Cannabis in Australia
Cannabis is the most widely used illicit drug in Australia, with a reported one-third of all Australians aged 22 or older (33.5%, about 5.8 million) having tried cannabis and 1 million using it in the past year. It is estimated that 750,000 Australians use cannabis every week, and approximately 300,000 smoke it on a daily basis.
Australia has one of the highest cannabis prevalence rates in the world, and Australia's indigenous population has higher levels of cannabis use. Although cannabis is illegal in Australia, the country has largely avoided a punitive drug policy focusing on harm-minimisation strategies and a treatment framework embedded in a law-enforcement regime.
- 1 History
- 2 Usage
- 3 Legislation and policy
- 4 Medicinal use
- 5 Supply
- 6 Advocacy
- 7 Cannabis culture
- 8 See also
- 9 References
- 10 Further reading
- 11 External links
The first record of common hemp seeds brought to Australia was with the First Fleet at the request of Sir Joseph Banks, who marked the cargo "for commerce" in the hope that hemp would be produced commercially in the new colony. For 150 years early governments in Australia actively supported the growing of hemp with gifts of land and other grants, and the consumption of cannabis in Australia in the 19th century was believed to be widespread.
It was popular as a medicine, and was used as an intoxicant by members of the literati; Marcus Clarke, author of the great Australian novel For the Term of his Natural Life, experimented with cannabis as an aid to writing. A short story he wrote, Cannabis Indica, was written under the influence of cannabis; members of Melbourne's bohemian Yorrick Club (of which Clarke was a member) were notorious cannabis users. Until the late 19th century, "Cigares De Joy" (cannabis cigarettes) were widely available; these claimed to "give immediate relief in cases of asthma, cough, bronchitis, hay-fever, influenza [and] shortness of breath".
Like many developed nations Australia first responded to the issue of cannabis use in the 1920s, acting as a signatory to the 1925 Geneva Convention on Opium and Other Drugs that saw the use of cannabis restricted for medicinal and scientific purposes only. Cannabis was grouped with morphine, cocaine and heroin, despite cannabis' rare use as a medicine or remedy in Australia at the time.
This prohibition model was applied with little research into cannabis use in Australia. Most drug-related laws enacted by jurisdictions of Australia during this time were related to opium but as a result of pressure from the United Kingdom, Australia began implementing local laws consistent with the Geneva Convention. According to McDonald and others, in 1928 the state of Victoria enacted legislation that prohibited the use of cannabis; other states followed suit slowly over the next three decades.
As in other Western countries, cannabis use was perceived as a significant social problem in Australia; new drug control laws were enacted at the state and federal level, and penalties for drug offences were increased. In 1938, cannabis was outlawed in Australia as a result of a Reefer Madness-style shock campaign; the newspaper Smith's Weekly carried a headline reading "New Drug that Maddens Victims". This campaign introduced the word "marijuana" to Australia, describing it both as "an evil sex drug that causes its victims to behave like raving sex maniacs" and "the dreaded sex drug marijuana". The campaign was only moderately successful; it instilled in a generation the negative effects of the drug and its impact on society, but did not stop an increase in demand and usage.
The 1960s saw an increase in the use of cannabis, heroin and LSD as part of political and social opposition to the Vietnam War, and this resulted in most Australian states gradually moving to a prohibitionist and criminal-justice orientation. Right-wing Australian politicians like Queensland premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen and NSW premier Robert Askin supported Nixon's War on Drugs in America, calling for a crackdown on Australian youth culture. Following the fall of the Whitlam government in 1975, these politicians launched a Nixon-style war on drugs in Australia.
In the late 1960s organised drug trafficking developed in Sydney with the arrival of US servicemen on leave from the Vietnam War, and the local drug markets expanded to meet their requirements. The 1970s were considered the first "decade of drugs", marked by the public's growing financial capacity to support drug use and an increase in young people affected by unemployment. As a result, the 1970s were also the decade of Royal Commissions and inquiries to deal with the "drug problem".
