and took over the Zaporozhian Sich — much to the jubilation of many of the Cossacks. The Poles' attempt to retake the Sich was decisively fought off as more registered Cossacks joined his forces. At the end of January 1649, a Cossack Rada was called and Khmelnytsky was unanimously elected a hetman. A period of feverish activity followed. Cossacks were sent with hetman's letters to many regions of Ukraine calling on Cossacks and Orthodox peasants to join the rebellion, Khortytsia was fortified, efforts were made to acquire and make weapons and ammunition, and emissaries were sent to the Khan of Crimea, İslâm III Giray.
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|History of Ukraine|
Initially, Polish authorities took the news of Khmelnytsky's arrival at the Sich and reports about the rebellion lightly. The two sides exchanged lists of demands: the Poles asked for Cossacks to surrender the mutinous leader and disband, while Khmelnytsky and the Rada demanded that the Commonwealth restore the Cossacks' ancient rights, stop the advance of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, yield the right to appoint Orthodox leaders of the Sich and of the Registered Cossack regiments, and remove the Commonwealth troops from Ukraine. The Polish magnates considered the demands an affront and an army headed by Stefan Potocki moved in the direction of the Sich.
Had the Cossacks stayed at Khortytsia, they might have been defeated as in many other rebellions. But this time Khmelnytsky marched against the Poles. The two armies met on 16 May 1648 at Zhovti Vody, where, aided by the Tatars of Tugay Bey, the Cossacks inflicted their first crushing defeat on the Commonwealth. This was repeated soon after, with the same success, at the Battle of Korsuń on 26 May 1648. Khmelnytsky used his diplomatic and military skills: under his leadership, the Cossack army moved to battle positions following his plans, Cossacks were proactive and decisive in their maneuvers and attacks, and most importantly, he gained the support of both large contingents of registered Cossacks and the Crimean Khan — his crucial ally for the many battles to come.
Establishment of the Cossack Hetmanate
At Christmas 1648, Khmelnytsky made a triumphant entry into Kiev, where he was hailed as "the Moses, savior, redeemer, and liberator of the people from Polish captivity ... the illustrious ruler of Rus". The Patriarch of Jerusalem Paiseus, who was visiting Kiev at this time, referred to Khmelnytsky as the Prince of Rus, the head of an independent Ukrainian state, according to the contemporaries. In February 1649, during negotiations in Pereiaslav with a Polish delegation headed by senator Adam Kysil, Khmelnytsky declared that he was "the sole autocrat of Rus" and that he had "enough power in Ukraine, Podilia, and Volhynia ... in his land and principality stretching as far as Lviv, Chełm, and Halych."
I already did more than was thinking before, now I will obtain what I revised recently. I will liberate out of the Polish woe all of the Ruthenian people! Before I was fighting for the insults and injustice caused to me, now I will fight for our Orthodox faith. And all people will help me in that all the way to Lublin and Krakow, and I won't back off from the people as they are our right hand. And for the purpose lest you won't attack cossacks by conquering peasants, I will have two, three hundred thousands of them.
— (Bohdan Khmelnytsky, the Prince of Ruthenia)
The Polish envoys recognized that Khmelnytsky claimed to be not just a leader of the Zaporozhian Cossacks, but of Ukraine, and to the heritage of the Rus. A Vilnius panegyric in Khmelnytsky's honor (1650–1651) said: "While in Poland it is King Jan II Casimir Vasa, in Rus it is Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky."
After the period of initial military successes, the state-building process began. His leadership was demonstrated in all areas of state-building: in the military, administration, finance, economics, and culture. Khmelnytsky made the Zaporozhian Host under the leadership of its hetman the supreme power in the new Ukrainian state, and unified all the spheres of Ukrainian society under his authority. Khmelnytsky built a new government system and developed military and civilian administration.
