The First Church of Christ, Scientist, Boston, Massachusetts, with the original church (foreground) and 1906 extension
|Founder||Mary Baker Eddy (1821–1910)|
|Texts||Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures by Mary Baker Eddy and King James Bible|
|Members||Estimated 100,000 in the United States in 1990; 400,000 worldwide in 2008, according to the church|
|Beliefs||"Basic teachings", Church of Christ, Scientist|
Christian Science is a set of beliefs and practices belonging to the metaphysical family of new religious movements. It was developed in 19th-century New England by Mary Baker Eddy (1821–1910), who argued in her book Science and Health (1875) that sickness is an illusion that can be corrected by prayer alone. The book became Christian Science's central text, along with the King James Bible, and by 2001 had sold over nine million copies.
Eddy and 26 followers were granted a charter in 1879 to found the Church of Christ, Scientist, and in 1894 the Mother Church, The First Church of Christ, Scientist, was built in Boston, Massachusetts. In the early 20th century Christian Science became the fastest growing religion in the United States, with nearly 270,000 members there by 1936, a figure that had declined by 1990 to just over 100,000. The church is known for its newspaper, the Christian Science Monitor, which won seven Pulitzer Prizes between 1950 and 2002, and for its Reading Rooms, which are open to the public in around 1,200 cities.
Eddy described Christian Science as a return to "primitive Christianity and its lost element of healing." There are key differences between Christian Science theology and that of orthodox Christianity. In particular, adherents subscribe to a radical form of philosophical idealism, believing that reality is purely spiritual and the material world an illusion. This includes the view that disease is a mental error rather than physical disorder, and that the sick should be treated, not by medicine, but by a form of prayer that seeks to correct the beliefs responsible for the illusion of ill health.
The church does not require that Christian Scientists avoid all medical care – adherents use dentists, optometrists, obstetricians, physicians for broken bones, and vaccination when required by law – but maintains that Christian Science prayer is most effective when not combined with medicine. Between the 1880s and 1990s the avoidance of medical treatment was blamed for the deaths of several adherents and their children; parents and others were prosecuted for manslaughter or neglect, and in a few cases convicted.
- 1 Overview
- 2 History and development
- 2.1 Birth of the religion
- 2.2 Writing and teaching
- 2.3 Growth
- 2.4 Decline
- 3 Church, practices
- 3.1 First Church of Christ, Scientist
- 3.2 Healing practices
- 3.3 Christian Science Publishing Society
- 3.4 Works by Mary Baker Eddy
- 4 See also
- 5 Sources
- 6 Further reading
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Several periods of Protestant Christian revival nurtured a proliferation of new religious movements in the United States. In the latter half of the 19th century these included what came to be known as the metaphysical family: groups such as Christian Science, Divine Science and the Unity School of Christianity. From the 1890s the liberal section of the movement became known as New Thought, in part to distinguish it from the more authoritarian Christian Science.
The term metaphysical referred to the movement's philosophical idealism, a belief in the primacy of the mental world. Adherents believed that matter emanated from a supreme cause or consciousness, variously referred to as Divine Mind, Truth, God, Love, Life, Spirit, Principle, reflecting elements of Plato, Hinduism, Berkeley, Hegel, Swedenborg and transcendentalism. "The universe is mental," writes religious scholar Dell de Chant, "or, as most New Thoughters would put it, God is Mind."
The metaphysical groups were also known as the mind-cure movement because of their strong focus on healing. Medical practice was in its infancy, and patients regularly fared better if left alone. This provided fertile soil for the mind-cure groups, who argued that sickness was simply an absence of "right thinking" or failure to connect to Divine Mind. The movement traced its roots to Phineas Parkhurst Quimby (1802–1866), a New England clockmaker turned mental healer, whose motto was "the truth is the cure." Mary Baker Eddy had been a patient of his, leading to debate about how much of Christian Science was based on his ideas.
New Thought and Christian Science differed in that Eddy saw her views as a unique and final revelation. Eddy's idea of malicious animal magnetism marked another distinction (that people can be harmed by the bad thoughts of others), introducing an element of fear that was absent from the New Thought literature. Most significantly, Eddy dismissed the material world as an illusion, rather than as merely subordinate to Mind, leading her to reject the use of medicine, or materia medica, and making Christian Science the most controversial of the metaphysical groups. Reality for Eddy was purely spiritual.
Christian Science theology
Christian Science leaders place their religion "within the mainstream of Christian teaching," writes J. Gordon Melton, and reject any identification with the New Thought movement. Eddy was strongly influenced by her Congregationalist upbringing. In founding the Church of Christ, Scientist, in April 1879, she wrote that she wanted it to "reinstate primitive Christianity and its lost element of healing." Later she suggested that Christian Science was a kind of second coming, and that her book, Science and Health, first published in 1875, was an inspired text. In 1895, in the Manual of the Mother Church, she ordained the Bible and Science and Health as "Pastor over the Mother Church."
According to the church's tenets, adherents accept "the inspired Word of the Bible as [their] sufficient guide to eternal Life ... acknowledge and adore one supreme and infinite God ... [and] acknowledge His Son, one Christ; the Holy Ghost or divine Comforter; and man in God's image and likeness."
Christian Science theology differs in several respects from that of traditional Christianity. Eddy's Science and Health reinterprets key Christian concepts, including the Trinity, divinity of Jesus, atonement and resurrection; from the 1883 edition she included a glossary that redefined the Christian vocabulary, and added with a Key to the Scriptures to the title. At the core of Eddy's theology is the view that the spiritual world is the only reality and is entirely good, and that the material world, with its evil, sickness and death, is an illusion. Humankind is a perfect idea of God or Divine Mind; what Eddy called "mortal man," writes Bryan Wilson, is simply humankind's distorted view of itself. Despite her view that evil does not exist, an important element of Christian Science theology is that evil thought, in the form of malicious animal magnetism, can cause harm, even if the harm is only apparent.
Eddy viewed God not as a person, but as "All-in-all." Although she often described God as if discussing personhood – she used the term "Father–Mother God" (as did Ann Lee, the founder of Shakerism), and in the third edition of Science and Health referred to God as "she" – God is mostly represented in Christian Science by the synonyms "Mind, Spirit, Soul, Principle, Life, Truth, Love." The Holy Ghost is Christian Science, and heaven and hell are states of mind.
There is no supplication in Christian Science prayer. The process involves the Scientist engaging in a silent argument to affirm to herself the unreality of matter, something Christian Science practitioners will do for a fee, including in absentia, to address ill health or other problems. Wilson writes that Christian Science healing is "not curative ... on its own premises, but rather preventative of ill health, accident and misfortune, since it claims to lead to a state of consciousness where these things do not exist. What heals is the realization that there is nothing really to heal." It is a closed system of thought, viewed as infallible if performed correctly; healing confirms the power of Truth, but its absence derives from the failure, specifically the bad thoughts, of individuals.
Eddy accepted as true the creation narrative in the Book of Genesis up to chapter 2, verse 6 – that God created man in his image and likeness – but rejected the rest "as the story of the false and the material," writes Wilson. Her theology is nontrinitarian; she viewed the Trinity as suggestive of polytheism. She saw Jesus as a Christian Scientist, a "Way-shower" between humanity and God, and distinguished between Jesus the man and the concept of Christ, the latter a synonym for Truth and Jesus the first person fully to manifest it. The crucifixion was not a divine sacrifice for the sins of humanity, the atonement (the forgiveness of sin through Jesus's suffering) "not the bribing of God by offerings," writes Wilson, but an "at-one-ment" with God.
Her views on life after death were vague and, according to Wilson, "there is no doctrine of the soul" in Christian Science: "[A]fter death, the individual continues his probationary state until he has worked out his own salvation by proving the truths of Christian Science." Eddy did not believe that the dead and living could communicate.
To the more conservative of the Protestant clergy, Eddy's view of Science and Health as divinely inspired was a challenge to the Bible's authority. "Eddyism" was viewed as a cult; one of the first uses of the modern sense of the word was in A. H. Barrington's Anti-Christian Cults (1898), a book about Spiritualism, Theosophy and Christian Science. In a few cases Christian Scientists were expelled from Christian congregations, but ministers also worried that their parishioners were choosing to leave. In May 1885 the London Times' Boston correspondent wrote about the "Boston mind-cure craze": "Scores of the most valued Church members are joining the Christian Scientist branch of the metaphysical organization, and it has thus far been impossible to check the defection."
In 1907 Mark Twain described the appeal of the new religion:
History and development
Birth of the religion
Mary Baker Eddy
July 16, 1821|
Bow, New Hampshire
December 3, 1910
Born Mary Morse Baker on a farm in Bow, New Hampshire, Eddy was the youngest of six children in a family of Protestant Congregationalists. Her father, Mark Baker, was a deeply religious man, although, according to one account, "Christianity to him was warfare against sin, not a religion of human brotherhood." In common with most women at the time Eddy was given little formal education, but said she had read widely at home. From childhood she lived with protracted ill health, complaining of chronic indigestion and spinal inflammation, and according to biographers experiencing fainting spells. The literary critic Harold Bloom described her as "a kind of anthology of nineteenth-century nervous ailments."
Eddy's first husband died just before her 23rd birthday, six months after they married and three months before their son was born, leaving her penniless; as a result of her poor health she lost custody of the boy when he was four, although sources differ as to whether she could have prevented this. Her second husband left her after 13 years of marriage; Eddy said that he had promised to become the child's legal guardian, but it is unclear whether he did, and Eddy lost contact with her son until he was in his thirties (per the legal doctrine of coverture, women in the United States could not then be their own children's guardians). Her third husband, Asa Gilbert Eddy, died five years after they married; she believed he had been killed by malicious animal magnetism. Six years later, when she was 67 and apparently in need of loyalty and affection, she legally adopted a 41-year-old homeopath as her second son.
Eddy was by all accounts charismatic and able to inspire great loyalty, although Gillian Gill writes that she could also be irrational and unkind. According to Bryan Wilson, she exemplified the female charismatic leader, and was viewed as the head of the Christian Science church even after her death; he wrote in 1961 that her name – Christian Scientists call her Mrs. Eddy or "our beloved Leader" – was still included in all articles published in the Christian Science journals.
It was in part because of her unusual personality that Christian Science flourished, despite the numerous disputes she initiated among her followers. "She was like a patch of colour in those gray communities," McClure's wrote, "She never laid aside her regal air; never entered a room or left it like other people." Mark Twain, a prominent critic of hers, described her in 1907 as "vain, untruthful [and] jealous," but "[i]n several ways ... the most interesting woman that ever lived, and the most extraordinary."
Phineas Parkhurst Quimby
Eddy tried every remedy for her ill health, including a three-month stay at the Vail's Hydropathic Institute in Hill, New Hampshire. She told the Boston Post in 1883 that, for the seven years prior to 1862 (most of her second marriage), she had been effectively confined to her bed or room.
In 1861 Eddy heard of a healing method developed by Phineas Parkhurst Quimby, a former clockmaker in Portland, Maine. Self-styled Dr. P. P. Quimby, a practitioner of the "Science of Health," Quimby had become interested in healing after recovering suddenly from a condition he believed was consumption (tuberculosis). After attending a lecture in Maine in 1837 by the French mesmerist Charles Poyen, Quimby began to practise mesmerism himself. Mesmerism was named after Franz Mesmer (1734–1815), a German physician who argued for the existence of a fluid through which bodies could influence each other, a force he called animal magnetism. Quimby and an assistant, Lucius Burkmar, traveled around Maine and New Brunswick giving demonstrations; Burkmar, in a trance, would offer mind readings and suggestions for cures.
Quimby abandoned mesmerism around 1847 when he realized that it was suggestion that was effecting the apparent cures. He came to the view that disease was a mental state. When Jesus healed a paralysed arm he had known, Quimby wrote, "that the arm was not the cause but the effect, and he addressed Himself to the intelligence, and applied His wisdom to the cause." In so doing Jesus had relied upon Christ, a synonym for Truth, Science and God, a power that Quimby believed all human beings could access. Quimby referred to this idea, in February 1863, as "Christian science," a phrase he used only once in writing. He wrote:
By 1856 Quimby had 500 patients a year. He would sit next to them and explain that the disease was something their minds could control; sometimes he would wet his hands and rub their heads, but it was the talking that helped them, he said, not the manipulation. Quimby began to write his thoughts down around 1859 – his work was published posthumously as The Quimby Manuscripts in 1921 – and was generous in allowing his patients to copy one of his essays, "Questions and Answers." This became an issue, from 1883 onwards, when Eddy was accused of having based Christian Science on his work.
Eddy as Quimby's patient
When Eddy first met Quimby in Portland in October 1862, she had to be helped up the stairs to his consulting rooms. She spoke highly of him the following month in a letter to the Portland Evening Courier: "This truth which he opposes to the error of giving intelligence to matter and placing pain where it never placed itself ... changes the currents of the system to their normal action ..." In a second letter she offered to supply quotations from Quimby's "theory of Christ (not Jesus)." Between then and May 1864, Eddy returned to see Quimby several times, staying for weeks in Portland and visiting him daily. She wrote to him regularly, and composed a sonnet for him, "Mid light of science sits the sage profound."
Eddy first used mental healing on a patient in March 1864, when one of Quimby's patients in Portland, Mary Ann Jarvis, suffered a relapse when she returned home to Warren, Maine. Eddy stayed with her for two months, giving Jarvis mental healing to ease a breathing problem, and writing to Quimby six times for absent treatment for herself. She called the latter "angel visits"; in one of her letters to Quimby, she said that she had seen him in her room. In April she gave a public lecture in Warren, contrasting mental healing with Spiritualism, entitled: "P. P. Quimby's Spiritual Science healing disease, as opposed to Deism or Rochester Rapping Spiritualism."
Fall in Lynn
Quimby died on January 16, 1866, three months after Eddy's father. Eddy wrote a poem on January 22, "Lines on the Death of Dr. P. P. Quimby, Who Healed with the Truth that Christ Taught, in Contradistinction to All Isms," which was published in a local newspaper. Two weeks later, on February 1, she slipped on ice in Lynn, Massachusetts, injuring her head and neck:
Christian Scientists call this "the fall in Lynn," and see it as the birth of their religion. Decades later Eddy wrote that, on the third day after the fall, she had been helped by reading a certain Bible passage. In several editions of Science and Health she identified it as Mark 3, but later said that it had been Matthew 9.2, a passage about one of Jesus's healings: "As I read, the healing Truth dawned upon my sense; and the result was that I rose, dressed myself, and ever after was in better health than I had before enjoyed." The physician who treated her at the time, Alvin M. Cushing, swore in an affidavit in 1907 that the injury had not been a serious one, and that Eddy had responded to morphine and a homeopathic remedy; she had not said anything to him about a miraculous healing.
