The Cambrai Homily is the earliest known Irish homily, dating to the 7th or early 8th century. It is evidence that a written vernacular encouraged by the Church had already been established alongside Latin by the 7th century in Ireland. The homily is also the oldest single example of an extended prose passage in Old Irish. The text is incomplete, and Latin and Irish are mixed. Quotations from the Bible and patristic sources are in Latin, with the explication in Irish. It is a significant document for the study of Celtic linguistics and for understanding sermons as they might have existed in the 7th-century Irish church. The homily also contains the earliest examples in written Irish of triads, a form of expression characteristic of early Irish literature, though the text taken as a whole is not composed in triads.
The homily expounds on Matthew 16:24 with a selection from the Homilia in Evangelia by Pope Gregory I and an explanation of three modes of martyrdom, designated by the colors red, blue (or green, Irish glas), and white.
The Cambrai Homily, in reference to the French town Cambrai, is one of the few surviving written sources for Old Irish in the period 700 to 900. As such, it was an important source for Rudolf Thurneysen's classic grammar of Old Irish. It exhibits some distinctive orthographical features; for instance, a long vowel is sometimes indicated in the manuscript not with a diacritical mark, but by doubling or writing out the vowel twice.
Penitence and suffering
The passage from Matthew is addressed by Jesus to his disciples, calling upon each of them to follow his example and "take up his cross." The homily takes an inclusive view of penitence as combining self-mortification with compassion for others:
|“||We carry the cross of Christ in two ways, both when we mortify the body through fasting, and when out of compassion for him we regard the needs of our neighbour as our own. A person who has compassion for the needs of his neighbour truly carries the cross in his heart.||”|
Christ is to be regarded as a model not only of meaningful suffering, but of relations to others: "everyone's sickness was sickness to him, offence to anyone was offence to him, everyone's infirmity was infirmity to him."
The colors of martyrdom
The homily outlines three categories of martyrdom, designated by color. This triad is unique, but draws on earlier distinctions between "red" and "white" martyrdom. "Red" martyrdom, or violent death as a result of religious persecution, was rarely obtainable after the establishment of Christian hegemony in the Roman Empire. Blood martyrdom was not a regular feature of early Christian life in Ireland, despite narratives that depict conflict between missionaries and traditional religious authorities such as the druids. Irish saints had to forgo the bloody "crown of martyrdom" until the Viking invasions at the end of the 8th century.
St. Jerome had used the term "white martyrdom" for those such as desert hermits who aspired to the condition of martyrdom through strict asceticism. The Cambrai homilist elaborates also on a distinction made by Gregory between inward and outward martyrdom. White martyrdom (bánmartre), he says, is separation from all that one loves, perhaps on a peregrinatio pro Christo or "pilgrimage on behalf of Christ" that might be extended permanently; blue (or green) martyrdom (glasmartre) involves the denial of desires, as through fasting and penitent labors, without necessarily implying a journey or complete withdrawal from life; red martyrdom (dercmartre) requires torture or death.
The Irish color word glas for the third way of martyrdom can be translated as either "blue" or "green." Its symbolism in regard to martyrdom has been explained variously but not definitively. Glas has a figurative meaning of "fresh, raw, sharp" (in regard to weather) and "harsh" (morally); it also applies to complexion ("wan") or the discoloration of a corpse as "bluish, livid." The Irish treatise De arreis prescribes "fearsome penances" such as spending the night immersed in water or on nettles or nutshells or in the presence of a corpse. In one 12th-century Irish poem, the speaker Suibne Geilt, a dweller in the wilderness, says "My feet are wounded; my cheek is glas." In a much-referenced analysis of the Irish colors of martyrdom, Clare Stancliffe presented comparative textual evidence to suggest that glas martyrdom was so called because its austerity produced a sickly pale complexion.
One of the primary means of achieving glas martyrdom is fasting, a common penance which gained special significance from the practice of fasting as codified in early Irish law. A person with an unanswered claim against a social superior might threaten or enact a hunger strike (trocsad) against him, taking up a position outside his residence and potentially polluting his house and family with the responsibility of the faster's death. Irish saints fasted not only to mortify the flesh, but to coerce secular authorities and even to convince God himself. According to the Betha Adamnáin and some Irish annals, for instance, St. Adomnán fasted and immersed himself every night in the River Boyne as a protest against the kingship of Írgalach mac Conaing. D.A. Binchy has argued that the trocsad, a term that came into use also for hagiography, had a distinctively Irish character, leading perhaps to the use of the Celtic color word.
