California English

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Californian
Califorñan
Region United States
Native speakers
(no estimate available)
Language codes
ISO 639-3
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters.

California English (or Californian, Californian English) is a variety of American English spoken in California.[1] California is home to a highly diverse population, which is reflected in the historical and continuing development of California English.

History[edit]

English was first spoken on a wide scale in the area now known as California following the influx of English-speakers from the United States, Canada, and Europe during the California Gold Rush. The English-speaking population grew rapidly with further settlement, which included large populations from the Northeast, South and the Midwest. The dialects brought by these pioneers were the basis for the development of the modern language: a mixture of settlers from the Midwest and the Border South produced the rural dialect of Northern California, whereas settlers from the Lower Midwest and the South, (especially Missouri and Texas), produced the rural dialect of Southern California.

Before World War I, the variety of speech types reflected the differing origins of these early inhabitants. At the time a distinctly Southwestern drawl could be heard in Southern California. When a collapse in commodity prices followed World War I, many bankrupted Midwestern farmers migrated to California from Nebraska, Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, and Iowa contributing to a new homogenized speech in urban sprawl, where teachers banned "ain't", 'awl' in favor of oyill (oil),[2] and "I'll" in favor of ayill in grammar schools. Subsequently, incoming groups with differing speech, such as the speakers of Highland Southern during the 1930s, have been absorbed within a generation. The Dust bowl migration of the so-called Okies re-introduced a purer Southwestern accent to the West Coast in the 1920s and 30s before the migration ended in World War II.[citation needed]

California's status as a relatively young state is significant in that it has not had centuries for regional patterns to emerge and grow (compared to, say, some East Coast or Southern dialects). Linguists who studied English as spoken in California before and in the period immediately after World War II tended to find few if any distinct patterns unique to the region.[3] However, several decades later, with a more settled population and continued immigration from all over the globe, a noteworthy set of emerging characteristics of California English had begun to attract notice by linguists of the late 20th century and on. As more people moved into the state, all these groups, ranging from a diverse variety of backgrounds, began to pick up different elements of spoken language from each other.[4]

Phonology[edit]

As a variety of American English, California English is similar to most other forms of American speech in being a rhotic accent, which is historically a significant marker in differentiating different English varieties. The following vowel diagram represents the relative positions of the stressed monophthongs of the accent, based on nine speakers from southern California.[5] Notable is the absence of /ɔ/, which has merged with /ɑ/ through the cot–caught merger, and the relatively open quality of /ɪ/ due to the California vowel shift discussed below.

California English vowel chart.svg

Several phonological processes have been identified as being particular to California English. However, these shifts are by no means universal in Californian speech, and any single Californian's speech may only have some or none of the changes identified below. The shifts might also be found in the speech of people from areas outside of California.

  • Front vowels are raised before /ŋ/, so that /æ/ and /ɪ/ are raised to [e] and [i] before /ŋ/. This change makes for minimal pairs such as king and keen, both having the same vowel [i], differing from king [kɪŋ] in other varieties of English, though it is not spread evenly and the pronunciation [kʰɪŋ] still exists in many areas. Similarly, a word like rang will often have the same vowel as rain in California English, not the same vowel as ran as in other varieties. This raising is also found in the American Southeast.
  • The vowels in words such as Mary, marry, merry are merged to [ɛ]. This merging is common throughout most of North America.
  • Most speakers do not distinguish between /ɔ/ and /ɑ/, characteristic of the cot–caught merger. A notable exception may be found within the San Francisco Bay Area, many of whose inhabitants' speech somewhat reflects influence of new arrivals from the Northeast.
  • According to a phonetician studying California English, Penelope Eckert, traditionally diphthongal vowels such as /oʊ/ as in boat and /eɪ/, as in bait, have acquired qualities much closer to monophthongs in speakers, similar to the American Southeast.
  • The pin–pen merger is complete in and around Kern County and northern Los Angeles County; speakers in Sacramento either perceive or produce the pairs /ɛn/ and /ɪn/ close to each other.[6]
  • Speakers in the Greater Los Angeles area often quickly slur vowel sounds, making certain syllables sound longer and flow closer.[clarification needed]

One topic that has begun to receive much attention among scholars in recent years has been the emergence of a vowel shift unique to California. Much like other vowel shifts occurring in North America, such as the Southern Shift, Northern Cities Shift, and the Canadian Shift, the California Vowel Shift is noted for a systematic chain shift of several vowels.

The Northern California vowel shift, based on a diagram at Penelope Eckert's webpage.

