Counter-Reformation

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Counter-reformation)
Jump to: navigation, search
A copy of the Vulgate (the Latin edition of the Catholic Bible) printed in 1590, after many of the Council's reforms had begun to take place in Catholic worship.

The Counter-Reformation (also the Catholic Revival[1] or Catholic Reformation) was the period of Catholic revival beginning with the Council of Trent (1545–1563) and ending at the close of the Thirty Years' War (1648), and was initiated in response to the Protestant Reformation. The Counter-Reformation was a comprehensive effort composed of four major elements:

  1. Ecclesiastical or structural reconfiguration
  2. Religious orders
  3. Spiritual movements
  4. Political dimensions

Such reforms included the foundation of seminaries for the proper training of priests in the spiritual life and the theological traditions of the Church, the reform of religious life by returning orders to their spiritual foundations, and new spiritual movements focusing on the devotional life and a personal relationship with Christ, including the Spanish mystics and the French school of spirituality. It also involved political activities that included the Roman Inquisition.

Council of Trent[edit]

Main article: Council of Trent
A session of the Council of Trent, from an engraving.

Pope Paul III (1534–1549) initiated the Council of Trent (1545–1563), a commission of cardinals tasked with institutional reform, addressing contentious issues such as corrupt bishops and priests, indulgences, and other financial abuses.

The Council upheld the basic structure of the Medieval Church, its sacramental system, religious orders, and doctrine. It rejected all compromise with the Protestants, restating basic tenets of the Roman Catholic faith. The Council upheld salvation appropriated by grace through faith and works of that faith (not just by faith, as the Protestants insisted) because "faith without works is dead", as the Epistle of St. James states (2:22-26). Transubstantiation, according to which the consecrated bread and wine are held to have been transformed really and substantially into the body, blood, soul and divinity of Christ, was also reaffirmed, as were the traditional seven Sacraments of the Catholic Church. Other practices that drew the ire of Protestant reformers, such as pilgrimages, the veneration of saints and relics, the use of venerable images and statuary, and the veneration of the Virgin Mary were strongly reaffirmed as spiritually commendable practices. The Council officially accepted the Vulgate listing of the Old Testament Bible which included the deuterocanonical works (also called the Apocrypha by Protestants) on a par with the 39 books customarily found in the Masoretic Text. This reaffirmed the previous Council of Rome and Synods of Carthage (both held in the 4th century, A.D.) which had affirmed the Deuterocanon as Scripture.[2] The Council also commissioned the Roman Catechism, which still serves as authoritative Church teaching.

While the traditional fundamentals of the Church were reaffirmed, there were noticeable changes to answer complaints that the Counter-Reformers were, tacitly, willing to admit were legitimate. Among the conditions to be corrected by Catholic reformers was the growing divide between the clerics and the laity; many members of the clergy in the rural parishes, after all, had been poorly educated. Often, these rural priests did not know Latin and lacked opportunities for proper theological training (addressing the education of priests had been a fundamental focus of the humanist reformers in the past). Parish priests were to be better educated in matters of theology and apologetics, while Papal authorities sought to educate the faithful about the meaning, nature and value of art and liturgy, particularly in monastic churches (Protestants had criticised them as "distracting"). Notebooks and handbooks became more common, describing how to be good priests and confessors.

Thus, the Council of Trent attempted to improve the discipline and administration of the Church. The worldly excesses of the secular Renaissance Church, epitomized by the era of Alexander VI (1492–1503), intensified during the Reformation under Pope Leo X (1513–1522), whose campaign to raise funds in the German states to rebuild St. Peter's Basilica by supporting use of indulgences served as a key impetus for Martin Luther's 95 Theses. The Catholic Church responded to these problems by a vigorous campaign of reform, inspired by earlier Catholic reform movements that predated the Council of Constance (1414–1417): humanism, devotionalism, legalism and the observantine tradition.

The Council, by virtue of its actions, repudiated the pluralism of the secular Renaissance which had previously plagued the Church: the organization of religious institutions was tightened, discipline was improved, and the parish was emphasized. The appointment of Bishops for political reasons was no longer tolerated. In the past, the large landholdings forced many bishops to be "absent bishops" who at times were property managers trained in administration. Thus, the Council of Trent combated "absenteeism," which was the practice of bishops living in Rome or on landed estates rather than in their dioceses. The Council of Trent also gave bishops greater power to supervise all aspects of religious life. Zealous prelates, such as Milan's Archbishop Carlo Borromeo (1538–1584), later canonized as a saint, set an example by visiting the remotest parishes and instilling high standards.