In 1964, with the discovery of hundreds of acres of wild hemp growing in the Hunter Valley in NSW, authorities responded with a massive eradication campaign. However, the baby-boomers of the 60s responded to the "evil threat" in a very different manner to the previous generation, with groups of surfers and hippies flocking to the Hunter Region in search of the wild weed which was described in reports as "a powerful psychoactive aphrodisiac". These groups became known as the Weed Raiders—legendary characters, bearing tales of plants up to three metres tall.
1970s to 2000
In 1973 tribes of hippies attended the Aquarius Festival in the Northern NSW town of Nimbin. When police tried to arrest revellers who were openly smoking marijuana, the crowd of 6,000 rioted. Nimbin is home to the Hemp Embassy, founded by activist pioneer Michael Balderstone, and the MardiGrass, an annual festival dedicated to cannabis which began in 1993.
According to Jiggens, by 1977 there was again talk of decriminalisation of cannabis in New South Wales, following the decriminalisation of cannabis in nine US states. The Joint Committee upon Drugs of the NSW Parliament recommended the removal of jail sentences for personal use of cannabis, and NSW Premier Neville Wran outlined a plan to remove jail sentences for people convicted and for possessing cannabis for personal use. He said that cannabis use was widespread and that "tens of thousands of parents whose sons and daughters smoke marijuana" would not want their children to carry "the stigma of being a jailed, convicted criminal".
The disappearance of local political and community leader Donald Mackay in Griffith, NSW in July 1977 placed the issue of the nexus between illicit drug production, organised crime and police corruption before the public; this was due to Mackay's revelations about large-scale marijuana growing in the Riverina area. His inquiries led to the largest cannabis seizure in Australian history at Coleambally, 60 km south of Griffith, in November 1975. The plantation spread over 31 acres (130,000 m2) and was estimated to be capable of producing 60 tonnes of cannabis. The NSW Royal Commission into Drug Trafficking (the Woodward Inquiry) was sparked by Mackay's disappearance, and the story was brought to life as an acclaimed television miniseries Underbelly: A Tale of Two Cities.
Things were different in Queensland. In August 1976 NSW Police conducted a predawn raid on the Tuntable Falls Co-operative, located just south of Nimbin; a few weeks later the Cedar Bay commune, located in far northern Queensland, was raided by Queensland Police. "Using a helicopter, a naval patrol boat and four wheel drives they rounded up the members of the isolated community. Finding only a small quantity of marijuana, the police discharged firearms into water tanks and burned down the hippie's houses before they left". Joh Bjelke-Petersen defended the police action (including the burning of houses on the commune), declaring he was "tough on drugs". His accomplice in the Cedar Bay raid was the young John Howard (then Minister for Business), who continued Bjelke-Petersen's politics during his time as Prime Minister from 1996 to 2007. This would develop into an international news story.
In terms of the broader population, cannabis was not widely used in Australia until the 1970s. Legislation reflected increased usage of cannabis; in 1985 the National Campaign Against Drug Abuse was introduced, which was an assessment of illicit drug use among the general population. Prior to 1985, it was concluded that cannabis use amongst Australians rose from the early 1970s throughout the 1980s.
Donnelly and Hall report that in a survey conducted in 1973, 22% of Australians aged 20–29 years reported ever using cannabis. This rose to 56% in 1985, and school surveys show a marked increase in cannabis use during the 1970s and 1980s. The rise in the use of cannabis continued into the 1990s with the 1998 household survey recording the highest prevalence of cannabis use, with 39% of those surveyed using cannabis at least once and 18% reporting cannabis use in the past year. By 2001 the lifetime rate had fallen to one-third of the population, where it currently remains.