During this time a new generation of statesmen and military leaders came to the forefront: Ivan Vyhovsky, Pavlo Teteria, Danylo Nechai and Ivan Nechai, Ivan Bohun, Hryhoriy Hulyanytsky. From Cossack polkovnyks, officers, and military commanders, a new elite within the Cossack Hetman state was born. Throughout the years, this elite preserved and maintained the autonomy of the Cossack Hetmanate in the face of Russia's attempt to curb it. But it was also instrumental in the onset of the period of Ruin that followed, eventually destroying most of the achievements of the Khmelnytsky era.
Khmelnytsky's initial successes were followed by a series of setbacks as neither Khmelnytsky nor the Commonwealth had had enough strength to stabilize the situation or to inflict a defeat on the enemy. What followed was a period of intermittent warfare and several peace treaties, which were seldom upheld. From the spring of 1649 on, the situation turned for the worse for the Cossacks, as Polish attacks increased in frequency, they became more successful. The resulting Treaty of Zboriv on 18 August 1649 was unfavourable for the Cossacks. This was followed by another defeat at the battle of Berestechko on 18 June 1651, where the Tatars betrayed Khmelnytsky and held the hetman captive. The Cossacks suffered a crushing defeat, with an estimated 30,000 casualties. They were forced to sign the Treaty of Bila Tserkva, which favoured the Polish–Lithuanians. Warfare broke open again and, in the years that followed, the two sides were almost perpetually at war. In this situation the Crimean Tatars played a decisive role — and did not allow either side to prevail. It was in their interests to keep both Ukraine and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth from getting too strong and becoming an effective power in the region.
Khmelnytsky started looking for another foreign ally. Although the Cossacks had established their de facto independence from Poland, the new state needed legitimacy in 17th century Europe, which could be provided by a foreign monarch. In search of a protectorate, Khmelnytsky approached the Ottoman sultan in 1651 and formal embassies were exchanged. The Turks offered vassalship similar to their other arrangements with contemporary Crimea, Moldavia and Walachia. However, the idea of a union with the Muslim monarch was not acceptable to the general populace and most Cossacks.
The other possible ally was Orthodox Russia. That government remained quite cautious and stayed away from the hostilities in Ukraine. In spite of numerous envoys and calls for help from Khmelnytsky in the name of the shared Orthodox faith, the Tsar preferred to wait until the threat of a Cossack-Ottoman union in 1653 finally forced him to action. The idea that the Tsar might be favourable to taking Ukraine under his hand was communicated to the hetman, and the diplomatic activity intensified.
Treaty with the Tsardom of Russia
After a series of negotiations, it was agreed that the Cossacks would accept overlordship by the Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich. To finalize the treaty, a Russian embassy led by boyar Vasily Buturlin came to Pereyaslav, where on 18 January 1654 the Cossack Rada was called and the treaty concluded. Historians have not come to consensus in interpreting the intentions of the Tsardom of Russia and Khmelnytsky in signing this agreement. The treaty legitimized Russian claims to the capital of Kievan Rus' and strengthened the Tsar's influence in the region. Khmelnytsky needed the Treaty of Pereyaslav to gain a legitimate monarch's protection, as well as support from a friendly Orthodox power. Historians have differed in their reading of Khmelnytsky's goal with the union, as to whether it was to be a military union, a suzerainty, or a complete incorporation of Ukraine into the Tsardom of Russia.
These differences were expressed during the ceremony of the oath of allegiance to the Tsar: the Russian envoy refused to reciprocate with an oath from the ruler to his subjects, which the Cossacks and Ruthenians expected, as it was the custom of the Polish king. Khmelnytsky stormed out of the church and threatened to cancel the entire treaty. The Cossacks decided to rescind this demand and abide by the treaty.
As a result of the 1654 Treaty of Pereyaslav, the geopolitical map of the region changed. Russia, entered the scene, and the Cossacks' former allies, the Tatars, went to the Polish side. They renewed their warfare against Khmelnytsky. Tatar raids depopulated whole areas of Ukraine. Cossacks, aided by the Tsar's army, took revenge on Polish possessions in Belarus, and in the spring of 1654, the Cossacks drove the Polish from much of the country. Sweden entered the melee. Old adversaries of both Poland and Russia, they occupied a share of Lithuania before the Russians could get there.