Religious orders[edit]

New religious orders were a fundamental part of the reforms. Orders such as the Capuchins, Ursulines, Theatines, Discalced Carmelites, Barnabites, and especially Jesuits worked in rural parishes and set examples of Catholic renewal.

The Theatines undertook checking the spread of heresy and contributed to a regeneration of the clergy. The Capuchins, an offshoot of the Franciscan order notable for their preaching and for their care for the poor and the sick, grew rapidly. Capuchin-founded confraternities took special interest in the poor and lived austerely. Members of orders active in overseas missionary expansion expressed the view that the rural parishes often needed Christianizing as much as the heathens of Asia and the Americas.

The Ursulines focused on the special task of educating girls. Devotion to the traditional works of mercy exemplified the Catholic Reformation's reaffirmation of the importance of both faith and works and salvation through God's grace and repudiation of the maxim sola scriptura emphasized by Protestants sects. Not only did they make the Church more effective, but they also reaffirmed fundamental premises of the Medieval Church.

The Jesuits were the most effective of the new Catholic orders. An heir to the devotional, observantine, and legalist traditions, the Jesuits organized along military lines. The worldliness of the Renaissance Church had no part in their new order. Loyola's masterwork Spiritual Exercises showed the emphasis of handbooks characteristic of Catholic reformers before the Reformation, reminiscent of devotionalism. The Jesuits became preachers, confessors to monarchs and princes, and humanist educators. Forced to self-justify their position by unflattering prophetic figures and epithets utilized by Protestant Bible scholars of the Papacy,[clarification needed] the Jesuits utilized two counter-interpretations of these selfsame prophecies, Futurism and Preterism.[dubious ] These were devised to deflect the strength of Protestant Reformation teachings and to shift the use of the Antichrist and analogous prophecies away from the pope and out of the Middle Ages. These methods left an enduring mark upon history.[3] Their efforts are largely credited with stemming Protestantism in Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, southern Germany, France, and the Spanish Netherlands.

Jesuits participated in the expansion of the Church in the Americas and Asia, by their missionary activity. Loyola's biography contributed to an emphasis on popular piety that had waned under political popes such as Alexander VI and Leo X. After recovering from a serious wound, he took a vow to "serve only God and the Roman pontiff, His vicar on Earth." The emphasis on the Pope is a reaffirmation of the medieval papalism, while the Council of Trent defeated Conciliarism, the belief that general councils of the church collectively were God's representative on Earth rather than the Pope. Taking the Pope as an absolute ruler, the Jesuits contributed to the Counter-Reformation Church along a line harmonized to the Vatican.

Politics: The Netherlands[edit]

When the Calvinists took control of various parts of the Netherlands in the Dutch Revolt, the Catholics led by Philip II of Spain fought back. The king sent in Alexander Farnese as Governor-General of the Spanish Netherlands from 1578 to 1592. Farnese led a successful campaign 1578–1592 against the Dutch Revolt, in which he captured the main cities in the south Spanish - Belgium and returned them to the control of Catholic Spain.[4] He took advantage of the divisions in the ranks of his opponents between the Dutch-speaking Flemish and the French-speaking, using persuasion to take advantage of the divisions and foment the growing discord. By doing so he was able to bring back the Walloon provinces to an allegiance to the king. By the treaty of Arras in 1579, he secured the support of the 'Malcontents', as the Catholic nobles of the south were styled. The seven northern provinces as well as Flanders and Brabant, controlled by Calvinists, responded with the Union of Utrecht, where they resolved to stick together to fight Spain. Farnese secured his base in Hainaut and Artois, then moved against Brabant and Flanders. City after city fell: Tournai, Maastricht, Breda, Bruges and Ghent opened their gates. Farnese finally laid siege to the great seaport of Antwerp. The town was open to the sea, strongly fortified, and well defended under the leadership of Marnix van St. Aldegonde. Farnese cut off all access to the sea by constructing a bridge of boats across the Scheldt. The city surrendered in 1585 as 60,000 Antwerp citizens (60% of the pre-siege population) fled north. All of the southern Netherlands was once more under Spanish control. In a war composed mostly of sieges rather than battles, he proved his mettle. His strategy was to offer generous terms for surrender: there would be no massacres or looting; historic urban privileges were retained; there was a full pardon and amnesty; return to the Catholic Church would be gradual.[5] Meanwhile, Catholic refugees from the North regrouped in Cologne and Douai and developed a more militant, Tridentine identity. They became the mobilising forces of a popular Counter-Reformation in the South, thereby facilitating the eventual emergence of the state of Belgium.[6]