The fall in Lynn in 1866 was one of several experiences Eddy associated with the development of mental healing. In the first edition of Science and Health (1875), she wrote that she had "made our first discovery that science mentally applied would heal the sick" in 1864, while she was seeing Quimby, and in 1883 told the Boston Post that she had "laid the foundations of mental healing" in 1853, when she was practising homeopathy. Elsewhere in the first edition of Science and Health she attributed the discovery to her difficulties with chronic indigestion as a child. Eddy first linked the fall in Lynn to Christian Science in 1871, in a letter to a prospective student:
Whether Eddy considered herself healed at the time is unclear. Two weeks after the fall she requested treatment from another patient of Quimby's, Julius Dresser, and in June that year the Mayor of Lynn told the city Eddy had sent them a letter "in which she states that owing to the unsafe condition of [the streets] ... she slipped and fell, causing serious personal injuries, from which she has little prospect of recovering, and asking for pecuniary recompense for the injuries received." In February 1867 Eddy and her husband, Daniel Patterson, a dentist, filed a lawsuit against the city to recover damages.
Writing and teaching
Teaching Sally Wentworth
In March 1866, a month after the fall, Eddy and her husband (then married for 13 years) moved into an unfurnished room in Lynn. At some point her husband left and Eddy was evicted, unable to pay the $1.50 weekly rent. He appears to have returned briefly – they moved to a boarding house in July, and in August he paid Dr. Cushing's bill from the fall – but the marriage was over. He sent her $200 a year for a time, and they divorced in 1873.
Eddy moved between lodgings in Swampscott, Lynn, Stoughton and Amesbury, teaching Quimby's healing method in lieu of rent, parting company with her hosts over money and what several said was an imperious attitude. Her first student was Hiram Crafts, a shoe worker in whose house she stayed, who advertised for patients himself in May 1867, offering a cure for "Consumption, Catarrh, Scrofula, Dyspepsia and Rheumatism." Eddy asked Crafts to set up a practice with her, but the plan came to nothing. In addition to teaching, Eddy had started to write; toward the end of 1866 she began work on an allegorical interpretation of Genesis, intended as the first volume of a book (never published), The Bible in its Spiritual Meaning.
In the summer of 1868, while lodging with Spiritualist Sarah Bagley in Amesbury, Eddy advertised for students in a Spiritualist magazine, the Banner of Light, as Mary B. Glover (her first husband's surname). The ad promised a "principle of science" that would heal with "[n]o medicine, electricity, physiology or hygiene required for unparalleled success in the most difficult cases." Sally Wentworth, another Spiritualist, offered Eddy $300-worth of bed and board in Stoughton if Eddy would treat her daughter's lung condition and teach Wentworth the healing method. Eddy stayed there for two years, from 1868 to 1870, teaching Wentworth with Quimby's unpublished essay, "Questions and Answers." She acknowledged that the manuscript was Quimby's, and spoke often of how she had promised to teach his healing method, which at the time she called Moral Science.
Moral Science practice in Lynn
Eddy was asked to leave the Wentworths' in early 1870. They fell out over several issues, including her request that they pay a printer $600 to publish her Genesis manuscript, which apparently ran to over 100,000 words.
She returned to Amesbury to stay with Sally Bagley, where she resumed contact with Richard Kennedy. Kennedy had been a fellow lodger two years earlier when he was working in a box factory, and had become one of her earliest students. She now asked him to join her in opening a Moral Science practice in Lynn; he would see patients and she would teach. He agreed to pay her $1,000 for the previous two years' tuition. Kennedy rented rooms in Lynn in June 1870, and placed a sign in the yard, "Dr. Kennedy"; he was 21 and Eddy 49. The practice became popular; McClure's wrote that people would say: "Go to Dr. Kennedy. He can't hurt you, even if he doesn't help you."
Lynn was a center of the shoe industry and most of Eddy's students were factory workers or artisans. She charged $100, raised a few weeks later to $300, for a three-week course of 12 lessons (reduced in 1888 to seven). Eddy based the lessons on a revised version of Quimby's "Questions and Answers" manuscript, now called "The Science of Man, by which the sick are healed, Embracing Questions and Answers in Moral Science," and on three shorter manuscripts, "The Soul's Inquiry of Man," "Spiritualism" and "Individuality," which she had written for her classes. "Questions and Answers" began: "What is God?" The answer: "Principle, wisdom, love, and truth." Two books on mental healing appeared around that time that may have influenced Eddy's thinking: The Mental Cure (1869) and Mental Medicine (1872), both by Warren Felt Evans, another former patient of Quimby's.
Eddy allowed her students to make copies of the manuscripts, but they were forbidden, under a $3,000 bond, from showing them to anyone. The students agreed to pay Eddy 10 percent annually of income derived from her work, and $1,000 if they failed to practice or teach it.  She at first taught them to rub patients' heads, to "lay [their] hands where the belief is to rub it out forever"; Kennedy would manipulate each student's head and solar plexus before class in preparation. The head rubbing was abandoned when the women complained about having to take their hair down, and the stomach rubbing held no appeal for them either. Eventually Eddy told them to ignore that part of the manuscript, and from then on Christian Science healing did not involve touching patients.
In 1879 Eddy sued two of the students (unsuccessfully) for royalties from their practices. They testified that she had claimed she no longer needed to eat and had seen the dead raised. Eddy told the judge she meant she had "seen the dead in understanding raised."
Mary B. Glover's Christian Scientists' Home
Kennedy decided toward the end of 1871 to end his business partnership with Eddy. She had accused him in front of others of cheating at cards; it was one of several scenes she had caused between them and he walked out on her. There was a temporary reconciliation, but he was unhappy about the abandonment of head rubbing, and after a dispute between Eddy and a student over a refund was played out in the local press, he decided to go his own way.
Once Kennedy and Eddy had settled their financial affairs in May 1872, she was left with $6,000. Peel writes that at this point she had already written 60 pages of Science and Health. She was renting rooms in Lynn at 9 Broad Street, when 8 Broad Street came on the market. In March 1875 she purchased it for $5,650, taking in students to pay the mortgage. It was in the attic room of this house that she completed Science and Health.
Shortly after moving in, Eddy became close to another student, Daniel Spofford. He was 33 years old and married when he joined her class; he later left his wife in the hope that he might marry Eddy, but his feelings were not reciprocated. Spofford and seven other students agreed to form an association that would pay Eddy a certain amount a week if she would preach to them every Sunday. They called themselves the Christian Scientists' Association.
Eddy placed a sign on 8 Broad Street, Mary B. Glover's Christian Scientists' Home. According to McClure's, there was a regular turnover of tenants and domestic staff, whom Eddy accused of stealing from the house; she blamed Richard Kennedy for using mesmerism to turn people against her. According to Peel, there was gossip about the attractive woman, the men who came and went, and whether she was engaged in witchcraft. She was hurt, he wrote, but made light of it: "Of course I believe in free love; I love everyone."
Science and Health
Eddy copyrighted her book, then called The Science of Life, in July 1874. Three of her students, George Barry, Elizabeth Newhall and Daniel Spofford, paid a Boston printer, W. F. Brown and Company, $2,200 to produce the first edition. The printer began work in September 1874, but stopped whenever the advance payment ran out, so progress was slow. The book – Science and Health by Mary Baker Glover, with eight chapters and 456 pages – finally appeared on October 30, 1875. The publisher was named as the Christian Science Publishing Company.
The book was positively received by Amos Bronson Alcott, who in 1876 wrote to Eddy that she had "reaffirm[ed] in modern phrase the Christian revelations," and that he was pleased it had been written by a woman. The printer's proofreading had been poor. Martin Gardner called the first edition a "chaotic patchwork of repetitious, poorly paragraphed topics," with spelling, punctuation and grammatical mistakes.
Eddy changed printers for the second edition, which was also poorly proofread, and for the third edition in 1881 switched again, this time to John Wilson & Sons, University Press, Cambridge, MA. John Wilson and his successor, William Dana Orcutt, continued to print the book until after Eddy's death. To the 6th edition in 1883, Eddy added with a Key to the Scriptures (later retitled with Key to the Scriptures), a 20-page glossary containing her definitions of Biblical terms. The book sold 15,000 copies between 1875 and 1885.
In August 1885, on the advice of John Wilson, she hired one of his proofreaders, the Rev. James Henry Wiggin, as an editor and literary adviser for the 16th edition. The issue of how much Wiggin contributed to Science and Health is controversial. A former Unitarian clergyman, he was the book's editor from the 16th edition in 1886 until the 50th in 1891 – 22 editions appeared between 1886 and 1888 alone – and according to his literary executor, speaking after Wiggin's death, said he had rewritten it. Robert Peel wrote that Wiggin had "toned up" Eddy's style, but had not affected her thinking. In a letter to Wiggin in July 1886, Eddy wrote: "Never change my meaning, only bring it out."
Eddy continued to revise the book until her death in 1910. In 1902 she added a chapter called "Fruitage," recounting healing testimonies from the Christian Science Journal and Christian Science Sentinel. There were over 400 editions (the final ran to 18 chapters and 600 pages), seven of them major revisions, according to Gottschalk, and members were encouraged to buy them all. Other income derived from the sale of rings and brooches, pictures of Eddy, and in 1889 the Mary Baker Eddy souvenir spoon; Eddy asked every Christian Scientist to buy at least one, or a dozen if they could afford to. When the copyright on Science and Health expired in 1971, the church persuaded Congress to extend it to 2046; the bill was supported by two of President Nixon's aides, Christian Scientists H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman. The law was overturned as unconstitutional in 1987, after a challenge by United Christian Scientists, an independent group. By 2001 the book had sold over nine million copies.
Sickness as error
Science and Health expanded on Eddy's view that sickness was a mental error. People said that simply reading Science and Health had healed them; cures were claimed for everything from cancer to blindness. Eddy wrote in the New York Sun in December 1898, in an article called "To the Christian World," that she had personally healed tuberculosis, diphtheria and "at one visit a cancer that had eaten the flesh of the neck and exposed the jugular vein so that it stood out like a cord. I have physically restored sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, speech to the dumb, and have made the lame walk." Eddy wrote that her views had derived, in part, from having witnessed the apparent recovery of patients she had treated with homeopathic remedies so diluted they were drinking plain water. She concluded that Divine Mind was the healer:
She argued that even naming and reading about disease could turn thoughts into physical symptoms, and that the recording of ages might reduce the human lifespan. To explain how individuals could be harmed by poison without holding beliefs about it, she referred to the power of majority opinion. Eddy allowed exceptions from Christian Science prayer, including for dentistry, optometry and broken limbs; she said she had healed broken bones using "mental surgery," but that this skill would be the last to be learned. But for the most part (then and now), Christian Scientists believe that medicine and Christian Science are incompatible. Medicine asserts that something needs to be fixed, while Christian Science asserts that spiritual reality is perfect and beliefs to the contrary need to be corrected.
In the 1890s Richard Cabot of Harvard Medical School studied the healing testimonies published by the Christian Science Journal, which Eddy founded in 1883, for his senior thesis. He wrote in McClure's in 1908 that the claims were based on self-diagnosis or secondhand reports from doctors, and attributed them to the placebo effect. In 1900 medical lecturer William Purrington called the beneficiaries "hysterical patients ... the victims of obscure nervous ailments."
Rodney Stark writes that a key to Christian Science's appeal at the time was that its success rate compared favorably with that of physicians, particularly when it came to women's health. Most doctors had not been to medical school, there were no antibiotics, and surgical practices were poor. By comparison the placebo effect (being treated at all, no matter what the treatment was) worked well. Stark argues that the "very elaborate and intensely psychological Christian Science 'treatments' maximize such effects, while having the advantage of not causing further harm."
Malicious animal magnetism
In January 1877 Eddy spurned an approach from Daniel Spofford, and to everyone's surprise married another of her students, Asa Gilbert Eddy. Eddy already believed that her former student and business partner Richard Kennedy was plotting against her. Weeks after the wedding Spofford was suspected too. She had hinted in October 1876 that he might be a successor, but instead he was expelled from the Christian Scientists' Association for "immorality" after quarrelling with her over money. She filed lawsuits against him and others for royalties or unpaid tuition fees. McClure's wrote that Eddy required "absolute and unquestioning conformity" from her students.
The conviction that she was at the center of plots and counter-plots became a feature of Eddy's life. She believed that several students were using what she called "malicious animal magnetism," or evil thought, against her. (She would abbreviate this as M.A.M.; she also called it mesmerism, malicious mesmerism, animal magnetism, mental malpractice, malicious malpractice, and mental influence.)
Wilson writes that the concept of malicious animal magnetism was an important one in Christian Science. In 1881 Eddy added a 46-page chapter on it, "Demonology," to Science and Health (from the 16th edition in 1886, when James Henry Wiggin became the book's editor, the chapter was reduced and renamed, and in the final edition is a seven-page chapter called "Animal Magnetism Unmasked"). Eddy spoke openly about this, including to the press; when her husband died in 1882 she told the Boston Globe that malicious animal magnetism had killed him. "Those of her students who believed in mesmerism were always on their guard with each other, filled with suspicion and distrust," Cather and Milmine wrote in 1909. "Those who did not believe in it dared not admit their disbelief."
While Eddy argued that reality was entirely spiritual (and therefore entirely good), it remained true that human beings were affected by their belief in evil, which meant it had power, even if the power was an illusion; evil was "like a bankrupt to whom credit is still granted," writes Wilson. To defend herself against it, Eddy organized "watches," during which students (known as mental or metaphysical workers) would give "adverse treatment" to her enemies. This was called "taking up the enemy in thought." According to former students, Eddy would tell them to say (often with Richard Kennedy in mind): "You are affected as you wish to affect me. Your evil thought reacts upon you," then call Kennedy bilious, consumptive or poisoned by arsenic.
Eddy set up what she called a secret society of her students (known as the P. M., or private meeting) to deal with malicious animal magnetism, but said that the group only met twice. In her later years, Wilson writes, Eddy concluded that individuals ought not to be "taken up in thought," and came to see animal magnetism as an impersonal force. From 1890 she felt that her students were focusing on it too much, and thereafter public discussion of malicious animal magnetism declined, although Gottschalk adds that it continued to play an important role in the teaching of Christian Science. Adam H. Dickey, Eddy's private secretary for the last three years of her life, wrote that hour-long watches were held in her home three times a day to protect her against it. The Manual of the Mother Church requires that Christian Science teachers instruct students "how to defend themselves against mental malpractice, and never to return evil for evil."
Witchcraft trial, conspiracy charge
In May 1878 Eddy brought a case against Daniel Spofford, in Salem, Massachusetts, for practicing mesmerism. It came to be known as the second Salem witchcraft trial. The case was filed in the name of one of Spofford's patients, Lucretia Brown, who said that he had bewitched her, though Eddy appeared in court on Brown's behalf. In preparation for the hearing, Eddy organized a 24-hour watch at 8 Broad Street, during which she asked 12 students to think about Spofford for two hours each and block malicious mesmerism from him. She arrived at the court with 20 supporters, including Amos Bronson Alcott (a "cloud of witnesses," according to the Boston Globe), but Judge Horace Gray dismissed the case.
The attempt to have Spofford tried was not the end of the dispute. In October 1878 Eddy's husband and another student, Edward Arens, were charged with conspiring to murder Spofford. A barman said they had offered him $500 to do it; after a complex series of claims and counter-claims, the charges were dropped when a witness retracted his statement. Eddy attributed the allegation to a plot by former students to undermine sales of the second edition of Science and Health, just published. Her lawyer had to apply for an attachment order against her house to collect his fee.