The occupation displeased Russia because the Tsar thought to take over the Swedish Baltic provinces. In 1656 with the Commonwealth increasingly war-torn but also increasingly hostile and successful against the Swedes, the ruler of Transylvania, George II Rákóczi, also joined in. Charles X of Sweden had solicited his help because of the massive Polish popular opposition and resistance against the Swedes. Under blows from all sides, the Commonwealth barely survived.
Russia attacked Sweden in July 1656, at a time when its forces were deeply involved in Poland. That war ended in status quo two years later, but it complicated matters for Khmelnytsky, as his ally was now fighting his overlord. In addition to diplomatic tensions between the Tsar and Khmelnytsky, a number of other disagreements between the two surfaced. This were notably in regard to Russian officials' interference in the finances of the Hetmanate and in the newly liberated Belarus. The Tsar concluded a separate treaty with the Poles in Vilnius in 1656. The Hetman's emissaries were not even allowed to attend the negotiations. Khmelnytsky wrote an irate letter to the Tsar accusing him of breaking the Pereyaslav agreement. He compared the Swedes to the Tsar, saying that the former were more honourable and trustworthy than the Russians.
In Poland, the Cossack army and Transylvanian allies suffered a number of setbacks. As a result, Khmelnytsky had to deal with a Cossack rebellion on the home front. Troubling news also came from Crimea, as Tatars in alliance with Poland, were preparing for a new invasion of Ukraine. Though already ill, Khmelnytsky continued to conduct diplomatic activity, at one point even receiving the Tsar's envoys from his bed.
On 22 July he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage and became paralyzed after his audience with the Kiev Colonel Zhdanovich. His expedition to Halychyna had failed due to mutiny within his army. Less than a week later, Bohdan Khmelnytsky died at 5 A.M. on 27 July 1657. His funeral was held on 23 August, and his body was taken from his capital Chyhyryn to his estate at Subotiv for burial in his ancestral church. In 1664 a Polish hetman Stefan Czarniecki captured Subotiv and ordered the bodies of the hetman and his son Tymish to be exhumed and desecrated.
It is hard to overestimate Khmelnytsky's influence on the history of Ukraine. He not only shaped the future of Ukraine but affected the balance of power in Europe, as the weakening of Poland-Lithuania was exploited by Austria, Saxony, Prussia, and Russia. His actions and role in events were viewed differently by different contemporaries, and even now there are greatly differing perspectives on his legacy.
In Ukraine, Khmelnytsky is generally regarded as a national hero. A city and a region of the country bear his name. His image is prominently displayed on Ukrainian banknotes and his monument in the centre of Kiev is the focal point of the Ukrainian capital. There have also been several issues of the Order of Bohdan Khmelnitsky — one of the highest decorations in Ukraine and in the former Soviet Union. With all this positive appreciation of his legacy, even in Ukraine it is far from being unanimous.
He is criticised for his union with Russia, which in the view of some, proved to be disastrous for the future of the country. Prominent Ukrainian poet, Taras Shevchenko, has been one of Khmelnytsky's very vocal and harsh critics. Others criticize him for his alliance with the Crimean Tatars, which permitted the latter to take a large number of Ukrainian peasants as slaves. (The Cossacks as a military caste did not protect the 'kholopy', the lowest stratum of the Ukrainian people). Folk songs capture this. On the balance, the view of his legacy in present-day Ukraine is more positive than negative, with some critics acknowledging that the union with Russia was dictated by necessity and an attempt to survive in those difficult times.