Peter Paul Rubens was the great Flemish artist of the Counter-Reformation; he painted Adoration of the Magii in 1624

Spiritual movements[edit]

The Battle of Lepanto
The Battle of Lepanto by Paolo Veronese.jpeg
Artist Paolo Veronese
Year 1571
Type Oil on canvas
Dimensions 169 cm × 137 cm (67 in × 54 in)
Location Gallerie dell'Accademia, Venice, Italy

The Catholic Reformation was not only a political and Church policy oriented movement, but it also included major figures such as Ignatius of Loyola, Teresa of Ávila, John of the Cross, Francis de Sales, and Philip Neri, who added to the spirituality of the Catholic Church. Teresa of Avila and John of the Cross were Spanish mystics and reformers of the Carmelite Order, whose ministry focused on interior conversion to Christ, the deepening of prayer, and commitment to God's will. Teresa was given the task of developing and writing about the way to perfection in her love and unity with Christ. Her publications, especially her autobiography The Life of Theresa of Jesus, had multiple effects. It's to be placed besides the Confessions of Augustine.[7] Thomas Merton called John of the Cross the greatest of all mystical theologians.[8] An important clarification about the word "mystical" is necessary here. When one considers its definition or the nature of "mysticism," a common misunderstanding exists that if one is to become a mystic they are required to seclude themselves physically from the outside world to have this kind of experience. Although such seclusion can, indeed, be the only apostalate (vocation) to which some are called to a life of prayer, there are others who have dual apostalates. In fact, John of the Cross himself served as both confessor/spiritual director within the confines of the cloistered communities that he and Teresa of Ávila worked vigorously to establish, but he also literally helped to build a number of those convents and monasteries. It is true that Ignatius of Loyola and Francis de Sales were called to a more active spirituality or apostalate, but their vocations were not "the opposite" of Teresa of Jesus and John of the Cross as this article previously indicated. Returning to Ignatius of Loyola, "to see God in all things" was a typical expression of Ignatius and a main theme of his Spiritual Exercises.[9] The spirituality of Filippo Neri, who lived in Rome at the same time as Ignatius, was practically oriented, too, but totally opposed to the Jesuit approach. Said Filippo, "If I have a real problem, I contemplate what Ignatius would do ... and then I do the exact opposite". As a recognition of their joint contribution to the spiritual renewal within the Catholic reformation, Ignatius of Loyola, Filippo Neri, and Teresa of Ávila were canonized on the same day, March 12, 1622.

The Virgin Mary played an increasingly central role in Catholic devotions. The victory at the Battle of Lepanto in 1571 was accredited to the Virgin Mary and signified the beginning of a strong resurgence of Marian devotions.[10] During and after the Catholic Reformation, Marian piety experienced unforeseen growth with over 500 pages of mariological writings during the 17th century alone.[11] The Jesuit Francisco Suárez was the first theologian to use the Thomist method on Marian theology. Other well-known contributors to Marian spirituality are Lawrence of Brindisi, Robert Bellarmine, and Francis of Sales.

The sacrament of penance was transformed from a social to a personal experience; that is, from a public community act to a private confession. It now took place in private in a confessional. It was a change from reconciliation with the Church to reconciliation directly with God and from emphasis on social sins of hostility to private sins (called "the secret sins of the heart.")[12]

Baroque art[edit]

The Catholic Church was a leading art patron across much of Europe. The goal of much art, especially in the Rome of Bernini, and the Flanders of Peter Paul Rubens, was to restore Catholicism's predominance and centrality. Baroque architecture[13] and painting,[14] and to a lesser extent music, reflected these goals.[15] Baroque art was so powerful that some Protestant artists used its techniques (but without the same religious motivation.)