This image on the right illustrates the California vowel shift. The vowel space of the image is a cross-section (as if looking at the interior of a mouth from a side profile perspective); it is a rough approximation of the space in a human mouth where the tongue is located in articulating certain vowel sounds (the left is the front of the mouth closer to the teeth, the right side of the chart being the back of the mouth). As with other vowel shifts, several vowels may be seen moving in a chain shift around the mouth. As one vowel encroaches upon the space of another, the adjacent vowel in turn experiences a movement in order to maximize phonemic differentiation.

Two phonemes, /ɪ/ and /æ/, have allophones that are fairly widely spread apart from each other: before /ŋ/, /ɪ/ is raised to [i] and, as mentioned above, may even be identified with the phoneme /i/. In other contexts, /ɪ/ has a fairly open pronunciation, as indicated in the vowel chart above. /æ/ is raised and diphthongized to [eə] or [ɪə] before nasal consonants (a shift reminiscent of, but more restricted than, non-phonemic æ-tensing in the Inland North); before /ŋ/ it may be identified with the phoneme /e/. Elsewhere /æ/ is lowered in the direction of [a]. The other parts of the chain shift are apparently context-free: /ʊ/ is moving towards [ʌ], /ʌ/ towards [ɛ], /ɛ/ toward [æ], /ɑ/ toward [ɔ], and /u/ and /oʊ/ are diphthongs whose nuclei are moving toward [i] and [e] respectively.[7]

Unlike some of the other vowel shifts, however, the California Shift Theory would represent the earlier stages of development as compared to the more widespread Northern Cities and Southern Shifts, although the new vowel characteristics of the California Shift are increasingly found among younger speakers. As with many vowel shifts, these significant changes occurring in the spoken language are rarely noticed by average speakers; imitation of peers and other sociolinguistic phenomena play a large part in determining the extent of the vowel shift in a particular speaker. For example, while some characteristics such as the close central rounded vowel [ʉ] or close back unrounded vowel [ɯ] for /u/ are widespread in Californian speech, the same high degree of fronting for /oʊ/ is common only within certain social groups.

The southern Central Valley (Kern, Tulare, and Kings Counties), is the last large rural (but not desert) region in Southern California and maintains much of the original dialect distinctive of Southern California as a part of the American Southwest, including the pin-pen merger, a single phoneme in contrast to the nasal diphthong [ãɪ̃] of the U.S. Northeast, respectable use of "ain't" and "yes ma'am". This is distinct from the fast-talking homogenized speech common to the very large cities of Los Angeles, the Bay Area, and in cities throughout English-speaking America.

Many rural white Californians speak with a western Oklahoma-like drawl that is quite distinct from the high-pitched, fast-talking of city folk in coastal Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay region. Currently, it is often assumed that the Central Valley's holdout of Southwestern speech and culture (such as rodeos) was strengthened by people from western Oklahoma who emigrated during the Dust Bowl. But no documentation of change of the dialect before and after the arrival of the "Okies" is submitted. Rather, rural Southern California was already populated long before, by descendants of settlers who came to California in the Southwest from different regions of the Southeast,[8] fully explaining the speech patterns of rural Southern California as native and entrenched.

Lexical characteristics[edit]

The popular image of a typical California speaker often conjures up images of the so-called Valley girls popularized by the 1982 hit song by Frank and Moon Unit Zappa, or "surfer-dude" speech made famous by movies such as Fast Times at Ridgemont High. While many phrases found in these extreme versions of California English from the 1980s may now be considered passé, certain words such as awesome, totally, fer sure, harsh, gnarly, and dude have remained popular in California and have spread to a national, even international, level. The use of the word like for numerous grammatical functions or as conversational "filler" (e.g. in place of thinking sounds "uh" and "um") has also remained popular in California English and is now found in many other varieties of English.

A common example of a Northern Californian[9] colloquialism is hella (from "hell of a (lot of)", rare euphemistic alternative, hecka) to mean "many", "much", "so" or "very".[10] It can be used with both count and mass nouns. For example: "I haven't seen you in hella long"; "There were hella people there"; or "This guacamole is hella good." Pop culture references to "hella" are common, as in the song "Hella Good" by the band No Doubt, which hails from Southern California, and "Hella" by the band Skull Stomp, who come from Northern California.[11]

California, like other Southwestern states, has borrowed many words from Spanish, especially for place names, food, and other cultural items, reflecting the heritage of the Californios. High concentrations of various ethnic groups throughout the state have contributed to general familiarity with words describing (especially cultural) phenomena. For example, a high concentration of Asian Americans from various cultural backgrounds, especially in urban and suburban metropolitan areas in California, has led to the adoption of words like hapa (itself originally a Hawaiian borrowing of English "half"[12]). A person who was hapa was either part European/Islander or part Asian/Islander. Today it refers to a person of mixed racial heritage—especially, but not limited to, half-Asian/half-European-Americans in common California usage) and FOB ("fresh off the boat", often a newly arrived Asian immigrant). Not surprisingly, the popularity of cultural food items such as Vietnamese phở and Taiwanese boba in many areas has led to the general adoption of such words among many speakers.