Establishing the church, move to Boston
On August 23, 1879, 26 members of the Christian Scientists' Association were granted a charter to form the Church of Christ (Scientist). Services were held in people's homes in Lynn and later in Hawthorne Hall, Boston. On January 31, 1881, Eddy was granted a charter to form the Massachusetts Metaphysical College to teach "pathology, ontology, therapeutics, moral science, metaphysics, and their application to the treatment of disease." The college lived wherever Eddy did; a new sign appeared on 8 Broad Street.
In October 1881 there was a revolt. Eight church members resigned, signing a document complaining of Eddy's "frequent ebullitions of temper, love of money, and the appearance of hypocrisy." Only a few students remained, including Calvin Frye, who became Eddy's most loyal personal assistant. They appointed Eddy pastor of the church in November 1881, and drew up a resolution in February 1882 that she was "the chosen messenger of God to the nations."
Despite the support, the resignations ended Eddy's time in Lynn. The church was struggling and her reputation had been damaged by the disputes. By now 61 years old, she decided to move to Boston, and in early 1882 rented a house at 569 Columbus Avenue, a silver plaque announcing the arrival of the Massachusetts Metaphysical College. The college's prospectus, published in 1884, offered three diplomas: Christian Scientist (C.S.) for Christian Scientists' Association members; Christian Metaphysician (C.M.) for Eddy's 12-lesson course and three years' practice; and Doctor of Christian Science (D.C.S.) for C.M.s whose "life and character conform to Divine science." Students could study metaphysics, science of the scriptures, mental healing and obstetrics, using two textbooks, Science and Health and the Bible. Between 1881 and October 1889, when Eddy closed the college, 4,000 students took the course at $300 per person or married couple, making her a rich woman. Mark Twain wrote that she had turned a sawdust mine (possibly Quimby's) into a Klondike.
Death of Asa Gilbert Eddy
Eddy's husband, Asa Gilbert Eddy, died of heart disease on June 4, 1882, shortly after the move to Boston. She invited the Boston Globe to her home on the day of his death to allege that he had been killed by malicious animal magnetism, courtesy of "certain parties here in Boston, who had sworn to injure them." The Globe wrote:
A doctor performed an autopsy and showed Eddy her husband's diseased heart, but she responded by giving more interviews about mesmerism. Fraser wrote that the articles made Eddy a household name, a real-life version of the charismatic and beautiful Verena Tarrant in Henry James's The Bostonians (1885–1886), with her interest in spiritualism, women's rights and the mind cure. Shortly after the death, Eddy moved next door to 571 Columbus Avenue with several students. The following year, 1883, she founded the Journal of Christian Science (later called the Christian Science Journal), which spread news of her ideas across the United States.
Tremont Temple, first church building
In 1885 Eddy was accused of promoting Spiritualism and pantheism by the Reverend Adoniram J. Gordon, in a letter read out by Joseph Cook during one of his popular Monday lectures at Tremont Temple in Boston. She demanded a right of reply, and on March 16, 1885, she told the congregation that she was not a Spiritualist, and that she believed in God as the Supreme Being and in the atonement. She described Christian Science healing as "Christ come to destroy the power of the flesh." Stephen Gottschalk wrote that the occasion marked the "emergence of Christian Science into American religious life."
The first church building was erected in 1886 in Oconto, Wisconsin, by local women who believed Christian Science had helped them. For a down payment of $2,000 and a mortgage of $8,763, the church purchased land in Falmouth Street, Boston, for the erection of a building. Eddy asked Augusta Stetson, a prominent Scientist, to establish a church in New York. By the end of 1886 Christian Science teaching institutes had sprung up around the United States.
In December 1887 Eddy moved to a $40,000, 20-room house at 385 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston. She had been teaching four to six classes a year, and by 1889 had probably made at least $100,000 (equivalent to $2,625,000 in 2015). By 1890 the Church of Christ (Scientist) had 8,724 members in the United States, having started 11 years earlier with just 26.
Eddy's debt to Quimby
In February 1883 Julius Dresser, a former patient of Phineas Parkhurst Quimby, accused Eddy in letters to the Boston Post of teaching Quimby's healing methods as her own. Thereafter Eddy's debt to Quimby became, Gillian Gill writes, the "single most controversial issue" of her life. Quimby was not the only source Eddy was accused of having copied. Ernest Sutherland Bates and John V. Dittemore, Bryan Wilson, Charles S. Braden and Martin Gardner list several writers whose words Eddy used without attribution. For example, a section in her Miscellaneous Writings 1883–1896 is almost identical to Hugh Blair's "The Man of Integrity," an essay in Lindley Murray's The English Reader (1799).
Eddy acknowledged Quimby's influence in her early years. When a prospective student asked in 1871 whether her methods had been used before, she replied:
Later she drew a distinction between their methods, arguing that Quimby's involved one mind healing another, while hers depended on a connection with Divine Mind. In response to Dresser's letter to the Boston Post – there was an exchange of four letters – Eddy disparaged Quimby as a mesmerist and said she had experimented with mental healing in or around 1853, nine years before she met Quimby. She wrote later: "We caught some of his thoughts, and he caught some of ours; and both of us were pleased to say this to each other."
The issue ended up in court in September 1883, when Eddy complained that her student Edward Arens had copied parts of Science and Health in a pamphlet, and Arens counter-claimed that Eddy had copied it from Quimby in the first place. Quimby's son was so unwilling to produce his father's manuscripts that he sent them out of the country (perhaps fearing litigation with Eddy or that someone would tamper with them), and Eddy won the case. Things were stirred up further by Eddy's pamphlet, Historical Sketch of Metaphysical Healing (1885), in which she again called Quimby a mesmerist, and by the publication of Julius Dresser's The True History of Mental Healing (1887).
The charge that Christian Science came from Quimby, not divine revelation, stemmed in part from Eddy's use of Quimby's manuscript (right) when teaching Sally Wentworth and others in 1868–1870. Eddy said she had helped to fix Quimby's unpublished work, and now stood accused of having copied her own corrections. Against this, Lyman P. Powell, one of Eddy's biographers, wrote in 1907 that Quimby's son held an almost identical copy, in Quimby's wife's handwriting, of the Quimby manuscript that Eddy had used when teaching Sally Wentworth. It was dated February 1862, eight months before Eddy met Quimby.
In July 1904 the New York Times obtained a copy of the Quimby manuscript from Sally Wentworth's son, and juxtaposed passages with Science and Health to highlight the similarities. It also published Eddy's handwritten notes on Quimby's manuscript to show what the newspaper alleged was the transition from his words to hers. Quimby's manuscripts were published in 1921. Eddy's biographers continued to disagree about his influence on Eddy. Bates and Dittemore, the latter a former director of the Christian Science church, argued in 1932 that "as far as the thought is concerned, Science and Health is practically all Quimby," except for malicious animal mesmerism. Robert Peel, who also worked for the church, wrote in 1966 that Eddy may have influenced Quimby as much as he influenced her. Gardner argued in 1993 that Eddy had taken "huge chunks" from Quimby, and Gill in 1998 that there were only general similarities.
In 1887 Eddy started teaching a "metaphysical obstetrics" course, two one-week classes. She had started calling herself "Professor of Obstetrics" in 1882; McClure's wrote: "Hundreds of Mrs. Eddy's students were then practising who knew no more about obstetrics than the babes they helped into this world." The first prosecutions took place that year, when practitioners were charged with practicing medicine without a licence. All were acquitted during the trial, or acquittals were overturned on appeal.
The first manslaughter charge was in March 1888, when Abby H. Corner, a practitioner in Medford, Massachusetts, attended to her daughter during childbirth; the daughter bled to death and the baby did not survive. The defense argued that they might have died even with medical attention, and Corner was acquitted. To the dismay of the Christian Scientists' Association (the secretary resigned), Eddy distanced herself from Corner, telling the Boston Globe that Corner had only attended the college for one term and had never entered the obstetrics class.
From then until the 1990s around 50 parents and practitioners were prosecuted, and often acquitted, after adults and children died without medical care; charges ranged from neglect to second-degree murder. The American Medical Association (AMA) declared war on Christian Scientists; in 1895 its journal called Christian Science and similar ideas "molochs to infants, and pestilential perils to communities in spreading contagious diseases." Juries were nevertheless reluctant to convict when defendants believed they were helping the patient. There was also opposition to the AMA's effort to strengthen medical licencing laws. Historian Shawn Peters writes that, in the courts and public debate, Christian Scientists and Jehovah's Witnesses linked their healing claims to early Christianity to gain support from other Christians.
Vaccination was another battleground. A Christian Scientist in Wisconsin won a case in 1897 that allowed his son to attend public school despite not being vaccinated against smallpox. Others were arrested in 1899 for avoiding vaccination during a smallpox epidemic in Georgia. In 1900 Eddy advised adherents to obey the law, "and then appeal to the gospel to save ...[themselves] from any bad results." In October 1902, after seven-year-old Esther Quimby, the daughter of Christian Scientists, died of diphtheria in White Plains, New York (she had received no medical care and had not been quarantined), the authorities pursued manslaughter charges. The controversy prompted Eddy to declare that "until public thought becomes better acquainted with Christian Science, the Christian Scientists shall decline to doctor infectious or contagious diseases," and from that time the church required Christian Scientists to report contagious diseases to health boards.
Building the Mother Church
In 1888 Eddy became close to another of her students, Ebenezer Johnson Foster, a homeopath and graduate of the Hahnemann Medical College. He was 41 and she was 67, but apparently in need of affection and loyalty she adopted him legally in November that year, and he changed his name to Ebenezer Johnson Foster Eddy.
A year later, in October 1889, Eddy closed the Massachusetts Metaphysical College; according to Bates and Dittemore, the state attorney was investigating colleges that were fraudulently graduating medical students. She also foreclosed the mortgage on the land in Boston the church had purchased, then purchased it herself for $5,000 through a middle man, though it was worth considerably more. She told the church they could have the land for their building on condition they formally dissolve the church; this was apparently intended to quash internal rebellions that had been bothering her. The following year she dissolved the National Christian Science Association. Wilson writes that the dissolutions allowed her to create a central church controlled by a five-person board of directors that answered only to her, which gave the church a stability that helped it survive her death.
The cornerstone of The First Church of Christ, Scientist, containing the Bible, Eddy's writings and a list of directors and financial contributors, was laid in May 1894 in the Back Bay area of Boston. Church members raised funds for the construction, and the building was finished in December 1894 at a cost of $250,000. It contained a "Mother's Room" in the tower for Eddy's personal use, furnished with rare books, silks, tapestries, rugs, a dressing gown and slippers, though she spent only one night there and it was later turned into a storage room. The archway into the room was made of Italian marble, and the word Mother was engraved on the floor.
Within two years the Boston membership had exceeded the church's capacity and plans began for an extension. By 1903 the block around the church had been purchased by Christian Scientists, and in 1906 an extension accommodating 5,000 people was completed at a cost of $2 million. This attracted the criticism that, whereas Christian Scientists spent money on a magnificent church, they maintained no hospitals, orphanages or missions in the slums.
Christian Science went on to become the fastest-growing American religion in the early 20th century. The federal religious census recorded 85,717 Christian Scientists in 1906; 30 years later it was 268,915. In 1890 there were seven Christian Science churches in the United States, a figure that had risen to 1,104 by 1910. Churches began to appear in other countries too: 58 in England, 38 in Canada and 28 elsewhere by 1910.
View of Mark Twain
Mark Twain was a prominent contemporaneous critic of Eddy's. His first article about Christian Science was published in Cosmopolitan in October 1899. Another three appeared in 1902–1903 in North American Review, then a book, Christian Science (1907). He also wrote "The Secret History of Eddypus, the World Empire" (1901–1902), in which Christian Science replaces Christianity and Eddy becomes the Pope.
Twain described Eddy as "[g]rasping, sordid, penurious, famishing for everything she sees – money, power, glory – vain, untruthful, jealous, despotic, arrogant, insolent, pitiless where thinkers and hypnotists are concerned, illiterate, shallow, incapable of reasoning outside of commercial lines, immeasurably selfish."
Science and Health he called "strange and frantic and incomprehensible and uninterpretable," and argued that Eddy had not written it herself. "There is nothing in Christian Science that is not explicable," he wrote, "for God is one, Time is one, Individuality is one, and may be one of a series, one of many, as an individual man, individual horse; whereas God is one, not one of a series, but one alone and without an equal." Eddy apart, Twain felt ambivalent toward mind-cure, arguing that "the thing back of it is wholly gracious and beautiful." His daughter Clara Clemens became a Christian Scientist and wrote a book about it, Awake to a Perfect Day (1956).
The first history of Christian Science appeared in McClure's magazine in 14 installments from January 1907 to June 1908, preceded by an editorial in December 1906. The essence of the articles, which included court documents and affidavits from Eddy's associates, was that Eddy's chief concern was money, and that she had derived Christian Science from Quimby. The material was also published as a book, The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History of Christian Science (1909). It became the key source for most non-church histories of the religion. The editor-in-chief assigned five writers to work on the series, including the novelist Willa Cather as the principal author. The book was kept out of print from early in its life by the Christian Science church, which bought the original manuscript. It was republished in 1971 by Baker Book House when its copyright expired, and again in 1993 by the University of Nebraska Press.
Next Friends suit, Eddy's death
In March 1907 several of Eddy's relatives filed an unsuccessful lawsuit, the "Next Friends suit," against members of Eddy's household, alleging that she was unable to manage her own affairs. Calvin Frye, her long-time personal assistant, was a particular target of the allegations. The New York World's front-page story in October 1906, headline "Mrs. Mary Baker G. Eddy Dying; Footman and Dummy Control Her," said that Eddy was housebound and dying of cancer, that her staff had taken control of her fortune, and that another woman was impersonating her in public.
The newspaper persuaded Eddy's family (or "next friends") to file a lawsuit. Several joined the action, including Eddy's biological son, George Glover, and adoptive son, Ebenezer J. Foster Eddy. Eddy was interviewed in her home in August 1907 by the judge and two psychiatrists, who concluded that she was mentally competent. In response to the McClure's and New York World stories, Eddy asked the church in July 1908 to found the Christian Science Monitor as a platform for responsible journalism. It appeared in November that year, with the motto "To injure no man, but to bless all mankind," and went on to win seven Pulitzer Prizes between 1950 and 2002.
Eddy died two years later, on the evening of Saturday, December 3, 1910, aged 89. The Mother Church announced at the end of the Sunday morning service that Eddy had "passed from our sight." It said that "the time will come when there will be no more death," but that Christian Scientists "do not look for [Mrs. Eddy's] return in this world." Her estate was valued at $1.5 million, most of which she left to the church.
A census at the height of the religion's popularity in 1936 counted nearly 270,000 Christian Scientists in the United States. The movement has been in decline since then; Rodney Stark estimated that there were 106,000 Scientists in that country in 1990. There were 1,271 Christian Science practitioners worldwide in 2014, according to the church, against 11,200 in the United States in 1941. According to Stark, clusters of practitioners listed in the Christian Science Journal in 1998 were living in the same retirement communities. In 2009 the church announced that, for the first time, more new members had been admitted from Africa than from the United States, in particular from Kenya, the Congo and Nigeria, although it offered no numbers. It has sold church buildings to free up funds; the First Church of Christ, Scientist, Manhattan, was sold to the Crenshaw Christian Center for $14 million in 2004, and was sold again in 2014 to be converted into a residential building.