The Council of Trent proclaimed that architecture, painting and sculpture had a role as media for propaganda. Any work that might arouse "carnal desire" was inadmissible in churches, while any depiction of Christ's suffering and explicit agony was desirable and proper. In an era when Protestants were destroying images of saints, the Catholics emphasized their importance, with special emphasis on the Virgin Mary.[16]

Decrees on art[edit]

The Last Judgment
Michelangelo, Giudizio Universale 02.jpg
Artist Michelangelo
Year 1537–1541
Type Fresco
Dimensions 1370 cm × 1200 cm (539.3 in × 472.4 in)
Location Sistine Chapel, Vatican City

The Last Judgment, a fresco in the Sistine Chapel by Michelangelo (1534–41), came under persistent attack in the Counter-Reformation for, among other things, nudity (later painted over for several centuries), not showing Christ seated or bearded, and including the pagan figure of Charon. Italian painting after 1520, with the notable exception of the art of Venice, developed into Mannerism, a highly sophisticated style striving for effect, that concerned many churchmen as lacking appeal for the mass of the population. Church pressure to restrain religious imagery affected art from the 1530s and resulted in the decrees of the final session of the Council of Trent in 1563 including short and rather inexplicit passages concerning religious images, which were to have great impact on the development of Catholic art. Previous Catholic councils had rarely felt the need to pronounce on these matters, unlike Orthodox ones which have often ruled on specific types of images.

The decree confirmed the traditional doctrine that images only represented the person depicted, and that veneration to them was paid to the person, not the image, and further instructed that:

... every superstition shall be removed ... all lasciviousness be avoided; in such wise that figures shall not be painted or adorned with a beauty exciting to lust ... there be nothing seen that is disorderly, or that is unbecomingly or confusedly arranged, nothing that is profane, nothing indecorous, seeing that holiness becometh the house of God.

And that these things may be the more faithfully observed, the holy Synod ordains, that no one be allowed to place, or cause to be placed, any unusual image, in any place, or church, howsoever exempted, except that image have been approved of by the bishop ...[17]

Ten years after the decree Paolo Veronese was summoned by the Holy Office to explain why his Last Supper, a huge canvas for the refectory of a monastery, contained, in the words of the Holy Office: "buffoons, drunken Germans, dwarfs and other such scurrilities" as well as extravagant costumes and settings, in what is indeed a fantasy version of a Venetian patrician feast.[18] Veronese was told that he must change his painting within a three-month period – in fact he just changed the title to The Feast in the House of Levi, still an episode from the Gospels, but a less doctrinally central one, and no more was said.[19] But the number of such decorative treatments of religious subjects declined sharply, as did "unbecomingly or confusedly arranged" Mannerist pieces, as a number of books, notably by the Flemish theologian Molanus, Saint Charles Borromeo and Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti, and instructions by local bishops, amplified the decrees, often going into minute detail on what was acceptable. Much traditional iconography considered without adequate scriptural foundation was in effect prohibited, as was any inclusion of classical pagan elements in religious art, and almost all nudity, including that of the infant Jesus.[20] According to the great medievalist Émile Mâle, this was "the death of medieval art",[21] but it paled in contrast to the Iconclasm present in some Protestant circles and did not apply to secular paintings. Some Counter Reformation painters and sculptors include Titian, Tintoretto, Federico Barocci, Scipione Pulzone, El Greco, Peter Paul Rubens, Guido Reni, Anthony van Dyck, Bernini, Zurbarán, Rembrandt and Bartolomé Esteban Murillo.