The Irish triad appears with a Latin fragment at the end of the Cambrai text: castitas in iuventute, continentia in habundantia. This fragment corresponds to a triad in the Prebiarum de multorum exemplaribus, a didactic florilegium of 93 questions. The Prebiarum supplies the missing third element as largitas in paupertate: "What are the types of martyrdom other than death? That is, three. Self-control in abundance, generosity in poverty, chastity in youth." Later examples of similar triads also exist.
The identification of the text as a fragment of a homily has been criticized by Milton Gatch, who maintains that early Christian Ireland lacked a homiletic movement aimed at sharing the teachings of the Church Fathers in the vernacular. Gatch holds that Irish canonical and penitential literature shows scant interest in preaching, and that homilies represent "a peculiarly English effort to assemble useful cycles of preaching materials in the native tongue." The so-called Cambrai Homily, he says, lacks the opening and close that is characteristic of the genre, and was probably just a short tract or excerpt for a florilegium.
The Cambrai Homily appears in a manuscript of the Bibliothèque Municipale (Cambrai, MS. 679, formerly 619, fos. 37rb–38rb). The manuscript was copied in the period 763–790 by a Carolingian scribe working in northern France for Alberic, bishop of Cambrai and Arras. The language of the homily itself, however, dates it to the late 7th century or the beginning of the 8th. It was inserted into the text of the Collectio Canonum Hibernensis, apparently from a stray leaf that had been slipped into the Latin exemplar. The scribe's knowledge of the Irish language appears to have been limited or nonexistent. An edition was published in 1903 by Whitley Stokes and John Strachan, with some aspects now considered outdated.
- Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus: A Collection of Old-Irish Glosses Scholia Prose and Verse. Edited by Whitley Stokes and John Strachan. Cambridge University Press, 1903, vol. 2, pp. 244–247. Full text downloadable.
- A New History of Ireland: Prehistoric and Early Ireland. Edited by Dáibhí Ó Cróinín. Oxford University Press, 2005, vol. 1. Limited preview online.
- Follett, Westley. Céli Dé in Ireland: Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages. Boydell Press, 2006. Limited preview online.
- Stancliffe, Clare. "Red, white and blue martyrdom." In Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe. Studies in Memory of Kathleen Hughes. Cambridge University Press, 1982.
- Ó Néill, Pádraig P. "The Background to the Cambrai Homily." Ériu 32 (1981) 137–148.
- Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, "Hiberno-Latin Literature to 1169," and James Carney, "Language and Literature to 1168," in A New History of Ireland (Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 379 and 492.
- Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia, edited by Seán Duffy (Routledge, 2005), p. 452.
- Westley Follett, Céli Dé in Ireland: Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages (Boydell Press, 2006), pp. 54–56 online.
- Others are the Book of Armagh and the three main collections of glosses on Latin biblical and grammatical texts: the Würzburg glosses on the epistles of Paul, the Milan glosses on a commentary to the Psalms, and the St. Gall glosses on Priscian. See Early Irish literature: The Old Irish glosses.
- Paul Russell, " 'What Was Best of Every Language': The Early History of the Irish Language," in A New History of Ireland, p. 412; p. 417 for some variants the Cambrai Homily exhibits; p. 418 on vowel doubling. See also Gearóid Mac Eoin, "Literacy and Cultural Change in Early Ireland," in Verschriftung und Verschriftlichung: Aspekte des Medienwechsels in verschiedenen Kulturen und Epochen (Gunter Narr Verlag, 1998), p. 114 online.
- Duobus modis crucem Domini baiulamus, cum aut per abstinentiam carnem efficiamus, aut per conpassionem proximi necessitatem illius nostram esse putamus; qui enim dolorem exhibet in aliena necessitate crucem portat in mente, as quoted by Michael W. Herren and Shirley Ann Brown, Christ in Celtic Christianity: Britain and Ireland from the Fifth to the Tenth Century (Boydell Press, 2002), pp. 142 online and 147.