Stark attributed the rise of the movement in the late-19th and early-20th centuries to several factors. It retained cultural continuity with Christianity by stressing that it was Christian and adopting its terms, despite the new content Eddy introduced. It was not puritanical; members were expected not to drink or smoke, but could otherwise do as they pleased, and several exceptions to the avoidance of medicine were permitted. It offered professional opportunities to women who might otherwise have had none. They could become practitioners after just 12 lessons; 12 of the 14 practitioners listed in the first edition of the Christian Science Journal were women. In 1906 72 percent of Christian Scientists in the United States were female, against 49 percent of the population.
The major factor in the rise of the movement was that medical practice was in its infancy, and patients often fared better if left alone; within that context Christian Science prayer compared favorably. The increased efficacy of medicine around World War II heralded the religion's decline. Stark charts the use of sulfonamide to kill bacteria, the availability of penicillin in the 1940s and breakthroughs in immunology.
Other factors in the decline included increased opportunities for women to work outside the home, and that much of the membership was elderly; 30 percent were over 65 in 1998. Eddy was in her sixties by the time the movement began to spread; Stark writes that the "characteristics of the earliest members of a movement will tend to be reproduced in subsequent converts." A significant percentage of Scientists remained single (Eddy placed little emphasis on marriage and family), or became Scientists when their children were adults and unlikely to be converted. Christian Science did not have missionaries, so it relied on internal growth, but the conversion rate within families was not high; in a study cited by Stark, just 26 of 80 people (33 percent) raised with Christian Science became Scientists themselves.
First Church of Christ, Scientist
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Eddy was granted a charter in 1879 to found the Church of Christ (Scientist), and in 1894 the Mother Church, The First Church of Christ, Scientist, was built in the Back Bay area of Boston, with an extension completed in 1906. Only the Mother Church uses the definite article in the title. Otherwise the first Christian Science church in any city is called First Church of Christ, Scientist, the second Second Church (for example, Third Church of Christ, Scientist, London). The church administration is headquartered on the same 14-acre site as the Mother Church, in a 28-story building designed in 1973 by Araldo Cossutta of I. M. Pei & Associates. The site includes a plaza with a 670 x 100 ft (204 x 30 m) reflecting pool.
The church is led by a president and five-person board of directors, and by the Committee on Publication (with representatives around the world), an institution Eddy set up in 1898 to protect her own and the church's reputation. The organization has been accused at times of silencing internal criticism by firing staff, delisting practitioners and excommunicating members.
Christian Science churches have no clergy, sermons or rituals, and perform no baptisms, marriages or burials. The church's pastors are the King James Bible and Science and Health. Each church has two Readers, who read aloud from those texts during services, and select hymns from the Christian Science Hymnal. There are Sunday morning and Wednesday evening services; members offer testimonials during the Wednesday meetings about recovery from ill health or other successes that they attribute to Christian Science.
Manual of the Mother Church
Eddy's Manual of The Mother Church (1895) lists 83 requirements and prohibitions for members. Requirements include daily study of the Bible and Science and Health, and daily prayer. They must subscribe to church periodicals if they can afford to, and pay an annual tax to the church of not less than one dollar. Prohibitions include joining other churches, publishing articles that are uncharitable toward religion, medicine and the law, engaging in public debate about Christian Science without board approval, engaging in mental malpractice, or visiting a store that sells "obnoxious" books. It also includes "The Golden Rule": "A member of The Mother Church shall not haunt Mrs. Eddy's drive when she goes out, continually stroll by her house, or make a summer resort near her for such a purpose."
Notable Scientists have included two former Directors of Central Intelligence, William H. Webster and Admiral Stansfield M. Turner, as well as Richard Nixon's chief of staff H. R. Haldeman and Chief Domestic Advisor John Ehrlichman. NASA astronaut Alan Shepard was a Christian Scientist, as were the viscountess Nancy Astor in England and naval officer Charles Lightoller, who survived the 1912 sinking of the Titanic. There used to be a concentration of Scientists in the film industry: Joan Crawford, Carol Channing, Doris Day, Cecil B. DeMille, Horton Foote, George Hamilton, Mary Pickford, Mickey Rooney, Ginger Rogers, Jean Stapleton, and more recently Robert Duvall and Val Kilmer.
Those raised by one or more Christian Scientist parents have included comedian Robin Williams, television host Ellen DeGeneres, musician James Hetfield, jurist Helmuth James Graf von Moltke, military analyst Daniel Ellsberg, and actors Elizabeth Taylor, Henry Fonda, Marilyn Monroe and Audrey Hepburn. Actor Anne Archer was also raised within Christian Science; she left the church when her son, Tommy Davis, was a child, and both became prominent in the Church of Scientology.
Christian Science prayer
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Christian Scientists avoid almost all medical treatment, relying instead on Christian Science prayer. There are no appeals to a personal god, and no set words or practices. Caroline Fraser described it in 1999 as the practitioner silently arguing about the nature of reality. The practitioner might repeat, "the allness of God using Eddy's seven synonyms – Life, Truth, Love, Spirit, Soul, Principle and Mind," then that "Spirit, Substance, is the only Mind, and man is its image and likeness; that Mind is intelligence; that Spirit is substance; that Love is wholeness; that Life, Truth, and Love are the only reality." She might deny other religions, the existence of evil, mesmerism, astrology, numerology and the symptoms of whatever the illness is. She concludes, Fraser writes, by asserting that disease is a lie, that this is the word of God and that it has the power to heal.
Christian Science practitioners are certified by the church to charge a fee for Christian Science prayer. There were 1,271 listed practitioners worldwide in 2014; in the United States in 2010 they charged $25–$50 for an e-mail, telephone or face-to-face consultation. Their training is a two-week, 12-lesson course called primary class, based on the Recapitulation chapter of Science and Health. Practitioners wanting to teach primary class take a six-day "normal class," held in Boston once every three years. There are also Christian Science nursing homes. They offer no medical services; the nurses are Christian Scientists who have completed a course of religious study and training in basic skills, such as feeding and bathing.
The Christian Science Journal and Christian Science Sentinel publish anecdotal healing "testimonials," which must be accompanied by statements from three verifiers: "people who know [the testifier] well and have either witnessed the healing or can vouch for [the testifier's] integrity in sharing it." Philosopher Margaret P. Battin writes that the seriousness with which these are treated by Christian Scientists ignores factors such as false positives caused by self-limiting conditions. Because no negative accounts are published, the testimonials strengthen people's tendency to rely on anecdotes.
The church published 53,900 such accounts between 1900 and April 1989. A church study, published in 1989, examined 10,000 of them, 2,337 of which the church said involved conditions that had been medically diagnosed, and 623 of which were "medically confirmed by follow-up examinations." The report offered no evidence of the medical follow-up. The Massachusetts Committee for Children and Youth listed among the report's flaws that it had failed to compare the rates of successful and unsuccessful Christian Science treatment.
The main criticism Christian Scientists face is that their children are denied equal protection under the law. Sick and disabled children have been told the only thing wrong with them is "incorrect" thinking, and practitioners have told parents that the parents' thoughts can harm their children. The church maintains that members are free to choose medical care, but several have said they fear ostracism. The American Academy of Pediatrics regards failure to seek medical care for children as "child neglect, regardless of the motivation."
In the United States the Christian Science church has used the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to persuade states to maintain religious-exemption statutes. The Free Exercise Clause (italicized) reads: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ...." Many of the exemptions say that in life-threatening situations children must have access to medical care, but without early access the seriousness of an illness may not be recognized, in part because Christian Scientists are encouraged not to educate themselves about physical ailments.
After the conviction for manslaughter in 1967 of the Christian Scientist mother of five-year-old Lisa Sheridan, who died without medical care in Cape Cod, Massachusetts, the church lobbied the United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) to add a religious exemption, in 1974, to the Code of Federal Regulations:
States were thereafter obliged to include exemptions or lose funding. The wording of the exemptions made clear that they referred to Christian Science. Largely as a result of lobbying by Children's Healthcare is a Legal Duty, the government eliminated the HEW regulation in 1983, but 37 states, Guam and the District of Columbia still had religious exemptions in their civil codes on child abuse and neglect as of 2014. Forty-eight US states allowed religious exemptions for compulsory vaccination as of July 2014.
Child deaths, prosecutions
In over 50 cases between 1887 and the early 1990s, prosecutors charged Christian Scientists after adults and children died of treatable illnesses without medical care. A 1998 study in Pediatrics examined 172 child deaths between 1975 and 1995 where parents had withheld medical care for religious reasons; 28 involved Christian Science, the second highest number from a single group.
The death in 1967 of five-year-old Lisa Sheridan of pneumonia in Cape Cod, Massachusetts, was the first of several in the 20th century known within the church as the "child cases," according to Fraser. Her mother was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to five years' probation. It was after this prosecution that the church began lobbying for religious exemptions.
In 1977 16-month-old Matthew Swan died of bacterial meningitis in Detroit, Michigan, after his parents were persuaded not to seek medical care; they responded by founding Children's Healthcare is a Legal Duty (CHILD). Between 1980 and 1990 seven Christian Scientist parents in the United States were prosecuted; there were four convictions, two overturned. In 1988 12-year-old Ashley King died in Phoenix, Arizona, after living for months with a tumor on her leg that had a 41-inch circumference; her parents pleaded guilty to reckless endangerment. A prominent case in Massachusetts was Commonwealth v. Twitchell in 1990, which saw the parents of two-year-old Robyn Twitchell convicted of involuntary manslaughter after he died of peritonitis. The conviction was overturned; the appellate court ruled that the couple had "reasonably believed" they could rely on Christian Science prayer without being prosecuted.
The first time the church was held liable (overturned on appeal) was in 1993 after 11-year-old Ian Lundman died of hyperglycaemia in Minnesota in 1989. The church sent a Christian Science nurse to sit with him; doctors testified that he could have been saved by an insulin injection up to two hours before his death. The mother and stepfather were charged with manslaughter, but the charges were dismissed. The boy's father sued the mother, stepfather, practitioner, nurse, nursing home and church. He was awarded $5.2 million compensatory damages, later reduced to $1.5 million, and $9 million in punitive damages against the church. The Minnesota State Court of Appeals overturned the award against the church and nursing home in 1995, finding that a judgment that forced the church to "abandon teaching its central tenet" was unconstitutional, and that, while the individuals had a duty of care toward the boy, the church and nursing home did not.
Christian Science Publishing Society
The Christian Science Publishing Society publishes several periodicals, including the Christian Science Monitor, winner of seven Pulitzer Prizes between 1950 and 2002. This had a daily circulation in 1970 of 220,000, which by 2008 had contracted to 52,000, and in 2009 it moved to a largely online presence with a weekly print run. In the 1980s the church produced its own television programs, and in 1991 founded a 24-hour news channel, which closed with heavy losses after 13 months.
The church also publishes the weekly Christian Science Sentinel, the monthly Christian Science Journal, and the Herald of Christian Science, a non-English publication. In April 2012 JSH-Online made back issues of the Journal, Sentinel and Herald available online to subscribers.
The church and Publishing Society faced internal dissent in 1991 over their decision to publish The Destiny of The Mother Church. Written and privately printed in 1943 by Bliss Knapp, former president of the Mother Church, the book suggested that Eddy was the Woman of the Apocalypse of the New Testament. Knapp and his family bequeathed $98-million to the church on condition that it publish and authorize the book by 1993; otherwise the money would go to Stanford University and the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. The church published and made the book available in Christian Science reading rooms; one senior employee was fired for failing to support the church's decision, and 18 of the 21 editorial staff of the religious journals resigned. In the end the other parties disputed that making the book available in Reading Rooms constituted authorization, and the bequest was split three ways.
Works by Mary Baker Eddy
- Science and Health (1875)
- Christian Healing (1880)
- The People's Idea of God: Its Effect on Health and Christianity (1883)
- Historical Sketch of Metaphysical Healing (1885)
- Defence of Christian Science (1885)
- No and Yes (1887)
- Rudiments and Rules of Divine Science (1887)
- Unity of Good and Unreality of Evil (1888)
- Retrospection and Introspection (1891)
- Christ and Christmas (1893)
- Rudimental Divine Science (1894)
- Manual of the Mother Church (1895)
- Pulpit and Press (1895)
- Miscellaneous Writings, 1883–1896 (1897)
- Christian Science versus Pantheism (1898)
- The Christian Science Hymnal (1898)
- Christian Healing and the People's Idea of God (1908)
- Poems (1910)
- The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany (1913)
- Prose Works (1925)
- Rodney Stark, "The Rise and Fall of Christian Science", Journal of Contemporary Religion, 13(2), 1998 (pp. 189–214), p. 191.
- Judy Valente, "Christian Science Healing", PBS, August 1, 2008: "The church estimates it has about 400,000 members worldwide, but independent studies put membership at around 100,000."
- Dawn Hutchinson, "New Thought's Prosperity Theology and Its Influence on American Ideas of Success", Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions, 18(2), November 2014 (pp. 28–44), p. 28: "Scholars of American religious history have used the term "New Thought" to refer either to individuals and churches that officially joined the International New Thought Alliance (INTA) or to American metaphysical religions affiliated with Phineas Quimby, Mary Baker Eddy, and Emma Curtis Hopkins. New Thought writers shared the idea that God is Mind."
John Saliba, Understanding New Religious Movements, Walnut Creek, CA: Rowman Altamira, 2003, p. 26: "The Christian Science–Metaphysical Family. This family, known also as 'New Thought' in academic literature, stresses the need to understand the functioning of the human mind in order to achieve the healing of all human ailments. ... Metaphysics/New Thought is a nineteenth-century movement and is exemplified by such groups as the Unity School of Christianity, the United Church of Religious Science, Divine Science Federation International, and Christian Science."
John K. Simmons, "Christian Science and American Culture," in Timothy Miller (ed.), America's Alternative Religions, New York: State University of New York Press, 1995, p. 61: "While members, past and present, of the Christian Science movement understandably claim Mrs. Eddy's truths to be part of a unique and final religious revelation, most outside observers place Christian Science in the metaphysical family of religious organizations ..."
Meredith B. McGuire, "Traditional Metaphysical Movements," Ritual Healing in Suburban America, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988, p. 79.
Charles S. Braden, Spirits in Rebellion: The Rise and Development of New Thought, Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1963, pp. 4–5: "[I]t was in America that [mesmerism] ... gave rise to a complex of religious faiths varying from one another in significant ways, but all agreeing upon the central fact that healing and for that matter every good thing is possible through a right relationship with the ultimate power in the Universe, Creative Mind – called God, Principle, Life, Wisdom ...
"This broad complex of religions is sometimes described by the rather general term 'metaphysical' ... The general movement has proliferated in many directions. Two main streams seem most vigorous: one is called Christian Science; the other, which no single name adequately describes, has come rather generally to be known as New Thought."
- Paul C. Gutjahr, "Sacred Texts in the United States", Book History, 4, 2001 (pp. 335–370), p. 348.
- For the charter, Mary Baker Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, Boston: The First Church of Christ, Scientist, 89th edition, 1908 , pp. 17–18.
- Stark 1998, pp. 190–191.
- Linda K. Fuller, The Christian Science Monitor: An Evolving Experiment in Journalism, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2011, p. 175; "Reading rooms", Christian Science.