According to Donnelly and Hall, although changes in willingness to divulge illicit drug use and changing survey protocol and design are likely to have contributed to the change in prevalence, the extent and consistency of the increase suggests that an actual rise in cannabis use has occurred. A poll conducted by The Mercury in October 2011 showed that 71% of Australians want Cannabis legalised. Another poll done by The Daily Telegraph one of Australia's most popular newspapers showed 56.5% think it should be legalised. Most recently, in response to the passage of Amendment 64 in Colorado (allowing the recreational use of cannabis for legal adults), an online poll conducted by the ABC television show The Drum in November 2012 showed that 70% of Australians supported the legalisation of cannabis for recreational purposes. The poll enjoyed an overwhelming response unusual for the online poll with 35509 votes counted.
Currently there is increasing interest in hemp in Australia. A recent case in the media details a hemp grower on the northern beaches of Sydney who has legally grown 500 plants in his backyard. The Sydney Morning Herald describes cultivator Richard Friar as a hemp evangelist—a firm believer in the world-changing potential of this most versatile of plants, which can be used in everything from food to fabrics and building materials. With permission from the NSW Department of Primary Industries, Friar and his wife are part of a pilot project aimed at educating farmers to the benefits of growing hemp for its by-products from food to fabric. The author also notes that in December 2009, Friar applied to Food Standards Australia New Zealand for permission to sell the seed for human consumption; approval is expected.
Wendy Friar is quoted that hemp is a superfood; "It's 23% protein, and has more Omega 3 and Omega 6 than virtually any other source, including fish. In the early 1800s, Australia was twice saved from famine by eating virtually nothing but hemp seed for protein and hemp leaves for roughage". In 2012, hemp seeds and protein are readily available for purchase in health food stores, but with labels that say the product is not for human consumption.
According to J. Copeland from the NCPIC and others, cannabis in Australia is commonly smoked as a cluster (or “cone”) of the flowering heads or leaves of the female plant. Less commonly, the plant resin is smoked; this is known as hash or hash oil. Typically, cannabis is smoked using a bong or joint and is often mixed with tobacco, or "spun". Occasionally, cannabis is eaten or brewed as tea.
Cannabis use varies with age, and is most prevalent among Australians in their 20s and 30s. Patterns of use are similar to those throughout the developed world with heaviest use occurring in the early 20s, followed by a steady decline into the 30s. 90% of experimental or social recreational users of cannabis do not go on to use the substance daily or for a prolonged period; most discontinue its use by their late 20s.
According to the 2007 National Drug Strategy Household Survey, cannabis was used at least once by one-third of all Australians aged 14 years or older, and 1.6 million people reported using cannabis in the preceding 12 months. Of 12- to 15-year-olds 2.7% reported using cannabis in the previous 12 months, compared with 15% of 16- and 17-year-olds and 19% of 18- and 19-year-olds.
Results indicate that males aged 14 years or older were more likely than their female counterparts to have ever used cannabis (37.1% versus 30.0%), and one in five teenagers aged 14 to 19 reported having used cannabis. This gender differential is seen across all age groups except the 14- to 19-year-olds, in which there is little difference between males and females in terms of lifetime and past-year use.
Of the entire population, those aged 30 to 39 years were the most likely (54.6%) to have used cannabis at some time in their lives. According to McLaren and Mattick, the lower proportion of cannabis use among older age groups compared with younger users is even more striking when recent use is assessed; males aged 14 and older were more likely than corresponding females to have used cannabis in the previous 12 months (1.0 million and 0.6 million, respectively). 12.9% of teenagers aged 14 to 19 had used cannabis in the previous 12 months; those aged 20 to 29 were the most likely age group to have used cannabis in the previous 12 months, with one in five having done so.
According to Hall although rates of cannabis use are considerable, most people who use cannabis do so infrequently. According to the 2004 household survey, approximately half of all recent cannabis users used the drug less than once a month. However, the proportion of recent cannabis users who use cannabis every day is not considered trivial; it is cited at 16% by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. Those aged 30 to 39 were most likely to use cannabis every day. The 2004 household survey also shows that of all respondents who used cannabis on a regular basis, the average number of cones or joints smoked on any one day was 3.2.