Khmelnytsky's role in the history of the Polish State has been viewed mostly in a negative light. The rebellion of 1648 proved to be the end of the Golden Age of the Commonwealth and the beginning of its demise. Although it survived the rebellion and the following attacks, within 100 years, it was divided among Russia, Prussia, and Austria in the partitions of Poland. Many blamed Khmelnytsky for the decline of the Commonwealth. Polish historians such as Ludwik Kubala compared Khmelnytsky with the influence of Oliver Cromwell in England.
Russian and Soviet history
The official Russian historiography stressed the fact that Khmelnytsky entered into union with Moscow's Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich with an expressed desire to "re-unify" Ukraine with Russia. This view corresponded with the official theory of Moscow as an heir of the Kievan Rus', which appropriately gathered its former territories.
Khmelnytsky was viewed as a national hero of Russia for bringing Ukraine into the "eternal union" of all the Russias — Great, Little and White Russia. As such, he was much respected and venerated in Imperial Russia. His role was presented as a model for all Ukrainians to follow: to aspire for closer ties with Great Russia. This view was expressed in a monument commissioned by the Russian nationalist Mikhail Yuzefovich, which was installed in the center of Kiev in 1888.
Russian authorities decided the original version of the monument (created by Russian sculptor Mikhail Mikeshin) was too xenophobic; it was to depict a vanquished Pole, Jew, and a Catholic priest under the hoofs of the horse. The inscription on the monument reads "To Bohdan Khmelnitsky from one and indivisible Russia." Mikeshin also created the Monument to the Millennium of Russia in Novgorod, which has Khmelnytsky shown as one of Russia's prominent figures.
Soviet historiography followed in many ways the Imperial Russian theory of re-unification while adding the class struggle dimension to the story. Khmelnytsky was praised not only for re-unifying Ukraine with Russia, but also for organizing the class struggle of oppressed Ukrainian peasants against Polish exploiters.
Jewish history's assessement of Khmelnytsky is overwhelmingly negative because he used Jews as scapegoats and sought to eradicate Jews from the Ukraine. Between 1648–1656, Khmelnytsky's rebels murdered tens of thousands of Jews. Atrocity stories about massacre victims who had been buried alive, cut to pieces or forced to kill one another spread throughout Europe and beyond. The pogroms contributed to a revival of the ideas of Isaac Luria, who revered the Kabbalah, and the identification of Sabbatai Zevi as the Messiah. Orest Subtelny writes:
Between 1648 and 1656, tens of thousands of Jews—given the lack of reliable data, it is impossible to establish more accurate figures—were killed by the rebels, and to this day the Khmelnytsky uprising is considered by Jews to be one of the most traumatic events in their history.
Hetman of Ukraine
- Bohdan Khmelnitsky Bridge in Moscow
- List of Ukrainian rulers
- Order of Bohdan Khmelnitsky, a state military award in Ukraine
- With Fire and Sword (1884), a historical novel by the Polish author Henryk Sienkiewicz about these events.
- "Житие и страдание святого преподобномученика и исповедника Феодора и брата его преподобного Феофана1 начертанных" pravoslavie.uz and catholic.org
- Страдание святого священномученика Зиновия епископа Эгейского, и сестры его Зиновии † Православные имена - pravoslavie.name
- Смолій В.А., Степанков В.С. "Богдан Хмельницький", Альтернативи, ISBN 966-7217-76-0, 2003
- While Subotiv or Chyhyryn are the most common places given regarding his place of birth historian Stanisław Barącz supports the view that he was born in Zhovkva (Żółkiew)
- Whether Khmelnytsky was or wasn't a noble is still uncertain. He himself claimed nobility when it suited him, and it wasn't often disputed by his contemporaries. Chmielnicki himself once wrote in the letter to King Jan Kazimierz that he was "born Chmielnicki"--however, that surname was never associated with the Abdank Coat of Arms hesed. His father, a noble himself, was married to a Cossack woman and according to the Polish Statute of 1505 that might have put Bohdan's szlachta status under scrutiny. There are other theories: that his father or grandfather were stripped of their noble status or--perhaps most controversial--the theory of 19th-century Polish historian Tomasz Padura, who claimed (without giving sources) that Chmielnicki's father was a Jewish convert to Catholicism.