- Bryan R. Wilson, "Christian Science," in Sects and Society: A Sociological Study of the Elim Tabernacle, Christian Science, and Christadelphians, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961 (pp. 121–215), p. 125; Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, p. 17.
- Wilson 1961, p. 124.
- Wilson 1961, p. 127; Nicholas Rescher, "Idealism," in Jaegwon Kim, Ernest Sosa, (eds.), A Companion to Metaphysics, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009 , p. 318.
- Wilson 1961, p. 125.
Margaret P. Battin, "High-Risk Religion: Christian Science and the Violation of Informed Consent," in Peggy DesAutels, Margaret P. Battin and Larry May (eds.), Praying for a Cure: When Medical and Religious Practices Conflict, New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1999, p. 11.
- Rennie B. Schoepflin, Christian Science on Trial: Religious Healing in America, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, pp. 192–193.
Mary M. Trammell (chair, Christian Science board of directors), "Letter; What the Christian Science Church Teaches", The New York Times, March 26, 2010.
- Schoepflin 2003, pp. 212–216; Shawn Francis Peters, When Prayer Fails: Faith Healing, Children, and the Law, New York: Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 91, 109–130.
- William G. McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980, pp. 10–11, 16–17.
Roy M. Anker, "Revivalism, Religious Experience and the Birth of Mental Healing," Self-help and Popular Religion in Early American Culture: An Interpretive Guide, Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1999(a), (pp. 11–100), pp. 8, 176ff.
- John S. Haller, The History of New Thought: From Mental Healing to Positive Thinking and the Prosperity Gospel, West Chester, PA: Swedenborg Foundation Press, 2012, pp. 10–11.
For early uses of New Thought, William Henry Holcombe, Condensed Thoughts about Christian Science (pamphlet), Chicago: Purdy Publishing Company, 1887; Horatio W. Dresser, "The Metaphysical Movement" (from a statement issued by the Metaphysical Club, Boston, 1901), The Spirit of the New Thought, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1917, p. 215.
- Simmons 1995, p. 61: "The broad descriptive term 'metaphysical' is not used in a manner common to the trained philosopher. Instead, it denotes the primacy of Mind as the controlling factor in human experience. At the heart of the metaphysical perspective is the theological/ontological affirmation that God is perfect Mind and human beings, in reality, exist in a state of eternal manifestation of that Divine Mind."
- William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (Gifford Lectures, Edinburgh), New York: Longmans, Green, & Co, 1902, pp. 75–76.
Dell De Chant, "The American New Thought Movement," in Eugene Gallagher and Michael Ashcraft (eds.), Introduction to New and Alternative Religions in America, Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Company, 2007, pp. 81–82.
"New Thought", Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2014.
- James 1902, p. 94: "To my mind a current far more important and interesting religiously ... I will give the title of the Mind-Cure movement. There are various sects of this "New Thought" ... but their agreements are so profound that their differences may be neglected for my present purposes ..."; p. 106: "Christian Science so-called, the sect of Mrs. Eddy, is the most radical branch of mind-cure in its dealings with evil."
de Chant 2007, p. 73: "Until [Hopkins' ordination of ministers in 1889], Mind Cure (Christian Science and independent mental healing groups) was a lay movement."
- Stark 1998, pp. 197–198, 211–212; de Chant 2007, p. 67.
- Wilson 1961, p. 135; Braden 1963, p. 62 (for "the truth is the cure"); McGuire 1988, p. 79.
Philip Jenkins, Mystics and Messiahs: Cults and New Religions in American History, Oxford University Press, 2000, pp. 53–54: "Christian Science and New Thought both emerged from a common intellectual background in mid-nineteenth-century New England, and they shared many influences from an older mystical and magical fringe, including Swedenborgian teachings, Mesmerism, and Transcentalism. The central figure and prophet of the emerging synthesis was Phineas P. Quimby, 'the John the Baptist of Christian Science,' whose faith-healing work began in 1838. Quimby and his followers taught the overwhelming importance of thought in shaping reality, a message that was crucial for healing. If disease existed only as thought, then only by curing the mind could the body be set right: disease was a matter of wrong belief."
- Wilson 1961, p. 135: "The consensus of opinion of those who have written on Christian Science is that the most significant part of [Eddy's] search for knowledge was [her] association with Phineas P. Quimby, a talented New England healer, who, posthumously, was to become the accepted prophet of the New Thought movement."
- Wilson 1961, p. 156; Braden 1963, pp. 14, 16.
McGuire 1988, p. 79: "The most familiar offshoot of the metaphysical movement ... is Christian Science, which was based upon a more extreme interpretation of metaphysical healing than that of the New Thought groups. ... Christian Science is unlike New Thought and other metaphysical movements of that era in that Mary Baker Eddy successfully arrogated to herself all teaching authority, centralized decision-making and organizational power, and developed the movement's sectarian character."
Simmons 1995, p. 61.
- Wilson 1961, pp. 126–127; Braden 1963, pp. 18–19; Stephen Gottschalk, The Emergence of Christian Science in American Religious Life, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973, pp. 128, 148–149.
Laurence R. Moore, Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans, New York: Oxford University Press, 1986, pp. 112–113.
Simmons 1995, p. 62.
James C. Whorton, Nature Cures: The History of Alternative Medicine in America, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 128–129.
- Braden 1963, p. 19; Stark 1998, p. 195: "Mary Baker Eddy pushed the postulates of positive thinking to their absolute limit. ... She proposed not merely that the spiritual overshadows the material, but that the material world does not exist. The world of our senses is but an illusion of our minds. If the material world causes us pain, grief, danger and even death, that can be changed by changing our thoughts."
Anker 1999(a), p. 9: " ... Mary Baker Eddy, the founder of Christian Science (denominationally known as the Church of Christ, Scientist), the most prominent, successful, controversial, and distinctive of all the groups whose inspiration scholars trace to the healing and intellectual influence of Quimby."
Daniel Cumbor, "Sickness, Death and Illusion in Christian Science," in Colleen McDannell (ed.), Religions of the United States in Practice, Vol. 1, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001, p. 322.
Claudia Stokes, The Altar at Home: Sentimental Literature and Nineteenth-Century American Religion, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014, p. 181.
- J. Gordon Melton, "Church of Christ, Scientist (Christian Science)," Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America, New York: Routledge, 1992, p. 36: "Almost as much as the medical controversy, charges of heresy from orthodox Christian churches have hounded the Church. Leaders of Christian Science insist that they are within the mainstream of Christian teachings, a concern which leads to their strong resentment of any identification with the New Thought movement, which they see as having drifted far from their central Christian affirmations. At the same time, strong differences with traditional Christian teachings concerning the Trinity, the unique divinity of Jesus Christ, atonement for sin, and the creation are undeniable. While using Christian language, Science and Health with Key to Scriptures and Eddy's other writings radically redefine basic theological terms, usually by the process commonly called allegorization. Such redefinitions are most clearly evident in the glossary to Science and Health (pages 579–599)."
Stark 1998, p. 195: "But, of course, Christian Science was not just another Protestant sect. Like Joseph Smith, Mary Baker Eddy added too much new religious culture for her movement to qualify fully as a member of the Christian family – as all the leading clerics of the time repeatedly and vociferously pointed out. However, unlike Madame Blavatsky's Theosophical Society, and like the Mormons, Christian Science retained an immense amount of Christian culture. These continuities allowed converts from a Christian background to preserve a great deal of cultural capital."
- Catherine Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit: A Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007, p. 284.
- Eddy, Retrospection and Introspection, The First Church of Christ, Scientist, 1891, p. 70: "The second appearing of Jesus is, unquestionably, the spiritual advent of the advancing idea of God, as in Christian Science."
Eddy, Christian Science Journal, January 1901: "I should blush to write of Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures as I have, were it of human origin, and I, apart from God, its author. But, as I was only a scribe echoing the harmonies of heaven in divine metaphysics, I cannot be super-modest in my estimate of the Christian Science textbook." Reprinted in "The Christian Science Textbook," The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, Boston: Alison V. Stewart, 1914, p. 115.
David L. Weddle, "The Christian Science Textbook: An Analysis of the Religious Authority of Science and Health by Mary Baker Eddy", The Harvard Theological Review, 84(3), 1991, p. 281: "Eddy regarded her book, written as a magnificent obsession during nine years of difficult and nomadic existence (1866–75), as the dawning of the messianic age: the second advent of Jesus."
For second coming, also see Gottschalk 1973, p. xxi.
- Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, p. 58; Weddle 1991, p. 273.
- Wilson 1961, p. 121; Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, pp. 15–16.
- Wilson 1961, p. 122.
- Wilson 1961, p. 127; Moore 1986, p. 112; Simmons 1995, p. 62.
- For personhood, "Father–Mother God" and "she," Gottschalk 1973, p. 52; for Ann Lee, Stokes 2014, p. 186.
"Answer. — God is incorporeal, divine, supreme, infinite Mind, Spirit, Soul, Principle, Life, Truth, Love."
- Wilson 1961, pp. 121: "[T]he Holy Ghost is understood to be Christian Science – the promised Comforter"; p. 125: "Heaven and Hell are understood to be mental states ..."
Eddy, Science and Health, "Glossary", pp. 587–588: "Heaven. Harmony; the reign of Spirit; government by divine Principle; spirituality; bliss; the atmosphere of Soul.
"Hell. Mortal belief; error; lust; remorse; hatred; revenge; sin; sickness; death; suffering and self-destruction; self-imposed agony; effects of sin; that which 'worketh abomination or maketh a lie.'
"Holy Ghost. Divine Science; the development of eternal Life, Truth, and Love."
- Wilson 1961, p. 129; Stark 1998, pp. 196–197.
- Wilson 1961, pp. 125–126.
- Wilson 1961, pp. 123, 128–129.
- Wilson 1961, p. 122; Gottschalk 1972, p. xxvii; "Genesis Chapter 2", kingjamesbibleonline.org.
- Wilson 1961, p. 127; Eddy, Science and Health, p. 256: "The theory of three persons in one God (that is, a personal Trinity or Tri-unity) suggests polytheism, rather than the one ever-present I AM."
- Eddy, Retrospection and Introspection, p. 26.
- Wilson 1961, p. 121; Stark 1998, p. 199.
- Wilson 1961, p. 124.
- Wilson 1961, p. 125.
- Gottschalk 1973, p. 95.
- Melton 1992, p. 36.
- J. Gordon Melton, "An Introduction to New Religions," in James R. Lewis (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of New Religious Movements, New York: Oxford University Press, 2003, p. 17; for Barrington, see Jenkins 2000, p. 49.
- Raymond J. Cunningham, "The Impact of Christian Science on the American Churches, 1880–1910", The American Historical Review, 72(3), April 1967 (pp. 885–905), p. 892; "Faith Healing in America," The Times, May 26, 1885.
- Mark Twain, Christian Science, p. 180; "Mark Twain & Mary Baker Eddy, a film by Val Kilmer", YouTube, from 04:30 mins.
- Stephen Gottschalk, Rolling away the stone: Mary Baker Eddy's challenge to materialism, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006, p. 64.
- Gillian Gill, Mary Baker Eddy, Reading, MA: Perseus Books, 1998, pp. 244, 288.
- Gill 1998, p. xxix.
- Gill 1998, pp. 84–85.
- Ernest Sutherland Bates, John V. Dittemore, Mary Baker Eddy: The Truth and the Tradition, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1932, p. 5.
Eddy, Retrospection and Introspection, p. 12: "My father's relentless theology emphasized belief in a final judgment-day, in the danger of endless punishment, and in a Jehovah merciless towards unbelievers ..."
- Eddy, Retrospection and Introspection, p. 10: "My father was taught to believe that my brain was too large for my body and so kept me much out of school, but I gained book-knowledge with far less labor than is usually requisite. At ten years of age I was as familiar with Lindley Murray's Grammar as with the Westminster Catechism; and the latter I had to repeat every Sunday. My favorite studies were natural philosophy, logic, and moral science. From my brother Albert I received lessons in the ancient tongues, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. My brother studied Hebrew during his college vacations. After my discovery of Christian Science, most of the knowledge I had gleaned from schoolbooks vanished like a dream."
Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 16–17: Eddy was not able to attend Sanbornton (Tilton) Academy when the family moved there in 1836, but was required instead to start at the district school on the lower floor of the same building. She started at the beginning with the youngest girls, but withdrew after a month because of poor health. Thereafter she received private tuition from the Reverend Enoch Corser; p. 25: She entered Sanbornton Academy in 1842.
Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Discovery, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966, later published by the Christian Science Publishing Society, p. 54: Eddy "may have attended Holmes Academy at Plymouth in 1838 and certainly attended Sanbornton Academy in 1842." She may have attended during other terms, and may also have attended another school called Woodman Sanbornton Academy.
Gill 1998, p. 50: "In November 1842, at age twenty-one, she completed her formal schooling, having done three full semesters at the Sanbornton Academy under Dyer Sanborn."
- Eddy letter to Quimby, May 1862, in Schoepflin 2003, p. 22; Eddy, Science and Health, 1875, 1st edition, pp. 189–190.
Willa Cather, Georgine Milmine, The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History of Christian Science, New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1909, pp. 21–22.
Peel 1966, p. 45: "This was when life took on the look of a nightmare, overburdened nerves gave way, and she would end in a state of unconsciousness that would sometimes last for hours and send the family into a panic. On such an occasion Lyman Durgin, the Baker's teen-age chore boy, who adored Mary, would be packed off on a horse for the village doctor ..." For a different view, Gill 1998, pp. 39–48.
- Harold Bloom, The American Religion, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992, p. 133.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 30, 36, 40, 50–52; Caroline Fraser, God's Perfect Child: Living and Dying in the Christian Science Church, New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1999, pp. 36–37.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 66–68; Gill 1998, p. 102, 170; Fraser 1999, p. 40, indicates that Eddy's husband did sign the guardianship papers.
For women having no right of guardianship, "Women and the Law", Harvard Business School, 2010: "A married woman or feme covert was a dependent, like an underage child or a slave, and could not own property in her own name or control her own earnings, except under very specific circumstances. When a husband died, his wife could not be the guardian to their under-age children." Also see M. Victor Westberg, "Christian Science: An Exchange", The New York Review of Books, November 14, 1996.
Eddy, Retrospection and Introspection, pp. 20–21: "After returning to the paternal roof I lost all my husband's property, except what money I had brought with me; and remained with my parents until after my mother's decease.
"A few months before my father's second marriage, to Mrs. Elizabeth Patterson Duncan, sister of Lieutenant-Governor George W. Patterson of New York, my little son, about four years of age, was sent away from me, and put under the care of our family nurse, who had married, and resided in the northern part of New Hampshire. I had no training for self-support, and my home I regarded as very precious. The night before my child was taken from me, I knelt by his side throughout the dark hours, hoping for a vision of relief from this trial. ...
"My second marriage was very unfortunate, and from it I was compelled to ask for a bill of divorce, which was granted me in the city of Salem, Massachusetts.
"My dominant thought in marrying again was to get back my child, but after our marriage his stepfather was not willing he should have a home with me. A plot was consummated for keeping us apart. The family to whose care he was committed very soon removed to what was then regarded as the Far West.
"After his removal a letter was read to my little son, informing him that his mother was dead and buried. Without my knowledge a guardian was appointed him, and I was then informed that my son was lost. Every means within my power was employed to find him, but without success. We never met again until he had reached the age of thirty-four, had a wife and two children, and by a strange providence had learned that his mother still lived, and came to see me in Massachusetts."