In 1958, essayist Clifton Fadiman pointed out that Northern California is the only place besides England where the word chesterfield is used as a synonym for sofa or couch.[13]

Freeways[edit]

Californians sometimes refer to the lanes of a multi-lane divided highway by number, "The Number 1 Lane" (also referred to as "The Fast Lane") is the lane farthest to the left (not counting the carpool lane), with the lane numbers going up sequentially to the right until the far right lane,[14] which is usually referred to as "The Slow Lane". In areas where three and occasionally two lane freeways are more common, the lanes are simply the "fast lane", "middle lane" and "slow lane".

In the Los Angeles Metropolitan area, San Bernardino and San Diego, freeways are often referred to either by name or by route number (perhaps with a direction suffix), but with the addition of the definite article "the", such as "the 405 North" or "the 605 (Freeway)". This usage has been parodied in the recurring Saturday Night Live sketch "The Californians".[15] In contrast, typical Northern California usage omits the definite article.[16][17][18]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Bucholtz, Mary; et all (December 2007). "Hella Nor Cal or Totally So Cal? : The Perceptual Dialectology of California". Journal of English Linguistics 35 (4): 325–352. doi:10.1177/0075424207307780. Retrieved 2010-11-04. 
  2. ^ Upton Sinclair, Oil! (1927).
  3. ^ Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward, editors (2006). American Voices: How Dialects Differ from Coast to Coast. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 140, 234–236. ISBN 978-1-4051-2108-8. 
  4. ^ "Do you speak American? - California English". PBS. Retrieved October 28, 2013. 
  5. ^ Ladefoged, Peter (1999). "American English". In Handbook of the International Phonetic Association, 41–44, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-63751-1.
  6. ^ Labov, William, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton-de Gruyter. p. 68. ISBN 3-11-016746-8. 
  7. ^ "Professor Penelope Eckert's webpage". Stanford.edu. Retrieved 2011-12-30. 
  8. ^ Laurence Fletcher Talbott, Phd., California in the War for Southern Independence, et al.
  9. ^ "However, science isn't all that sets Northern California apart from the rest of the world," Sendek wrote. "The area is also notorious for the creation and widespread usage of the English slang 'hella', which typically means 'very', or can refer to a large quantity (e.g. 'there are hella stars out tonight')." [1]
  10. ^ "Jorge Hankamer WebFest". Ling.ucsc.edu. Retrieved 2011-12-30. 
  11. ^ "Lyrics | Skull Stomp - Hella". SongMeanings. 2008-11-02. Retrieved 2011-12-30. 
  12. ^ Mary Kawena Pukui, Samuel H. Elbert & Esther T. Mookini, The Pocket Hawaiian Dictionary (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983)
  13. ^ Fadiman, Clifton Any Number Can Play 1958
  14. ^ "Choosing a Lane". California Driver Handbook. California Department of Motor Vehicles. 2010. p. 33. 
  15. ^ Rose, Joseph (April 16, 2012). "Saturday Night Live's 'The Californians': Traffic's one big soap opera (video)". The Oregonian (Portland, Oregon). Retrieved December 3, 2013. 
  16. ^ Simon, Mark (2000-06-30). "'The' Madness Must Stop Right Now". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved 2012-11-19. 
  17. ^ Simon, Mark (2000-07-04). "Local Lingo Keeps 'The' Off Road". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved 2012-11-19. 
  18. ^ Simon, Mark (2000-07-29). "S.F. Wants Power, Not The Noise: The 'The'". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved 2012-11-19. 

Further reading[edit]

  • Vowels and Consonants: An Introduction to the Sounds of Languages. Peter Ladefoged, 2003. Blackwell Publishing.
  • Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Suzanne Romaine, 2000. Oxford University Press.
  • How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Allan Metcalf, 2000. Houghton Mifflin.

External links[edit]