Church music[edit]

Reforms before the Council of Trent[edit]

The Council of Trent is believed to be the apex of the Counter-Reformation's influence on church music in the 16th century. However, the council's pronouncements on music were not the first attempt at reform. The Catholic Church had spoken out against a perceived abuse of music used in the mass before the Council of Trent ever convened to discuss music in 1562. The manipulation of the Credo and using non-liturgical songs was addressed in 1503, and secular singing and the intelligibility of the text in the delivery of psalmody in 1492.[22] The delegates at the Council were just a link in the long chain of church clergy who had pushed for a reform of the musical liturgy reaching back as far as 1322.[23] Probably the most extreme move at reform came late in 1562 when, instructed by the legates, Egidio Foscarari (bishop of Modena) and Gabriele Paleotti began work on reforming cloisters of nuns and their practices involving the liturgy.[24] In fact, the reforms proscribed to the cloisters, which included omitting the use of an organ, prohibiting professional musicians, and banishing polyphonic singing, were much more strict than any of the Council's edicts or even those to be found in the Palestrina legend.[25]

Fueling the cry for reform from many ecclesial figures was the compositional technique popular in the 15th and 16th centuries of using musical material and even the accompanying texts from other compositions such as motets, madrigals, and chansons. Several voices singing different texts in different languages made any of the text difficult to distinguish from the mixture of words and notes. The parody mass would then contain melodies (usually the tenor line) and words from songs that could have been, and often were, on sensual subjects.[26] The musical liturgy of the church was being more and more influenced by secular tunes and styles. The Council of Paris, which met in 1528, as well as the Council of Trent were making attempts to restore the sense of sacredness to the church setting and what was appropriate for the mass. The councils were simply responding to issues of their day.[27]

Reforms during the 22nd session[edit]

The Council of Trent met sporadically from December 13, 1545 to December 4, 1563 to reform many parts of the Catholic Church. The 22nd session of the council, which met in 1562, dealt with church music in Canon 8 in the section of "Abuses in the Sacrifice of the Mass" during a meeting of the council on September 10, 1562.[28]

Canon 8 states that "Since the sacred mysteries should be celebrated with utmost reverence, with both deepest feeling toward God alone, and with external worship that is truly suitable and becoming, so that others may be filled with devotion and called to religion: ... Everything should be regulated so that the Masses, whether they be celebrated with the plain voice or in song, with everything clearly and quickly executed, may reach the ears of the hearers and quietly penetrate their hearts. In those Masses where measured music and organ are customary, nothing profane should be intermingled, but only hymns and divine praises. If something from the divine service is sung with the organ while the service proceeds, let if first be recited in a simple, clear voice, lest the reading of the sacred words be imperceptible. But the entire manner of singing in musical modes should be calculated not to afford vain delight to the ear, but so that the words may be comprehensible to all; and thus may the hearts of the listeners be caught up into the desire for celestial harmonies and contemplation of the joys of the blessed."[29]

Canon 8 is often quoted as the Council of Trent's decree on church music, but that is a glaring misunderstanding of the canon; it was only a proposed decree. In fact, the delegates at the Council never officially accepted canon 8 in its popular form but bishops of Granada, Coimbra, and Segovia pushed for the long statement about music to be attenuated and many other prelates of the Council joined enthusiastically.[30] The only restrictions actually given by the 22nd session was to keep secular elements out of the music, making polyphony implicitly allowed.[31] The issue of textual intelligibility did not make its way into the final edicts of the 22nd session but were only featured in preliminary debates.[32] The 22nd session only prohibited "lascivious" and "profane" things to be intermingled with the music but Paleotti, in his Acts, brings to equal importance the issues of intelligibility.[33]

The idea that the Council called to remove all polyphony from the church is widespread, but there is no documentary evidence to support that claim. It is possible, however, that some of the Fathers had proposed such a measure.[34] The emperor Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor has been attributed to be the "saviour of church music" because he said polyphony ought not to be driven out of the church. But Ferdinand was most likely an alarmist and read into the Council the possibility of a total ban on polyphony.[35] The Council of Trent did not focus on the style of music but on attitudes of worship and reverence during the mass.[36]

The Saviour-Legend[edit]

The crises regarding polyphony and intelligibility of the text and the threat that polyphony was to be removed completely, which was assumed to be coming from the Council, has a very dramatic legend of resolution. The legend goes that Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (ca. 1525/26–1594), a church musician and choirmaster in Rome, wrote a mass for the Council delegates in order to demonstrate that a polyphonic composition could set the text in such a way that the words could be clearly understood and that was still pleasing to the ear. Palestrina's Missa Papae Marcelli (Mass for Pope Marcellus) was performed before the Council and received such a welcoming reception among the delegates that they completely changed their minds and allowed polyphony to stay in use in the musical liturgy. Therefore Palestrina came to be named the "saviour of church polyphony". This legend, though unfounded, has long been a mainstay of histories of music.[37] The saviour-myth was first spread by an account by Aggazzari and Banchieri in 1609 who said that Pope Marcellus was trying to replace all polyphony with plainsong.[38] Palestrina's "Missa Papae Marcelli" was, though, in 1564, after the 22nd session, performed for the Pope while reforms were being considered for the Sistine Choir.

