Civil Rights Congress
|Former type||Non-profit organization|
|Founded||1946 as merger of International Labor Defense, National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, and National Negro Congress|
|Key people||William Patterson|
The Civil Rights Congress (CRC) was a United States civil rights organization, formed in 1946 at a national conference for radicals and disbanded in 1956. It succeeded the International Labor Defense, the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, and the National Negro Congress. The CRC coordinated nationally, with 60 chapters that acted on local issues.
The CRC used a two-pronged strategy of litigation and demonstrations to call attention to racial injustice in the United States. It organized campaigns in defense of Black Americans—such as the Trenton Six, the Ingram family, and Isaiah Nixon—that it believed had been sentenced unfairly. A major tactic was publicizing cases, like those of the Martinsville Seven and Willie McGee, in which Black men had been sentenced to death for questionable rape charges. The group succeeded particularly in raising international awareness about these cases. The CRC also defended political dissidents, including Communists. The group held high-profile protests in Washington, D.C., and at the United Nations, and brought world attention to racism in the United States by presenting the U.N. with a petition titled We Charge Genocide.
The CRC was perceived by some as an alternative or even competitor to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) because it worked on similar issues but embraced a wider range of issues and a larger coalition. Due to its Communist Party affiliations, the CRC was cited as subversive and communist by U.S. President Harry S. Truman's Attorney General Thomas Clark, as well as by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Targeted by the U.S. government, the group was weakened in 1951, and it disbanded in 1956.
The group was formed at a radical conference in Detroit held on April 27–28, 1946. Early goals included abolition of HUAC and protecting southern workers' right to unionize. In December 1947, the National Negro Congress merged into the group. International Labor Defense (ILD) national secretary William Patterson led the group throughout its existence. Frank Marshall Davis served on the organizations National Executive Board. Patterson also headed the Abraham Lincoln School in Chicago, with Davis also on the faculty and Board of Directors.
The group gained about 10,000 members. It was generally stronger on the coasts and weak in the South, but it did conduct several major campaigns to defend the legal rights of Southern Blacks. It also created more than 60 local chapters which sought to combat racial discrimination, racist stereotyping, and legal injustice in their communities.
The CRC took up legal causes of those they considered unjustly accused. In addition to pursuing legal campaigns, often alongside the NAACP, the group sought to raise awareness outside the courtroom with demonstrations, propaganda, and high-profile events. As these campaigns reached popular awareness, the CRC received many letters from prisoners who wanted assistance.
The CRC opposed the 1940 Smith Act and 1950 McCarran Act, both of which expanded government powers to target domestic dissent. It generally came to the assistance of individuals targeted by HUAC, particularly the "Top Eleven" communist leaders tried in 1949. The CRC was also active in the Harry Bridges trial.
Rosa Lee Ingram
The CRC defended Rosa Lee Ingram and her two sons (Wallace and Sammie Lee Ingram) against a death penalty murder charge. The Ingrams were accused of murdering John Ethron Stratford, their white neighbor, in 1947. They had been convicted—on the basis of circumstantial testimony, with no eyewitnesses—by a jury of twelve white men after a one day trial in January 1948. The Ingrams had no access to lawyers before the trial.
The Ingram campaign was orchestrated by the Women's Committee for Equal Justice, a CRC subdivision led Mary Church Terrell. Like its predecessor, the ILD, had done with the Scottsboro case, the CRC hoped to use the Ingram case to draw national international attention to racial inequality in the United States. Pressure from the CRC and the NAACP led to a new hearing in March 1948. In this hearing, the judge denied requests for a new trial, but modified the sentence from death to life in prison.
The NAACP and CRC came into occasional conflict over the case. By the wishes of the Ingrams, the NAACP generally handled the legal side; the CRC mostly worked on publicity. It raised $45,125 for the Ingram Defense Fund and held annual Mother's Day rallies. On 21 September 1949, Terrell led a group to the United Nations to demand that they address the Ingram case. Little progress was made in the case, but both the NAACP and the CRC continued to support Ingram during her imprisonment.
Martinsville Seven and Willie McGee
As in the Ingram case, both the NAACP and the CRC rallied to the cause of the Martinsville Seven— seven Black men, all sentenced to death for the rape of a white woman. Martin A. Martin, the chief lawyer hired by the NAACP, refused to work with the CRC because the government had classified them as subversive.