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 219; Gill 1998, pp. 287–289.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 290; Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Trial, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971, pp. 222, 250.
- Gill 1998, p. 172: "Any account of the rise of Christian Science falls short of the mark if it fails to see and acknowledge that Mary Baker Eddy had charisma"; p. 405: "She could be bad-tempered, irrational, capricious, inconsiderate, domineering, sanctimonious, unkind."
- Wilson 1961, pp. 142, 144.
- Lyman P. Powell, Mary Baker Eddy: A Life Size Portrait, Boston: The Christian Science Publishing Society, 1930, pp. 148–149.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 122–123.
- Twain 1907, pp. 67, 180.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 88 (citing Julius Dresser's diary, October 17, 1962): "The most peculiar person I have seen of late is Mrs. Patterson, the authoress, who came last Friday, a week ago today, from Vail's Water Cure in Hill, N. H., where Melville, Fanny Bass, and I were; and is now under Dr. Quimby, and boarding also, at Mrs. Hunter's. She was only able to get here, and no one else thought she could live to travel so far, but today she, with Mrs. Hunter and sister, Nettie [Annetta Seabury, later Julius Dresser's wife] and I went up into the dome of the 'New City Building' up seven flights of stairs, or 182 steps. So much for Dr. Quimby's doings."
- Willa Cather and Georgine Milmine, "Mary Baker G. Eddy: The Story of Her Life and the History of Christian Science", McClure's magazine (January 1907 – June 1908), April 1907, p. 610; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 115.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 87: Eddy's husband, Daniel Patterson, first wrote to Quimby in October 1861.
- Craig James Hazen, The Village Enlightenment in America: Popular Religion and Science in the Nineteenth Century, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000, pp. 113–114.
- Hazen 2000, p. 118.
Also see Charles Poyen, Progress of Animal Magnetism in New England, Boston: Weeks, Jordan & Co, 1837.
- George A. Quimby, "Phineas Parkhurst Quimby", The New England Magazine, 6(33), March 1888 (pp. 267–276), p. 271.
Alan Gauld, A History of Hypnotism, Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1992, p. 193; Hazen 2000, pp. 118–119.
- Gauld 1992, p. 193; Roy M. Anker, "Romanticism, the Gilded Age and the History of Christian Science," Self-help and Popular Religion in Modern American Culture: An Interpretive Guide, Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1999(b), (pp. 11–100), p. 50; Hazen 2000, pp. 118–119.
- Quimby, in Horatio Dresser (ed.), The Quimby Manuscripts, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1921, p. 355 (also here).
- Amanda Porterfield, Healing in the History of Christianity, Oxford University Press, 2005, p. 179; Ann Taves, Fits, Trances, and Visions, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999, pp. 213–216 (for Quimby's Jesus/Christ distinction, p. 214).
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 157, n. 6.
Quimby 1921, p. 388: "The leaders of the medical schools, through the hypocrisy of their profession, deceive the people into submission to their opinions, while democracy forges the fetters which are to bind them to disease. Science, which would destroy this bondage, is looked upon as blasphemy when it dares oppose the faculty, and religion has no place in medical science. So in the church the religion of Jesus' Science is never heard; for it would drive aristocracy out of the pulpit, and scatter seeds of freedom among the people. Nevertheless, the religion of Christ is shown in the progress of Christian Science, while the religion of society decays as the liberal principles are developed. Man's religion labors to keep Science down in all churches North and South, by suppressing free discussion, for aristocracy will not have anything tending to freedom."
- Robert C. Fuller, Mesmerism and the American Cure of Souls, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982, p. 134; Quimby 1921, p. 319–320.
Stewart W. Holmes, "Phineas Parkhurst Quimby: Scientist of Transcendentalism", The New England Quarterly, 17(3), September 1944 (pp. 356–380), p. 364, writes that this passage was probably the source of Eddy's "scientific statement of being" in the "Recapitulation" chapter of Science and Health (p. 468): "There is no life, truth, intelligence, nor substance in matter. All is infinite Mind and its infinite manifestation, for God is All-in-all. Spirit is immortal Truth; matter is mortal error. Spirit is the real and eternal; matter is the unreal and temporal. Spirit is God, and man is His image and likeness. Therefore man is not material; he is spiritual."
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 79–82; Fuller 1982, p. 121.
- George Quimby 1888, p. 271.
Quimby 1921, described his methods in a "circular to the sick": "Dr. P. P. Quimby would respectfully announce to the citizens of _______ and vicinity, that he will be at the _______, where he will attend to those wishing to consult him in regard to their health. And as his practice is unlike all other medical practice, it is necessary to say that he gives no medicines and makes no outward applications, but simply sits down by the patients, tells them their feelings and what they think is their disease. If the patients admit that he tells them their feelings, etc., then his explanation is the cure; and if he succeeds in correcting their error, he changes the fluids of the system and establishes the truth or health."
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), February 1907, pp. 344–345; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 95.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), February 1907, pp. 347–348.
Eddy (as Mary M. Patterson), "What I do not Know and what I do Know", Evening Courier (Portland, Maine), November 7, 1862 (part 1 of original, part 2): "But now I can see dimly at first and only as trees walking, the great principle which underlies Dr. Quimby's faith and works; and just in proportion to my right perception of truth, is my recovery. This truth which he opposes to the error of giving intelligence to matter and placing pain where it never placed itself, if received understandingly changes the currents of the system to their normal action and the mechanism of the body goes on undisturbed. That this is a science capable of demonstration becomes clear to the minds of those patients who reason upon the process of their cure. The truth which he establishes in the patient cures him (although he may be wholly unconscious thereof) and the body which is full of light, is no longer in disease."
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 91.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 94–95.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), February 1907, pp. 347–349. The sonnet was a new version of one she had had published on 13 November 1845 in the New Hampshire Patriot; see Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 91.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), February 1907, pp. 349–351; for six letters, Gill 1998, p. 148.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 70.
- Gill 1998, p. 161.
- Peel 1966, p. 346, n. 17; Eddy, Miscellaneous Writings: 1883–1896, p. 24.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 84–86.
Alvin M. Cushing, 'Union, Springfield, MA, January 2, 1907 (see Martin Gardner, The Healing Revelations of Mary Baker Eddy, Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1993, p. 41)): "On February 1, 1866, I was called to the residence of Samuel M. Bubier, who was a shoe manufacturer and later was mayor of Lynn, to attend said Mrs. Patterson, who had fallen upon the icy sidewalk in front of Mr. Bubier's factory and had injured her head by the fall. I found her very nervous, partially unconscious, semi-hysterical, complaining by word and action of severe pain in the back of her head and neck. ...
"There was, to my knowledge, no other physician in attendance upon Mrs. Patterson during this illness from the day of the accident, February 1, 1866, to my final visit on February 13th, and when I left her on the 13th day of February, she seemed to have recovered from the disturbance caused by the accident and to be, practically, in her normal condition. I did not at any time declare, or believe, that there was no hope for Mrs. Patterson's recovery, or that she was in a critical condition, and did not at any time say, or believe, that she had but three or any other limited number of days to live. Mrs. Patterson did not suggest, or say, or pretend, or in any way whatever intimate, that on the third, or any other day, of her said illness, she had miraculously recovered or been healed, or that, discovering or perceiving the truth of the power employed by Christ to heal the sick, she had, by it, been restored to health."
- Gardner 1993, pp. 51–52; Eddy Science and Health, 1875, 1st edition, p. 4: "We made our first discovery that science mentally applied would heal the sick, in 1864, and since then have tested it on ourselves and hundreds of others, and never found it fail to prove the statement herein made of it."
Eddy, Boston Post, March 7, 1883, in Dresser 1919, p. 58: "We had laid the foundations of mental healing before we ever saw Dr. Quimby; were an homeopathist without a diploma. We made our first experiments in mental healing about 1853, when we were convinced that mind had a science, which, if understood, would heal all disease."
- Gill 1998, pp. 47–48; Eddy, Science and Health, 1875, pp. 189–190: "When quite a child we adopted the Graham system for dyspepsia, ate only bread and vegetables, and drank water, following this diet for years; we became more dyspeptic, however, and, of course, thought we must diet more rigidly; so we partook of but one meal in twenty-four hours, and this consisted of a thin slice of bread, about three inches square, without water; our physician not allowing us with this ample meal, to wet our parched lips for many hours thereafter; whenever we drank, it produced violent retchings. Thus we passed most of our early years, as many can attest, in hunger, pain, weakness, and starvation. ... After years of suffering, when we made up our mind to die, our doctors kindly assuring us this was our only alternative, our eyes were suddenly opened, and we learned suffering is self-imposed, a belief, and not Truth."
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 83; Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 108–109 (according to Bates and Dittemore, this was Eddy's first published statement about the fall and recovery); Peel 1966, p. 195ff.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), February 1907, p. 354, and February 1908, p. 390.
Dresser replied (Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 110): "The true way to establish it is, as I look at it, to lecture and by a paper and make that the means, rather more than the curing, to introduce the truth."
- Powell 1930, p. 116.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 116. The suit was settled in March 1868 with the entry "Neither Party."
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 114–117; Gill 1998, pp. 169–170.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 118–120.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 126, 131–135; Thomas 1994, p. 124–134; Gottschalk 2006, pp. 80–81.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 118; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 124.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 125–130: Those who met Eddy at the Wentworths recalled her saying: "I learned this from Dr. Quimby, and he made me promise to teach it to at least two persons before I die" (p. 123).
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 126, 131–132.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 134, 139; Peel 1966, pp. 222, 239.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 138.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), May 1907, pp. 97–98; Peel 1966, pp. 222, 239.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), May 1907, pp. 101, 104; Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 138–139; Peel 1966, p. 252.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 145, citing S. P. Bancroft, Mrs. Eddy as I Knew Her in 1870, Geo. H. Ellis, 1923, which contains the text of the manuscript.
- Peel 1966, p. 249.
- Peel 1966, pp. 268–269.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), May 1907, pp. 100–101.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 144, 146.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 147; Peel 1966, p. 266.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 141–142, 144; Schoepflin 2003, pp. 15–16.
- Peel 1961, p. 290.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), May 1907, p. 107.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 147.
- Peel 1966, p. 272.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), May 1907, p. 108; Peel 1966, p. 285.
- Peel 1996, pp. 286–287.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), July 1907, p. 333.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 230.
- Peel 1971, p. 14.
- Peel 1996, p. 283.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), June 1908, pp. 179–180; Peel 1996, pp. 22–23, 358, n. 108.
For September 1874 and the delay, William Dana Orcutt, Mary Baker Eddy and her Books, Boston: Christian Science Publishing Society, 1950, p. 16.
Eddy, Science and Health, 1875, first edition.
- Peel 1966, p. 292.
- Martin Gardner, "Mind over Matter", Los Angeles Times, August 22, 1999; for poor proofreading, Orcutt 1950, pp. 16–17.
- Orcutt 1950, pp. 17–20, 120–123.
- Orcutt 1950, p. 25.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 266–273; Orcutt 1950, pp. 28–36.
"Mark Twain indorses exposure of Mrs. Eddy", The New York Times, November 5, 1906.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 270–273, 304 (p. 270 for 22 editions in 1886–1888; p. 304 for the 1891 edition being the last Wiggin worked on); also see Gottschalk 1973, p. 42.
For a letter from Wiggin to a friend about Eddy and Christian Science, dated December 14, 1889, Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 337–339 (p. 336 for the date).
- Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Trial, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971, pp. 186–189.
Also see Eddy, "Authorship of Science and Health," The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, pp. 317–319.
- Orcutt 1950, p. 30 (the letter is dated July 30, 1886).
- Orcutt 1950, pp. 97–98; Science and Health, 309th edition, 1904, p. 600ff.
- Orcutt 1950, p. 101: "The last numbered editions, four hundred and seventeenth in cloth, and four hundred and eighteenth in limp leather, appeared in 1906, bearing the Armstrong imprint as publisher."
- Gottschalk 1973, p. 39: he cites 1878, 1881, 1883, 1886, 1891, 1902 and 1906. Gottschalk writes that 1890 was a major revision; this may refer to the year that the 1891 edition – the 50th edition, published in January that year, was one of the major revisions – was copyrighted. Also see Anker 1999(b), p. 83. For members being encouraged to buy them, Gill 1998, pp. 330–331.
- Fraser 1999, p. 112.
- Gardner 1993, pp. 125–12; "United Christian Scientists v. Christian Science Board of Directors", United States District Court, District of Columbia, August 15, 1985.
"Christian Science Text's Copyright Is Ruled Illegal by Appeals Court", The New York Times, September 23, 1987.
- Eddy, "Seeking and Finding," Christ and Christmas, 1893, p. 19.
- Eddy, "Healing the sick", Science and Health, first edition, p. 439: "Palsy is a belief that attacks mind, and holds a limb inactive independent of the mind's consent, but the fact that a limb is moved only with mind proves the opposite, namely, that mind renders it also immovable."
- Eddy, "To the Christian World," New York Sun, December 16, 1898 (for the date, Gottschalk 2006, p. 452, n. 28); reprinted in First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, p. 105 "After my discovery of Christian Science, I healed consumption in the last stages, a case which the M.D.'s, by verdict of the stethoscope and the schools, had declared incurable, because the lungs were mostly consumed. I healed malignant diphtheria and carious bones that could be dented by the finger, saving the limbs when the surgeon's instruments were lying on the table ready for their amputation. I have healed at one visit a cancer that had eaten the flesh of the neck and exposed the jugular vein so that it stood out like a cord. I have physically restored sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, speech to the dumb, and have made the lame walk."
- Eddy, Science and Health, "Science, Theology, Medicine", pp. 152–153; Schoepflin 2003, p. 113ff.
- Eddy, Science and Health, "Physiology", pp. 196–197.
- Eddy, Science and Health, "Physiology", pp. 177–178; Gardner 1993, p. 64.
- Eddy, Science and Health, "Christian Science Practice", pp. 401–402: "Until the advancing age admits the efficacy and supremacy of Mind, it is better for Christian Scientists to leave surgery and the adjustment of broken bones and dislocations to the fingers of a surgeon, while the mental healer confines himself chiefly to mental reconstruction and to the prevention of inflammation. Christian Science is always the most skilful surgeon, but surgery is the branch of its healing which will be last acknowledged. However, it is but just to say that the author has already in her possession well-authenticated records of the cure, by herself and her students through mental surgery alone, of broken bones, dislocated joints, and spinal vertebræ."
- Charles Stewart Roberts, "The Case of Richard Cabot", Baylor University Medical Center Proceedings, 22(3), July 2009, pp. 246–263.
- Richard Clarke Cabot, "One Hundred Christian Science Cures", McClure's, August 1908; Whorton 2004, p. 125.
- William A. Purrington, Christian Science, New York: E. B. Treat & Co., 1900, p. 4.
Also see E. B. S., Jr., "Book review: Christian Science by William A. Purrington", The American Law Register, 48(6), June 1900, pp. 380–381; and William Purrington, "Manslaughter, Christian Science and the Law," American Lawyer, 7, 1899, pp. 5–9.
- Stark 1998, p. 197.