Statistics show that between 1995 and 2007 (after peaking in 1998), the proportion of both males and females aged 14 years or older who had used cannabis in the previous 12 months declined steadily. Between 2004 and 2007, the decline was significant. Recent cannabis use dropped steadily since 1998 and significantly between 2004 and 2007—from 11.3% to 9.1%, the lowest proportion seen since 1993. Cross-sectional analysis of household survey data shows the age of initiation into cannabis decreasing over time. According to the Mental Health Council of Australia in 2006, the average age of first use for 12– to 19-year-olds was 14.9 years—significantly lower than in previous years.
Cannabis is considered relatively easy to obtain in Australia, with 17.1% of the population recording that they were offered (or had the opportunity to use) cannabis.
Well-documented historical and social factors have contributed to the widespread use of tobacco and alcohol among indigenous communities and according to Perkins, Clough and others, the use of illicit drugs (cannabis in particular) is higher among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples than among the non-indigenous population of Australia.
Little detailed information is available on cannabis use in urban or remote indigenous communities. J. Copeland from the NCPIC and others cite 2001 National Drug Strategy Household Survey results showing that 27% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander respondents reported using cannabis in the last 12 months, compared with 13% of non-indigenous Australians. However, these results are likely to under-report cannabis use in non-urban Aboriginal populations; communities are often small, isolated and highly mobile, making data collection problematic. What little detailed information is available on remote indigenous communities comes mainly from targeted studies of several communities in the Top End of Australia's Northern Territory.
Studies that do provide information on cannabis use within the indigenous population show pattern of problematic cannabis abuse that exceeds that seen in the mainstream non-indigenous population. A survey conducted in the mid-1980s by Watson and others failed to detect any cannabis use in Top End indigenous communities. However, by the late 1990s the Aboriginal Research Council provided information suggesting that cannabis was used by 31% of males and 8% of females in eastern Arnhem Land. A further study in 2002 found that cannabis was being used regularly by 67% of males and 22% of females aged 13 to 36.
As part of the 2004 National Drug Strategy, a survey was conducted assessing drug use among indigenous populations living in urban areas. Results showed that 48% had tried cannabis at least once, and 22% had used cannabis in the previous year. Regular cannabis use (at least weekly) was also more common among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island communities than non-indigenous groups (11% and 4%, respectively).
A state-wide survey of students in New South Wales (NSW) indicated that the use of cannabis is significantly higher among indigenous students. Researchers noted that, after adjusting for socio-demographic variables, indigenous students were 1.6 times more likely to have ever tried cannabis than non-indigenous students.
The data describing cannabis use in the indigenous population compared with non-indigenous use varies in the ratio of recent cannabis use to those respondents who have ever used cannabis. In the non-indigenous population, rates of cannabis use in the last 12 months are a third of those ever using cannabis; however, researchers found only a few percentage-points' difference between rates of regular and lifetime use within the indigenous population.
According to McLaren and Mattick, the reasons for high rates of cannabis use among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities are complex and likely to be related to the social determinants of drug use. Risk factors associated with harmful substance use are often related to poor health and social well-being, stemming from the alienation and dispossession experienced by this population. Spooner and Hetherington confirm that many of the social determinants of harmful substance abuse are disproportionately present in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.
Legislation and policy
In 1913 Australia signed the International Hague Convention on Narcotics, and extended importation controls over drugs other than opium. 1921 saw the first international drug treaty (the Opium Convention), and in 1925 the Geneva Convention on Opium and Other Drugs saw restrictions imposed on the manufacture, importation, sale, distribution, exportation and use of cannabis, opium, cocaine, morphine and heroin for medical and scientific purposes only.