Again excluded from the legal process, the CRC launched a national campaign which included the cases of Top Eleven, Trenton Six, Martinsville Seven, and Willie McGee, sentenced to death and eventually executed for allegedly raping a white woman. The CRC created national attention and coordinated mailing campaigns to the government in Washington, but the Seven were nevertheless executed in February 1951. McGee was executed in May 1951.
In Louisiana, a local chapter launched a major campaign to convict the white police officer who shot Roy Cyril Brooks. The Brooks case began a larger effort against police brutality and demands to hire Black police officers.
In January, 1949, the group held a "Freedom Crusade" in Washington, D.C., just in advance of the re-inauguration of President Truman. Before the demonstration, the group had a public exchange with Congressperson John S. Wood. Wood accused the group of threatening "violence and riot" in the capital; the group responded that the white supremacy of the status quo "is constantly the scene of 'violence and riot' against Negro citizens." The Freedom Crusade was ultimately an orderly demonstration in which several thousand people visited elected politicians to demand action against lynching, freedom for communist leaders imprisoned for subversion, and implementation of the Fair Employment Practices Commission.
We Charge Genocide
In 1951, the Civil Rights Congress issued its a petition to the United Nations entitled "We Charge Genocide: The Crime of Government Against the Negro People". This document collected diverse instances of violence and mistreatment against African Americans, and argued that the United States government was a party to genocide in its own country. William Patterson presented the document to the United Nations assembly in Paris, and had his passport revoked by the State Department. Paul Robeson and W. E. B. Du Bois were blocked from traveling, and went to the U.N. offices in New York.
Labeled as Communist
Soon after it was founded, the CRC became a target of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and the Internal Revenue Service. A 1947 report to HUAC charged: "Having adopted a line of militant skullduggery against the United States with the close of World War II, the Communist Party has set up the Civil Rights Congress for the purpose of protecting those of its members who run afoul of the law." The group denied these charges and provided a list of sponsors, including Representatives Adam C. Powell, Senator Glen H. Taylor, and Atlanta University President Rufus Early Clement. Patterson called the group "non-partisan" and described it as "the Red Cross of the defenders of peace, constitutional rights, justice and human rights".
The 1950 McCarran Internal Security Act increased government persecution of the group, and many of its leaders were jailed. The group's power weakened in 1951 when the federal government barred it from posting bail for communist defendants in the resulting trials. During the Second Red Scare, many Americans wary of the group because of its communist connections. In 1956, the CRC was declared a communist front by the Subversive Activities Control Board. It disbanded the same year.
Historian Gerald Horne attributes the labeling of the CRC as Communist to its popularity with left-wing celebrities and intellectuals (particularly African Americans):
CRC was not the Communist Party, yet it performed militant and often successful tasks, which helped to attract such luminaries; and herein one begins to comprehend the exegesis of the term "Communist front." Although Americans for Democratic Action would not be tagged a "Democratic Party front" or the Wall Street Journal or New York Herald Tribune would not be tagged as. "G.O.P. fronts," seemingly only organizations that were influenced and led by another political party--the Communist Party--would be subjected to such pejorative designations; and this was done for partisan political reasons, because CRC was clearly competing with these opposing forces for the "hearts and minds" of a considerable segment of the population.
The CRC was also infiltrated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. FBI agent Matthew Cvetic, who had joined the Communist Party, testified to HUAC in 1950 that the CRC was Communist-controlled and that Patterson was a Communist. He also identified as Communist a long list of politicians, celebrities, and community leaders. Various other agents surfaced to testify at anti-Communist trials. Association with the Civil Rights Congress served as justification for FBI surveillance of Lena Horne and Paul Robeson. One agent later described breaking into the CRC's Chicago offices, saying "Anything that had the name 'committee' or 'congress' the FBI assumed had to be subversive."
David Brown, secretary and then chair of the Los Angeles chapter of the CRC, served as an FBI informant from 1950–1954. He disappeared in January 1955 and attempted to fake his own kidnapping. Soon after, he unsuccessfully attempted suicide in a hotel room. He later said he felt ashamed and suicidal for being a "stool pigeon". He also testified that his pay varied from $25/week to $250/month, and that he routinely lied to FBI contacts.
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