- Quoted in John Saward, Perfect Fools: Folly for Christ's Sake in Catholic and Orthodox Spirituality (Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 46 online.
- On this conflict, most often embodied by confrontations between St. Patrick and the druids, see Philip Freeman, St. Patrick of Ireland: A Biography (Simon and Schuster, 2005), passim, limited preview online; Peter Berresford Ellis, A Brief History of the Druids (Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2002), pp. 76–77 online; James Bonwick, "St. Patrick and the Druids," in Irish Druids and Old Irish Religions (London 1894), pp. 37ff., full text online. On the meaning of these stories as distinguished from any point of historical fact, see D.A. Binchy, "A Pre-Christian Survival in Mediaeval Irish Hagiography," in Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe (Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 165–178.
- Bertram Colgrave, Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert (Cambridge University Press, 1940, 1985 ed.), p. 315 online.
- Kristine Edmondson Haney, "The 'Christ and the Beasts' Panel on the Ruthwell Cross," in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 222 online. Jerome explores this new ideal in his Life of St. Paul the Hermit (Vita S. Pauli). See also Desert Fathers.
- Bertram Colgrave, Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert, p. 315.
- Issi in bánmartre du duiniu intain scaras ar Dea fri cach réet caris, cé rucésa áini nú laubir n-oco. issi ind glasmartre dó intain scaras fria thola leó vel césas sáithor i ppennit ocus aithrigi: text from Herren and Brown, Christ in Celtic Christianity, p. 147, note 37 online.
- English translation of the passage in Céli Dé in Ireland, p. 54 online.
- Clare Stancliffe, "Red, White and Blue Martyrdom," in Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe. Studies in memory of Kathleen Hughes (Cambridge University Press, 1982), passim, especially pp. 29, 35 and 41. The Latin equivalent of glas, Stancliffe argues, is iacinthus or hyacinthus; this is a somewhat unorthodox view. Hyacinthus is a problematic color word, in ancient Greek meaning either "blue-black, purplish black" or "orange, saffron"; see M. Eleanor Irwin, "Odysseus' 'Hyacinthine Hair' in Odyssey 6.231," Phoenix 44.3 (1990) 205-218 (where it is argued that in context the word means "curled").
- Binchy, "A Pre-Christian Survival in Mediaeval Irish Hagiography," in Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe, pp. 168ff, especially 176–177, with notes 34 and 35 detailing sources on Adomnán.
- According to Pliny (Historia naturalis 22.2), glastum was a Continental Celtic word (glaston) for the plant dye (most often identified as woad) used by the ancient Britons to tint their bodies blue or blue-black for sacred rites. See Xavier Delamarre, “Glaston, glasson,” in Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise (Éditions Errance, 2003) p. 180, and Gillian Carr, "Woad, Tattooing and Identity in Later Iron Age and Early Roman Britain," Oxford Journal of Archaeology 24 (2005) 273–292, especially pp. 278–279, though Carr says that glastum is not woad. Caesar (Bellum Gallicum 5.4) calls this coloration vitrum, a usual Latin word for "glass." Old Irish glas is etymologically related to the English word glass, Old English glæs, and to Latin glaesum, "amber", also called electrum (the latter word sometimes meaning "electrum"). According to the Acta sanctorum, William of Gellone emulated Christ's mortification and "then went to the sacred altar purer than electrum and clearer than glass"; see Giles Constable, Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 198 online. The use of the color word glas by the Cambrai homilist to denote a kind of martyrdom may convey a range of sacred connotations, and the complexity of this word grouping may indicate some confusion of color and substance.
- Charles Darwin Wright, The Irish Tradition in Old English Literature (Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 33, 60–61, and 74 online.
- Milton McCormick Gatch, "The Achievement of Aelfric and His Colleagues in European Perspective," in The Old English Homily and Its Backgrounds (SUNY Press, 1978), pp. 51–52 online.
- Stancliffe, "Red, White, and Blue Martyrdom," p. 23.
- James Carney, "Language and Literature to 1168," in A New History of Ireland, p. 492; Follett, Céli Dé in Ireland, p. 54, note 144; Stancliffe, "Red, White, and Blue Martyrdom," p. 23.