In 1926 the Commonwealth Government banned the importation of cannabis; in 1928 Victoria passed the Poisons Act and became the first state to control cannabis, followed by South Australia (1934), NSW (1935), Queensland (1937), Western Australia (1950) and Tasmania (1959). In 1940 the Commonwealth extended import restrictions on Indian hemp, including preparations containing hemp.
In 1961 Australia signed the International Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs This convention supports an obligation to make cannabis available as a medicine. Most current state and federal cannabis control Acts in Australia are in contradiction to this.
Professor Robin Room, Director of the Centre for Alcohol Policy Research, Turning Point Alcohol & Drug Centre and Professor of Population Health & Chair of Social Research in Alcohol at University of Melbourne, published an op-ed on the Conversation Australia news website that proposed a regulated cannabis market as one way to reduce problem drinking in Australia. Room stated: "It’s time to rebalance laws, not only to cut down how much we are drinking, but also to reconsider whether young experimenters, and those around them, might be better off if the experiments were with another drug, such as cannabis."
Proposed decriminalisation (1970s-)
The 1978 NSW Joint Parliamentary Committee Upon Drugs supported the decriminalisation of cannabis; under the proposal, personal use of cannabis would no longer be an offence and users would be given bonds and probation. Trafficking in cannabis would carry severe penalties. However, the 1979 Australian Royal Commission of Inquiry into Drugs recommended against decriminalisation, concluding that such a step would contravene the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs and lead to calls for the decriminalisation of other drugs. The recommendation was that the consideration of decriminalisation be delayed for another 10 years.
In 1985, against a backdrop of growing awareness at community and government levels of illicit drug use at a national level, the National Campaign Against Drug Abuse (NCADA) was established.
Since 1985, the national drug policy in Australia has been based on the principle of criminalisation and harm minimisation; the National Campaign against Drug Abuse has since become the National Drug Strategy. The National Cannabis Strategy 2006–2009 was endorsed in 2006.
Australia has largely avoided a punitive drug policy, developing instead harm-minimisation strategies and a treatment framework embedded in a law-enforcement regime. Import and export of cannabis is illegal, and federal penalties apply. Offences can lead to sentences of up to life imprisonment for cases involving import or export of commercial quantities (100 kg and above for cannabis, 50 kg and above for cannabis resin and 2 kg and above for cannabinoids). Offences for quantities below a commercial quantity have lesser penalties attached. Federal offences also target the commercial cultivation of cannabis, domestic trafficking and possession. However, most cannabis offences committed are dealt with under state and territory legislation.
According to the Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy, the National Drug Strategy and its substance-specific strategies were written for the general population of Australia. The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples Complementary Action Plan 2003–2006 was developed as a supplement to the national action plans so that these plans could be applied to Australia's indigenous communities.
At a national level, there is no overriding law that deals with cannabis-related offences; instead, each state and territory enacts its own legislation. According to Copeland and others, while some jurisdictions enforce criminal penalties for possession, use and supply, others enact civil penalties for minor cannabis offences. Conviction for a criminal offence will attract a criminal record and can be punishable by jail time and harsh fines. Civil penalties, however, do not result in a criminal record and are generally handled by lesser fines, mandatory treatment and diversion programmes. In fact, all Australian states and territories have implemented systems where non-violent, minor and early cannabis offenders are diverted from the legal system.
Although violent offenders and dealers are excluded, cannabis-cautioning schemes have been implemented in several states. Offenders are issued a caution notice rather than facing criminal proceedings; cautioning systems include an educational component on the harm of cannabis. Some also contain mandatory counselling or more substantial treatment for repeat offenders.
Australian states and territories
Here are details of the penalty systems in place throughout Australia: in the Australian Capital Territory (ACT), a civil-penalty system for possession of small amounts of cannabis was introduced in 1993. Possession of up to 25 g or two non-hydroponic plants attracts a fine of 100 Australian dollars, due within 60 days. Offenders can choose to attend the Alcohol and Drug Program (ACT Alcohol, Tobacco and Other Drugs Strategy). In South Australia possession of small quantities of cannabis is decriminalised, attracting a fine similar to that for a parking ticket. However, penalties for growing cannabis have become harsher since the advent of widespread large-scale cultivation. There is much confusion on the subject, with many believing that possession of a small amount of cannabis is legal.