- Peel 1971, pp. 18–19.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), July 1907, pp. 342–343; Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 247.
- Wilson 1961, pp. 126–127; Moore 1986, pp. 112–113.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 304–305, n. 1: Eddy appears to have coined the term M.A.M. in a letter to Mrs. Hannah Larminie in December 6, 1890. Her earlier abbreviations included An. Mag. and Mes.
For M.A.M. and m.a.m., Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Authority, New York: Henry Holt & Company, 1977, p. 393, n. 50.
For "malicious mesmerism," malicious animal magnetism," "animal magnetism," "mental influence" and "mesmerism," Mary Baker Eddy, "A Crime of Malicious Mesmerism," The Christian Science Journal, 7(1), March 1889, pp. 29–30.
For "malicious malpractice," Gill 1998, p. 602, n. 38: "'Malicious Animal Magnetism' is an important concept in Christian Science which bears many and contested meanings. Some Christian Science scholars argue that 'Malicious Animal Magnetism' or 'M.A.M' is a term used by Mary Baker Eddy's detractors, and that she herself, as her doctrine evolved, preferred the term 'malicious malpractice.' I have been assured by other scholars who have had access to Mrs. Eddy's correspondence that she herself used 'malicious animal magnetism,' 'mesmerism,' and 'malicious malpractice' interchangeably."
- Wilson 1961, p. 126.
- Gottschalk 1973, pp. 125, 149 (that Wiggin was editor 1885–1891, p. 42); for Wiggin's influence on that chapter, Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 269; also see Anker 1999(b), p. 83.
Eddy, Science and Health, 1881, chapter VI, "Demonology," pp. 1–46.
Eddy, Science and Health, 1889, p. 214: "Animal magnetism is literally demonology ... Christian Science stands preeminent for promoting affection and virtue, in families and the community. Opposed to this healthful and elevating influence of Mind, as if to forestall the power of good, a baneful and secret mental influence has uprisen; but Science can and will meet all emergencies, and restore the normal standard of harmony."
- Moore 1986, p. 112.
"Mesmerism or Arsenic", Boston Daily Globe, June 4, 1882.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 301.
- Wilson 1961, p. 127; also see Gottschalk 1973, pp. 128, 148–149.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 304; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 254; Moore 1986, p. 113.
- Eddy, Miscellaneous Writings, 1883–1896, p. 350.
- Wilson 1961, p. 127.
- Gottschalk 1972, p. 149; also see Moore 1986, p. 113.
- Moore 1986, pp. 113–114, citing Adam H. Dickey, Memoirs of Mary Baker Eddy, London: Robert G. Carter, 1927.
Also see Wilson 1961, p. 126, n. 7, citing Gilbert C. Carpenter, Watches, Prayers, Arguments Given to Students by Mary Baker Eddy.
- Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, p. 52.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), July 1907, p. 344ff; for the complaint, p. 347; Peel 1971, pp. 40–45; Gill 1998, p. 253ff.
- Gill 1998, p. 397; Cather and Milmine (McClure's), July 1907, p. 346.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), July 1907, pp. 347–348; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 193; for Alcott, Peel 1971, p. 44.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), August 1907, pp. 450ff, 455; Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 194–201; Peel 1971, pp. 50–58; Gill 1998, p. 257.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), August 1907, p. 454.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 201.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), August 1907, p. 458.
- Stark 1998, p. 189.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), September 1907, p. 567; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 210.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), August 1907, pp. 460–461; Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 213–215; Stark 1998, p. 189.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), August 1907, p. 462; September 1907, p. 568.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 258.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), September 1907, p. 567.
Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 274; for the college closing in October 1889, Peel 1971, p. 252.
- Twain 1907, p. 67.
- "Mesmerism or Arsenic", Boston Daily Globe, June 4, 1882; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 219; Gill 1999, pp. 287–289.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 220; Gill 1998, p. 289.
- Fraser 1999, pp. 84–85; Peters 2007, p. 89.
- Cather and Milmine (McClure's), September 1907, pp. 567–568, 575.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 312–313.
- Peel 1971, p. 155; Gill 1998, pp. 321–323; "Faith Healing in America," The Times, May 26, 1885; Eddy, "Christian Science in Tremont Temple," Miscellaneous Writings 1883-1896, p. 95.
- Gottschalk 1973, p. xv.
- Paul Eli Ivey, Prayers in Stone: Christian Science Architecture in the United States, 1894–1930, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999, p. 31; "First Church of Christ, Scientist", Oconto County Historical Society.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 275; Peel 1971, p. 240.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 276–277.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 279.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 274–275.
- Cunningham 1967, p. 890; for 26 members in 1879, Cather and Milmine (McClure's), August 1907, p. 458.
- "A. O." "The Founder of the Mental Method of Treating Disease," Boston Post, February 8, 1883.
Dresser's reply, February 23, 1883; Eddy's reply, March 7, 1883, in Dresser 1919, p. 58: "We had laid the foundations of mental healing before we ever saw Dr. Quimby; were an homeopathist without a diploma. We made our first experiments in mental healing about 1853, when we were convinced that mind had a science, which, if understood, would heal all disease."
Also see Horatio Dresser (ed.), The Quimby Manuscripts, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1921, p. 433; Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 233–238; Peel 1971, p. 130.
- Gill 1998, p. 119.
- These include John Ruskin, Thomas Carlyle, Charles Kingsley and Henri-Frédéric Amiel. See Wilson 1961, pp. 135–136, n. 3; Braden 1967, p. 296; Gardner 1993, pp. 145–154. Also see Bryan Wilson, "The Origins of Christian Science: A Survey," Hibbert Journal, January 1959.
Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 248–249, wrote that another essay, "Taking Offense," was printed as one of Eddy's when it had first been published anonymously by an obscure newspaper.
Eddy was also accused, by Walter M. Haushalter in his Mrs. Eddy Purloins from Hegel, Boston: A. A. Beauchamp, 1936, of having copied material from "The Metaphysical Religion of Hegel" (1866), an essay by Francis Lieber. See Gardner 1993, pp. 145–154; for rebuttal, Thomas C. Johnsen, "Historical Consensus and Christian Science: The Career of a Manuscript Controversy", The New England Quarterly, 53(1), March 1980, pp. 3–22.
- Braden 1967, p. 296; Blair, "The Man of Integrity," in Lindley Murray, The English Reader, York: Longman and Rees, 1799, p. 151; Eddy, Miscellaneous Writings 1883–1896, p. 147.
- Peel 1966, p. 259; Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 142–143.
- Eddy, Miscellaneous Writings, 1883–1896, Boston: Joseph Armstrong, 1897, p. 62: "A 'mind-cure' is a matter-cure. ... The Theology of Christian Science is based on the action of the divine Mind over the human mind and body; whereas, 'mind-cure' rests on the notion that the human mind can cure its own disease, or that which it causes ..."
- Peel 1971, pp. 135–136, citing Eddy, Journal of Christian Science, December 1883.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 211–212, 240–242. The pamphlet was Theology, or the Understanding of God as Applied to Healing the Sick (1881). Arens credited Quimby, the Gottesfreunde, Jesus, and "some thoughts contained in a work by Eddy."
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 240–242; Peel 1971, pp. 133–134 (pp. 134 and 344, n. 44, for Quimby's son sending the manuscript overseas); Gill 1998, p. 316.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 243–244; Julius A. Dresser, The True History of Mental Science, Boston: Alfred Mudge & Son, 1887.
There was also an article, George A. Quimby, "Phineas Parkhurst Quimby", The New England Magazine, 6(33), March 1888, pp. 267–276.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 129–130. The title page stated "Extracts from Dr. P. P. Quimby's writings." On the next page there was a title, "The Science of Man or the principle which controls all phenomena." The preface was signed Mary M. Glover. A note in the margin said, "P. P. Q's mss," then Quimby's manuscript followed.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 241.
Eddy, "Reminiscences," The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, pp. 306–307: "Quotations have been published, purporting to be Dr. Quimby's own words, which were written while I was his patient in Portland and holding long conversations with him on my views of mental therapeutics. Some words in these quotations certainly read like words that I said to him, and which I, at his request, had added to his copy when I corrected it. In his conversations with me and in his scribblings, the word science was not used at all, till one day I declared to him that back of his magnetic treatment and manipulation of patients, there was a science, and it was the science of mind, which had nothing to do with matter, electricity, or physics."
Eddy, Science and Health, 1889, p. 7: "Mr. Quimby's son has stated ... that he has in his possession all his father's written utterances; and I have offered to pay for their publication, but he declines to publish them; for their publication would silence the insinuation that Mr. Quimby originated the system of healing which I claim to be mine."
Eddy, Retrospection and Introspection, p. 35: "In 1870 I copyrighted the first publication on spiritual, scientific Mind-healing, entitled The Science of Man. This little book is converted into the chapter on Recapitulation in Science and Health. It was so new – the basis it laid down for physical and moral health was so hopelessly original – that I did not venture upon its publication until later ..."; p. 36: "Five years after taking out my first copyright, I taught the Science of Mind-healing, alias Christian Science, by writing out my manuscripts for students and distributing them unsparingly. This will account for certain published and unpublished manuscripts extant, which the evil-minded would insinuate did not originate with me."
- Lyman Pierson Powell, Christian Science: The Faith and Its Founder, New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1917 , p. 71.
- "True Origin of Christian Science", The New York Times, July 10, 1904.
The similarities included "Error is sickness, Truth is health" (Quimby manuscript), "Sickness is part of the error which Truth casts out" (Science and Health); "Truth is God" (Quimby), "Truth is God" (S&H); "Error is matter" (Quimby), "Matter is mortal error" (S&H); "Matter has no intelligence" (Quimby), "The fundamental error of mortal man is the belief that matter is intelligent" (S&H).
For more on the manuscripts, S. P. Bancroft, Mrs. Eddy as I Knew Her in 1870 (1923); for the history of the Science and Man manuscript, Peel 1966, pp. 231–236; Fraser 1999, p. 468, n. 99. Several versions of Science and Man can be found in "Essays and other footprints left by Mary Baker Eddy", Rare Book Company, Freehold, New Jersey, p. 178ff.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 156, 244–245.
- Peel 1966, pp. 179–183, particularly 182; Peel 1971, p. 345, n. 44.
- Gardner 1993, p. 47; Gill 1998, p. 316.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 355; for Eddy calling herself "Professor of Obstetrics," Gill 1998, p. 347; for two one-week classes, Peel 1971, p. 237.
- Schoepflin 2003, p. 212.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, pp. 354–355; Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 282; Peel 1971, p. 237; Schoepflin 2003, pp. 82–85.
"Christian Science Killed Her", The New York Times, May 18, 1888; "Mrs. Corner on Trial", May 22, 1888; "The Christian Scientist Held", May 26, 1888; "The Christian Scientist Not Indicted", June 10, 1888.
- Cather and Milmine 1909, p. 356; for the secretary resigning, Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 283.
- Schoepflin 2003, pp. 212–217.
- Cunningham 1967, p. 902; Peters 2007, p. 98.
- Schoepflin 2003, p. 189; Peters 2007, pp. 100, 107.
- Michael Willrich, Pox: An American History, Penguin Press, 2011, pp. 260–261.
- "Christian Scientists' change of front", The New York Times, November 14, 1902; Peters 2007, pp. 94–95;
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 299–303.
- Wilson 1961, p. 159.
- Gill 1998, p. 360.
- Ivey 1999, pp. 50, 52.
- Joseph Armstrong, The Mother Church, Boston: The Christian Science Publishing Society, 1913, pp. 73–81; Gill 1998, pp. xiv, 363.
- Ivey 1999, pp. 70–75; Gill 1998, p. xii.
- Cunningham 1967, pp. 901–902.
- Stark 1998, pp. 190–191; "The Truth about Mrs Eddy", The New York Times, November 4, 1906.
- Cunningham 1967, p. 890.
- "Christian Science", Encyclopædia Britannica, 1922.
- Twain, "Christian Science and the Book of Mrs. Eddy", Cosmopolitan, October 1899.
- Gragg Camfield, The Oxford Companion to Mark Twain, Oxford University Press, 2003, pp. 716–717.
Twain, "Christian Science", North American Review, December 1902; Twain, Christian Science, Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1907. He had earlier written about mental healing in "Mental Telepathy," Harper's, December 1891.
- Twain, "The Secret History of Eddypus, the World Empire"], Tales of Wonder, University of Nebraska Press, 2003, p. 176ff.
- Twain 1907, p. 284.
- Twain 1907, p. 29.
- Twain 1907, p. 284: "For the thing back of it is wholly gracious and beautiful: the power, through loving mercifulness and compassion, to heal fleshly ills and pains and grief—all—with a word, with a touch of the hand! This power was given by the Saviour to the Disciples, and to all the converted. All—every one. It was exercised for generations afterwards. Any Christian who was in earnest and not a make-believe, not a policy-Christian, not a Christian for revenue only, had that healing power, and could cure with it any disease or any hurt or damage possible to human flesh and bone. These things are true, or they are not. If they were true seventeen and eighteen and nineteen centuries ago it would be difficult to satisfactorily explain why or how or by what argument that power should be nonexistent in Christians now."
Also see Cynthia D. Schrager, "Mark Twain and Mary Baker Eddy: Gendering the Transpersonal Subject", American Literature, 70(1), 1998.
- Susan L. Mizruchi, "Becoming Multicultural: Culture, Economy, and the Novel: 1860–1920," in Sacvan Bercovitch and Cyrus R. K. Patell (eds.), The Cambridge History of American Literature: Volume Three, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 528–529.
- McClure's editorial, December 1906; Cather and Milmine (McClure's), January 1907 – June 1908, 14 articles; Cather and Milmine 1909.
Eddy, "Reply to McClure's Magazine," The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, pp. 308–316.
- Bercovitch 2005, p. 530ff; Fraser 1999, pp. 137–141; Gill 1998, p. 567; Gardner 1993, p. 41.
- David H. Porter, On the Divide: The Many Lives of Willa Cather, University of Nebraska Press, 2008, p. 71.
David Stouck, "Introduction," in Cather and Milmine, The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History of Christian Science, University of Nebraska Press, 1993, p. xvff.
- Stouck 1993, p. xvff; L. Brent Bohlke, "Willa Cather and The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy", American Literature, 54(2), May 1982, pp. 288–294.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 396.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 403–408.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, pp. 411, 413, 417; "Dr. Alan McLane Hamilton Tells About His Visit to Mrs. Eddy", The New York Times, August 25, 1907.
- Fuller 2011, pp. 3, 175; for July 18, 1908, Gill 1998, p. 532.
- Bates and Dittemore 1932, p. 451; "New York Eddyites Take Death Calmly", The New York Times, December 5, 1910; "The Strange Life of Mary Baker Eddy", The New York Times, December 5, 1910.
"Look for Mrs. Eddy to rise from tomb", The New York Times, December 29, 1910.
- "Nothing left to relatives", The New York Times, December 8, 1910; "Church gets most of her estate", The New York Times, December 15, 1910.
- Stark 1998, p. 192, citing the Christian Science Journal.
- "Teachers and practitioners", The Christian Science Journal Directory.
- Stark 1998, pp. 190–191.
- Stark 1998, p. 192; for 1,271 as of 2014, "Teachers and practitioners", The Christian Science Journal Directory.