- Bohdan Khmelnitsky (Russian)
- V. A. Smoliy, V. S. Stepankov. Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Sotsialno-politychnyi portret. page 51. Lebid. Kiev. 1995.
- V. A. Smoliy, V. S. Stepankov. Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Sotsialno-politychnyi portret. page 70, Lebid, Kiev. 1995.
- Beata Biedrońska-Słotowa (2005). Polski ubiór narodowy zwany kontuszowym. Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie. p. 76. ISBN 83-89424-28-2.
- V. A. Smoliy, V. S. Stepankov. Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Sotsialno-politychnyi portret. page 91, Lebid, Kiev. 1995
- Hrushevsky,M. History of Ukraine-Rus. New ed. Bao. Donetsk, 2003.
- V. A. Smoliy, V. S. Stepankov. Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Sotsialno-politychnyi portret. page 203, Lebid, Kiev. 1995
- "Bohdan Khmelnytsky", Encyclopedia of Ukraine
- Orest Subtelny. Ukraine. A history. University of Toronto Press, p. 133. 1994. ISBN 0-8020-0591-8.
- "Treaty of 1654", Encyclopedia of Ukraine
- Hrushevsky, M. Illustrated History of Ukraine. "BAO". Donetsk, 2003. ISBN 966-548-571-7 page 330
- Some Ukrainian historians dispute that his grave was desecrated. In 1973 an expedition investigated the site of the church and discovered remains of people that had not been found before.
- Culture Shock! Ukraine by Anne Meredith Dalton, Graphic Arts Center Publishing Company, 1999, ISBN 1-55868-420-4 (page 56)
- Michael C. Steinlauf, Bondage to the Dead: Poland and the Memory of the Holocaust, Syracuse University Press, 1996, ISBN 0-8156-0403-3 (page 148)
- Modern Paganism in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives by Michael Strmiska, ABC-CLIO, 2005, ISBN 1-85109-608-6 (page 228)
- Олексій КОНОВАЛ, Universum, 2002
- Розділ XI. Володимир Голобуцький. Запорозьке козацтво
- Georgiy Kasianov and Philipp Ther, A Laboratory of Transnational History: Ukraine and Recent Ukrainian Historiography, Central European University Press, 2009, ISBN 963-9776-26-2 (page54/55)
- Ems Ukase
- Mikhail Yuzefovich was also known for his contribution to the Ems Ukase, which restricted the use of Ukrainian in Ukraine.
- "Вашъ Кіевъ" :: Старый Киев :: история Киева
- The Monument to the Millennium of Russia / «Velikiy Novgorod» - City portal
- Jerome A. Chanes, Antisemitism: A Reference Handbook, ABC-CLIO, 2004, pp. 56 
- Karen Armstrong, The Battle for God: A History of Fundamentalism, Random House, 2001, p25-28.
- Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1988, pp. 127-128.
- V. A. Smoliy, V. S. Stepankov. Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Sotsialno-politychnyi portret. Second Edition. Lebid, Kiev. 1995. ISBN 5-325-00721-1.
- Orest Subtelny. Ukraine. A history. University of Toronto press. 1994. ISBN 0-8020-0591-8.
- S. Velychenko, THE INFLUENCE OF HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, AND SOCIAL IDEAS, ON THE POLITICS OF BOHDAN KHMELNYTSKY AND THE COSSACK OFFICERS BETWEEN 1648 AND 1657, PhD Dissertation, (University of London, 1981)
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- Cossack State after 1649 (map)
- Biography of Bohdan Khmelnytsky
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Chmielnicki, Bohdan". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
- Mykola Mashchenko, Film about Khmelnytsky (2008), Dovzhenko Film Studios
- Dr. Henry Abramson, Video on Nathan of Hanover and the Ukrainian Revolution of 1648-1649, 19 February 2013, Jewish Biography as History, Jewish History lectures, Henry Abramson website