In Western Australia, as of August 2011: A person found in possession of 10 g or less of cannabis will receive a Cannabis Intervention Requirement notice to attend a mandatory one on one counselling session. Quantities larger than this attract a penalty of A$2000 or two years in jail, or both. A person found in possession of more than 100g of cannabis would be deemed to have that quantity for supply and could face a penalty of A$20,000 or two years in jail. It is also illegal for cannabis smoking implements to be displayed in shops or sold, with fines up to A$10,000 for sales to adults and jail for up to two years or a fine of up to A$24,000 for selling to minors. Opposing political sides have accused the government of changing the laws to appear tough on drugs in response to an increased public fear of clandestine drug labs following a number of them exploding in suburban areas, such as the Lilac Pass Incident.
In New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria and Tasmania, possession and use of cannabis is a criminal offence; however, it is unlikely that anyone caught with a small amount will be convicted. Diversion programs in these states aim to divert offenders into education, assessment and treatment programs. In New South Wales, if one is caught with up to 15 g of cannabis, at police discretion up to two cautions can be issued. In Tasmania up to three cautions can be issued for possession of up to 50 g of cannabis, with a hierarchy of intervention and referrals for treatment with each caution.
Similarly, in Victoria, up to 50 g of cannabis will attract a caution and the opportunity to attend an education program (Victoria Cannabis Cautioning Program); only two cautions will be issued. In Queensland, possession of cannabis or any schedule 1 or 2 drug specified in the Drugs Misuse Regulation 1987 carries a maximum prison sentence of 15 years; however, jail terms for minor possession is very rare. Possession of smoking paraphernalia is also a criminal offence in Queensland. However, under the Police Powers and Responsibilities Act 2000 a person who admits to carrying under 50 g (and is not committing any other offence) must be offered a drug diversion program.
Adults in the Northern Territory found in possession of up to 50 g of marijuana, one gram of hash oil, 10 g of hash or cannabis seed, or two non-hydroponic plants can be fined A$200 with 28 days to expiate rather than face a criminal charge.
With the rapid expansion in hydroponic cannabis cultivation, the Australian Drug Misuse and Trafficking Act (1985) was amended in 2006; the amount of cannabis grown indoors under hydroponic conditions that qualifies as a "commercial quantity" or as a "large quantity" was reduced.
The use and cultivation of cannabis is illegal in Australia without authorisation, justification or excuse under law. Medical necessity is also a legitimate defence for some people in Australia for e.g. Clinical trials of cannabis for medicinal purposes have been suggested; however, no jurisdiction has indicated it will conduct trials in the near future and there does not appear to be widespread support for medical trials at the government level.
Support for a change in legislation permitting the use of marijuana for medical purposes remained relatively unchanged between 2004 and 2007. Two-thirds (68.6%) of respondents in the 2007 NDSHS survey supported "a change in legislation permitting the use of marijuana for medical purposes" and almost three-quarters (73.6%) supported "a clinical trial for people to use marijuana to treat medical conditions". Females were slightly more likely than males to support either of these measures.
A media report on May 16, 2013 stated that a New South Wales (NSW) parliamentary committee has recommended the use of medically-prescribed cannabis for terminally ill patients and has supported the legalisation of cannabis-based pharmaceuticals on such grounds. As part of the recommendation, the committee has called upon the cooperation of the federal Australian government for a scheme that would allow patients to possess up to 15 grams of cannabis. Also, both the patients and their carers would be required to obtain a certificate from a specialist, registration with the Department of Health and a photo Identification card.