- Christa Case Bryant, "Africa contributes biggest share of new members to Christian Science church", Christian Science Monitor, June 9, 2009.
- Stark 1998, p. 194.
- James Barron, "A Difficult Passage From Church to Condominium", The New York Times, September 26, 2014.
- Stark 1998, p. 195.
- Stark 1998, pp. 198–199.
- Stark 1998, pp. 206, 212.
- Stark 1998, pp. 203–204.
- Stark 1998, pp. 197–198, 211–212.
- Stark 1998, p. 212.
- Stark 1998, pp. 203, 205.
- Stark 1998, p. 204.
- Stark 1998, pp. 202, 208.
- Ivey 1999, pp. 4–6.
- Stark 1998, p. 193.
- Eddy, "List of Church Officers", Manual of the Mother Church; Gottschalk 1973, p. 190; Fraser (Atlantic) 1995.
- Steve Stecklow, "Church's Media Moves At Issue A Burgeoning Network Sparks Dissent", Philadelphia Inquirer, October 14, 1991; Fraser 1999, pp. 373–374.
- Dell de Chant, "World Religions made in the U.S.A.: Metaphysical Communities – Christian Science and Theosophy," in Jacob Neusner (ed.), World Religions in America, Westminster John Knox Press, 2009 (pp. 251–270), p. 257.
"Sunday church services and Wednesday testimony meetings", and "Online Wednesday meetings", First Church of Christ, Scientist.
- Members are expected to pray each day: "Thy kingdom come; let the reign of divine Truth, Life, and Love be established in me, and rule out of me all sin; and may Thy Word enrich the affections of all mankind, and govern them!" See Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, Article VIII, Section 4; Gottschalk 1973, p. 240.
- Eddy, Manual of the Mother Church, Article VIII, Sections 13, 14.
- Eddy, "Discipline", Manual of the Mother Church.
- Margolick (New York Times) 1990, p. 2; Fraser (Atlantic) 1995.
- Fraser 1999, pp. 186–190, 239, 427, for Shepard, Astor, Lightoller; also see Charles Lightoller, "It is difficult to tell of the experience ...", Christian Science Journal, October 1912.
- Margolick (New York Times) 1990, p. 2, for Jean Stapleton and Carol Channing; Fraser 1999, p. 215, for Val Kilmer and Horton Foote; Gardner (Los Angeles Times) 1999 for Cecil B. DeMille, Joan Crawford, Mary Pickford, Mickey Rooney, Ginger Rogers, Doris Day, Robert Duvall, George Hamilton.
- YouTube, James Hetfield - God That Failed interview (from 2:22)
- For Robin Williams and Elizabeth Taylor, Fraser 1999, p. 215; for Ellen DeGeneres, Henry Fonda and Audrey Hepburn, Fuller 2011, p. 48.
For Helmuth von Moltke, Joseph Biesinger, Germany: A Reference Guide from the Renaissance to the Present, Infobase Publishing, 2006, p. 576; for Daniel Ellsberg, Tom Wells, Wild Man: The Life and Times of Daniel Ellsberg, Palgrave Macmillan, 2001, p. 49.
- Lawrence Wright, Going Clear: Scientology, Hollywood & the Prison of Belief, Knopf, 2013, p. 335.
- Frank Prinz-Wondollek, "How does Christian Science heal?", Boston, Massachusetts, April 28, 2011, from 00:02 mins.
- Battin 1999, p. 7.
- Stark 1998, pp. 196–197; Gottschalk 2006, p. 86.
- Fraser 1999, pp. 94–96.
- Paul Vitello, "Christian Science Church Seeks Truce With Modern Medicine," The New York Times, March 23, 2010, p. 2.
- Fraser 1999, pp. 91–93; Eddy, "Recapitulation", Science and Health.
- Fraser 1999, p. 91.
- Fraser 1999, p. 329; "Christian Science nursing facilities", Commission for Accreditation of Christian Science Nursing Organizations/Facilities.
- "Testimony Guidelines", JSH-Online, Christian Science church.
- Battin 1999, p. 15.
- Battin 1999, p. 15; "An Empirical Analysis of Medical Evidence in Christian Science Testimonies of Healing, 1969–1988", Christian Science church, April 1989, pp. 2, 7, courtesy of the Johnson Fund.
- Peters 2007, p. 22; "An Analysis of a Christian Science Study of the Healings of 640 Childhood Illnesses", Death by Religious Exemption, Coalition to Repeal Exemptions to Child Abuse Laws, Massachusetts Committee for Children and Youth, January 1992, Section IX, p. 34.
- Peters 2007, p. 15; James G. Dwyer, "Spiritual Treatment Exemptions to Child Medical Neglect Laws: What We Outsiders Should Think", College of William & Mary Law School, 2000, p. 159.
- Caroline Fraser, Fraser "Suffering Children and the Christian Science Church", The Atlantic, April 1995; Fraser 1999, pp. 287–289; 323–325.
Eddy, Science and Health, pp. 412–413: "If the case is that of a young child or an infant, it needs to be met mainly through the parent's thought, silently or audibly on the aforesaid basis of Christian Science. ... Mind regulates the condition of the stomach, bowels, and food, the temperature of children and of men, and matter does not. The wise or unwise views of parents and other persons on these subjects produce good or bad effects on the health of children."
- Vitello (New York Times) 2010, p. 1; Nathan Talbot, "The position of the Christian Science church", New England Journal of Medicine, 309(26), December 29, 1983 (pp. 1641–1644), p. 1642. PubMed
- "Religious Objections to Medical Care", American Academy of Pediatrics, Committee on Bioethics, Pediatrics, 99(2), February 1, 1997, pp. 279–281 (reaffirmed, May 2009).
- Richard A. Hughes, "The Death of Children by Faith-Based Medical Neglect", Journal of Law and Religion, 20(1), 2004 (pp. 247–265), p. 248: "The source of the religious exemption clauses is the extensive lobbying of the Christian Science Church ..."
Beth Rapp Young, "Defending Child Medical Neglect: Christian Science Persuasive Rhetoric", Rhetoric Review, 20(3/4), 2001 (pp. 268–292), p. 270: "The majority of public statements about these exemptions have been made by lobbyists for the Christian Science church."
Also see Fraser (Atlantic) 1995.
- "Free Exercise Clause", Legal Information Institute, Cornell University Law School.
- Fraser (Atlantic) 1995.
- Peters 2007, pp. 113–114.
- Young 2001, p. 270; Peters 2007, p. 116.
- Peters 2007, 116; "Exemptions from providing medical care for sick children", Children's Healthcare is a Legal Duty. For 37 states, Guam and the District of Columbia, see "Religious Exemptions to Child Neglect", National District Attorneys Association, June 2013.
The state of Washington religious exemption said as of March 2014: "It is the intent of the legislature that a person who, in good faith, is furnished Christian Science treatment by a duly accredited Christian Science practitioner in lieu of medical care is not considered deprived of medically necessary health care or abandoned." See "RCW 9A.42.005, Findings and intent — Christian Science treatment — Rules of evidence", Washington State legislature; "Religious Exemptions to Child Neglect", National District Attorneys Association, June 2013.
- "Vaccination Exemptions", The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, July 2014.
In 1972 128 students at a Christian Science school in Greenwich, Connecticut, contracted polio and four were left partially paralyzed. In 1982 a nine-year-old girl died of diphtheria after attending a Christian Science camp in Colorado (Fraser 1999, p. 303). In 1985 128 people were infected with measles, and three died, at Principia College, a Christian Science school in Elsah, Illinois (Fraser 1999, pp. 301–302; "Epidemiologic Notes and Reports Multiple Measles Outbreaks on College Campuses – Ohio, Massachusetts, Illinois", Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, March 15, 1985). In 1994 190 people in six states were infected with measles traced to a child from a Christian Science family in Elsah (Fraser 1999, p. 303; "Outbreak of Measles Among Christian Science Students – Missouri and Illinois, 1994", Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, July 1, 1994. PubMed).
Also see T. Novotny, et al, "Measles outbreaks in religious groups exempt from immunization laws", Public Health Reports, 103(1), Jan–Feb 1988, pp. 49–54, PubMed; Fraser 2003, p. 268.
- Schoepflin 2003, pp. 151, 212–215; Vitello (New York Times) 2010, p. 2.
- Seth M. Asser, Rita Swan, "Child fatalities from religion-motivated medical neglect", Pediatrics, 101(4 Pt 1), April 1998, pp. 625–629. PubMed; Peters 2007, pp. 12, 14.
- Fraser 2003, p. 268; Peters 2007, pp. 113–114.
- Peters 2007, pp. 194–195; Fraser 1999, pp. 287–292, 295.
- Peters 2007, pp. 118–121; Fraser (Atlantic) 1995.
Tamara Jones, "Prayers, Parental Duty: Child Deaths Put Faith on Trial", Los Angeles Times, June 17, 1989.
- Peters 2007, p. 13.
- Peters 2007, p. 122ff; Commonwealth vs. David R. Twitchell, 1993.
David Margolick, "In Child Deaths, a Test for Christian Science", The New York Times, August 6, 1990.
- "Commonwealth v. Twitchell", North East Rep Second Ser., 11(617), August 1993, pp. 609–621. PubMed; "Court Overturns Conviction of Christian Science Couple", Associated Press, August 12, 1993.
- Peters 2007, p. 125–129.
"Christian Scientists Found Liable in Death", The New York Times, August 19, 1993.
John Roberts, "Religion should not put a child's health at risk", British Medical Journal, February 3, 1996.
State v. McKown, Court of Appeals of Minnesota, October 16, 1990; State v. McKown, Supreme Court of Minnesota, September 20, 1991; Lundman v. McKown, Court of Appeals of Minnesota, April 1995; Lundman v. McKown, Hennepin County District Court, October 28, 1997.
- Fraser 1999, pp. 310–313; Lundman v. McKown, Court of Appeals of Minnesota, April 1995, n. 5. The nurse sat with him for five hours; sixteen minutes before her diary said that he had stopped breathing she had written "passing possible."
- Peters 2007, p. 125.
- Fraser 1999, p. 314; Peters 2007, pp. 127–128.
- Fraser 1999, pp. 313–315; Peters 2007, p. 129; Lundman v. McKown, Court of Appeals of Minnesota, April 1995, [530 N.W.2d 816].
- Stephanie Clifford, "Christian Science Paper to End Daily Print Edition", The New York Times, October 28, 2008; Jon Fine, "The Christian Science Monitor to Become a Weekly", Business Week, October 28, 2008; David Cook, "Monitor shifts from print to Web-based strategy", The Christian Science Monitor, October 29, 2008.
- Seth Faison, "The Media Business; New Deadline for Monitor Channel", The New York Times, April 6, 1992.
- "Learn more about JSH-Online", christianscience.com.
- Gardner 1993, pp. 210–214; Fraser (Atlantic) 1995; Fraser 1999, p. 369ff.
- Peter Steinfels, "Fiscal and Spiritual Rifts Shake Christian Scientists", The New York Times, February 29, 1992; Fraser (Atlantic) 1995.
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Media related to Christian Science at Wikimedia Commons
- Church of Christ, Scientist
- Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures
- The Christian Science Monitor
- Christian Science Journal
- Christian Science Sentinel
- The Herald of Christian Science
- JSH-Online (Journal, Sentinel, Herald)
- The New York Times archive: "Christian Science"; "Mary Baker Eddy".
- Rita Swan, "Religion, Culture and Criminal Law", Child-Friendly Faith Project Conference, November 8, 2013.
- Independent Christian Science.
- John S. Haller, Shadow Medicine: The Placebo in Conventional and Alternative Therapies, New York: Columbia University Press, 2014.
- Church histories, biographies
- (chronological order)
- Willa Cather and Georgine Milmine, "Mary Baker G. Eddy", McClure's magazine, December 1906 – June 1908.
- Lyman Pierson Powell, Christian Science: The Faith and Its Founder, New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1917 (first published 1907).
- Frederick William Peabody, Complete Exposure of Eddyism or Christian Science, Boston: Frederick Peabody, 1907.
- Sybil Wilbur, The Life of Mary Baker Eddy, New York: Concord Publishing Company, 1908 (first serialized in Human Life, 1907, later published by the Christian Science Publishing Society, 1913).
- Michael Meehan, Mrs. Eddy and the Late Suit in Equity, Concord, NH: Michael Meehan, 1908 (there is another edition, Mrs. Eddy and Next Friends).
- Will Cather, Georgine Milmine, The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History of Christian Science, New York: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1909 (archive.org).
- Samuel P. Bancroft, Mrs. Eddy as I Knew Her in 1870, Boston: Geo H. Ellis Co, 1923.
- Adam E. Dickey, Memoirs of Mary Baker Eddy, London: Robert G. Carter, 1927.
- Edwin Franden Dakin, Mrs. Eddy, the Biography of a Virginal Mind, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929.
- H. A. L. Fisher, Our New Religion: An Examination of Christian Science, New York, J. Cape & H. Smith, 1930.
- Lyman Pierson Powell, Mary Baker Eddy: A Life Size Portrait, Boston: The Christian Science Publishing Society, 1930.
- Fleta Campbell Springer, According to the Flesh, New York: Coward-McCann, 1930.
- Ernest Sutherland Bates and John V. Dittemore, Mary Baker Eddy: The Truth and the Tradition, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1932.
- Stefan Zweig, Mental Healers: Mesmer, Eddy and Freud, London: Pushkin Press, 2012 .
- Irving C. Tomlinson, Twelve Years with Mary Baker Eddy, Boston: Christian Science Publishing Society, 1945.
- Hugh A. Studdert Kennedy, Mrs. Eddy: Her Life, Her Work and Her Place in History, San Francisco: The Farallon Press, 1947.
- Norman Beasley,The Cross and the Crown, the History of Christian Science, New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1952.
- Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Discovery, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966.
- Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Trial, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971.
- Robert Peel, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Authority, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1977.
- Martin Gardner, The Healing Revelations of Mary Baker Eddy, New York: Prometheus Books, 1993.
- Robert David Thomas, With Bleeding Footsteps: Mary Baker Eddy's Path to Religious Leadership, New York: Knopf, 1994.
- Stuart E. Knee, Christian Science in the Age of Mary Baker Eddy, Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1994.
- Richard A. Nenneman, Persistent Pilgrim: The Life of Mary Baker Eddy, Etna, NH: Nebbadoon Press, 1997.
- Gillian Gill, Mary Baker Eddy, Reading, MA: Perseus Books, 1998.
- Stephen Gottschalk, Rolling Away the Stone: Mary Baker Eddy's Challenge to Materialism, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006.
- Books by former Christian Scientists
- (chronological order)
- Thomas Simmons, The Unseen Shore: Memories of a Christian Science Childhood, Boston: Beacon 1991.
- Barbara Wilson, Blue Windows: A Christian Science Childhood, New York: Picador 1997.
- Caroline Fraser, God's Perfect Child: Living and Dying in the Christian Science Church, New York: Metropolitan Books, 1999.
- Linda S. Kramer, The Religion That Kills: Christian Science: Abuse, Neglect, and Mind Control, Lafayette, La.: Huntington House, 2000.
- Rita Swan, The Last Strawberry, Dublin: Hag's Head Press, 2009.
- Lucy Greenhouse, Fathermothergod: My Journey Out of Christian Science, New York: Crown Publishers, 2011.