The committee's report, which included Liberal, National, Labor, Greens and Shooters party members, was unanimous, but the document acknowledged that NSW had limited powers, as federal laws and bodies such as the Therapeutic Goods Administration governed the regulation of drugs. Also, the committee did not recommend the use of cannabis for chronic pain or for the decriminalisation of marijuana cultivation for personal use. Ellomo Medical Cannabis P/L and Mullaway's Medical Cannabis P/L are two Australian medicinal cannabis companies, and the former was responsible for a submission to the 2013 NSW parliamentary enquiry into the use of cannabis for medical purposes.
Statistics on the prevalence of cannabis use indicate the existence of high demand for the drug. As cannabis is an illicit drug, a sizeable black market exists to meet demand.
Prevalence and price
The prevalence of cannabis in Australia indicates that the drug is widely available. The University of New South Wales' National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre's Drug Trends Bulletin for October 2009 shows that 58% of cannabis users in NSW believe hydroponically-grown cannabis to be "very easily" available; 43% believe bush-grown cannabis is "very easy" to find. 0% considered hydro cannabis "very difficult" to find and 5% considered bush-grown cannabis to be "very difficult" to find. The results show that figures for the ACT are lower (42% believe hydroponically-grown cannabis is "very easy" to find, as do 29% for bush-grown cannabis. 3% and 7%, respectively, believe that cannabis is "very difficult" to find).
Victoria shows similar figures to NSW; 66% and 32%, respectively, believe cannabis is "very easy" to find and 0% and 3%, respectively, believe it is "very difficult" to find). Tasmania shows similar statistics. In South Australia fewer people consider cannabis (either hydroponically- or bush-grown) "very easy" to find (32% and 37% respectively), with the majority considering it "easy" to find (46% and 21%). Western Australia reports similar statistics as South Australia, as does the Northern Territory. Queensland reports statistics similar to NSW with 64% and 56% of respondents reporting hydroponically grown cannabis and bush cannabis, respectively, "very easy" to find and 3% and 6%, respectively, considering it "very difficult" to find.
The majority of cannabis is domestically produced, with outdoor and hydroponic cultivation common in all states and territories. Single and others note that Australia’s climate and the amount of space available is conducive to outdoor cultivation. According to the Australian Crime Commission (ACC) the average price for one gram of cannabis ranged from A$20–A$35, although prices in remote areas can be significantly higher. In remote regions of the Northern Territories, for example, the price can reach $50–$100 for a gram.
According to Stafford and Burns, an ounce of hydroponically grown cannabis has risen from A$300–$320 between 2008 and 2009; an ounce of bush weed has increased from A$200–$229. NDSHS notes that one in six Australians reported that they were offered or had the opportunity to use cannabis. The ACC reports that hydroponically-grown cannabis is described by 75% of the 2007 NDSHS respondents as being "easy" or "very easy" to obtain; "bush cannabis" (outdoor-grown cannabis), by contrast, is not as readily available and was reported by over half of the respondents as being "easy" to obtain.
Respondents in the National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre (NDARC) October 2009 Drug Trends Bulletin were asked to rate the purity and potency of cannabis. Statistics show that, in general, hydroponically-grown cannabis is considered to have high purity and potency (NSW 61%; ACT 54%; Victoria 58%; Tasmania 66%; South Australia 65%; Western Australia 69%; Northern Territory 38% [14% low; 31% medium; 17% fluctuates]; Queensland 58%). Bush-grown cannabis is considered to have medium purity and potency (explained by the greater variables in production), with a number of respondents categorising bush grown cannabis as poor-quality. Respondents reported daily or near-daily use of cannabis.
According to the 2007 NDSHS, 68.5% of cannabis users obtained cannabis from a friend or acquaintance. 4.8% acquired it from a relative, and 19.5% obtained it from a dealer. 7.2% claimed to have acquired the drug in another way, including “grew/made/picked it myself”.
Seizures and arrests
According to the Australian Crime Commission (ACC), cannabis accounted for the greatest proportion of national illicit drug arrests and seizures in 2007/2008 – 5409 kg (5,409,000 grams) were seized nationally over 12 months, accounting for 64% of illicit drugs seized in Australia. This equates to 41,660 cannabis seizures, or 68% of all seizures. 2007/2008 saw 52,465 cannabis arrests, a 7% decrease from figures for 2006/2007. The majority of arrests continue to occur in Queensland. Despite a slight decrease from 2006, cannabis continues to be the most commonly detected drug amongst police detainees. Self-reporting within this group identifies hydroponically-grown heads as both the preferred and actual form of cannabis used by the majority of detainees.
Support for the legalisation of illicit drugs declined slightly between 2004 and 2007 and support for the legalisation for personal use of cannabis fell between 2004 and 2007, from 27.0% to 21.2%. Males were more likely than females to support legalisation (in 2007, 23.8% versus 18.5%). Most states and territories have policies or legislation in place which are designed to reduce the penalties for cannabis possession. The objective, according to the Australian Illicit Drug Guide, is to reduce backlogs in the judicial system caused by what are considered minor cannabis offences and to divert offenders into treatment and counselling.
Cannabis-cautioning programs operate in Victoria, NSW, ACT, WA and Tasmania as part of the Illicit Drug Diversion Initiative. These programmes are policy-based (rather than legislation-based) approaches. Most states also have separate cautioning systems for juvenile offenders.
The Nimbin Hemp Embassy is a non-profit association that was established in 1992. The embassy's objectives are cannabis law reform via an education program for the community about hemp products and cannabis and "promoting a more tolerant and compassionate attitude to people in general". According to the HEMP Embassy website, "the Nearly NORML Nimbin group formed in 1988 as the district's first enduring drug law reform outfit and later became Nimbin HEMP – Help End Marijuana Prohibition – then later in 1992 the name changed to the Nimbin HEMP Embassy. Generally the group discussed the cannabis laws of NSW and how they might be changed"
In 1993, as a passive response to police raids in Nimbin and increasingly negative local reaction, the HEMP Embassy created the inaugural "Let It Grow" May Day rally and street parade, a celebratory and non-provocative form of political action. This became the first-ever MardiGrass, now a well-known cannabis-law-reform rally and festival held annually in the town of Nimbin.
The Australian Help End Marijuana Prohibition (HEMP) political party has a number of objectives, including:
- endorsing candidates in federal elections
- legalising cannabis in all states and territories in Australia for
- personal use
- medical and therapeutic use
- industrial purposes
- collecting and disseminating knowledge relating to any or all of the Party's aims
- campaigning (and lobbying) in all sectors of the community
- organising fundraising for the Party
- conducting and facilitating research relating to any or all of the Party's aims
- applying for public funding for electoral purposes, in accordance with the provisions of the Australian Electoral Act (1918) as amended
- do all which may be necessary, expedient or desirable to carry out the aims of the Party
The aims of the party centre on decriminalising both possession of small amounts of cannabis and the cultivation of cannabis for personal use, as well as legalising cannabis for medical use. A more radical proposal is that of "drug-free" zones which would "address issues of public consumption of cannabis through community policing" and the party supports greater funding for treatment services. In 2001 and 2004 the National President of the HEMP party, Michael Balderstone, ran as a Senate candidate. The party did not contest the 2007 Federal elections because it had been de-registered and could not re-register in time. It is campaigning to enroll more members, to be eligible to register again.
Following in the footsteps of the Cannabis Cup in the Netherlands, the Cannabis Cup in Australia is a competition run by MardiGrass to judge strains of cannabis. Growers submit samples of their crop for judging and the Hemp Olympics, held at MardiGrass, includes events such as bong throwing, joint rolling and "a growers' Ironperson competition, which requires participants to crawl through lantana tunnels dragging large bags of fertilizer".
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