The Pope Marcellus Mass, in short, was not important in its own day and did not help save church polyphony.[39] What is undeniable is that despite any solid evidence of his influence during or after the Council of Trent, no figure is more qualified to represent the cause of polyphony in the Mass than Palestrina.[40] Pope Pius IV upon hearing Palestrina's music would make Palestrina, by Papal Brief, the model for future generations of Catholic composers of sacred music.[41]

Reforms following the Council of Trent[edit]

Like his contemporary Palestrina, the Flemish composer Jacobus de Kerle (1531/32–1591) was also credited with giving a model of composition for the Council of Trent. His composition in four-parts, Preces, marks the "official turning point of the Counter Reformation's a cappella ideal."[42] Kerle was the only ranking composer of the Netherlands to have acted in conformity with the Council.[43] Another musical giant on equal standing with Palestrina, Orlando di Lasso (1530/32–1594) was an important figure in music history though less of a purist than Palestrina.[44] He expressed sympathy for the Council's concerns but still showed favor for the "Parady chanson Masses."[45]

Despite the dearth of edicts from the Council regarding polyphony and textual clarity, the reforms that followed from the 22nd session filled in the gaps left by the Council in stylistic areas. In the 24th session the Council gave authority to "Provincial Synods" to discern provisions for church music.[46] The decision to leave practical application and stylistic matters to local ecclesiastical leaders was important in shaping the future of Catholic church music.[47] It was left then up to the local church leaders and church musicians to find proper application for the Council's decrees.[48] Though originally theological and directed towards the attitudes of the musicians, the Council's decrees came to be thought of by church musicians as a pronouncement on proper musical styles.[49] This understanding was most likely spread through musicians who sought to implement the Council's declarations but did not read the official Tridentine pronouncements. Church musicians were probably influenced by order from their ecclesiastical patrons.[50] Composers who reference the Council's reforms in prefaces to their compositions do not adequately claim a musical basis from the Council but a spiritual and religious basis of their art.[51]

The Cardinal Archbishop of Milan, Charles Borromeo, was a very important figure in reforming church music after the Council of Trent. Though Borromeo was an aide to the pope in Rome and was unable to be in Milan, he eagerly pushed for the decrees of the Council to be quickly put into practice in Milan.[52] Borromeo kept in contact with his church in Milian through letters and eagerly encouraged the leaders there to implement the reforms coming from the Council of Trent. In one of his letters to his vicar in the Milan diocese, Nicolo Ormaneto of Verona, Borromeo commissioned the master of the chapel, Vincenzo Ruffo (1508–1587), to write a mass that would make the words as easy to understand as possible. Borromeo also suggested that if Don Nicola, a composer of a more chromatic style, was in Milan he too could compose a mass and the two be compared for textural clarity.[53] Borromeo was likely involved or heard of the questions regarding textual clarity because of his request to Ruffo.

Ruffo took Borromeo's commission seriously and set out to compose in a style that presented the text so that all words would be intelligible and the textual meaning be the most important part of the composition. His approach was to move all the voices in a homorhythmic manner with no complicated rhythms, and to use dissonance very conservatively. Ruffo's approach was certainly a success for textual clarity and simplicity, but if his music was very theoretically pure it was not an artistic success despite Ruffo's attempts to bring interest to the monotonous four-part texture.[54] Ruffo's compositional style which favored the text was well in line with the Council's perceived concern with intelligibility. Thus the belief in the Council's strong edicts regarding textual intelligibility became to characterize the development of sacred church music.

The effects of the Council of Trent and the counter-reformation also paved the way for Ruthenian Orthodox Christians to return to full communion with the Roman Catholic Church while preserving their Byzantine tradition. Pope Clement VIII received the Ruthenian bishops into full communion on February 7, 1596.[55] Under the Treaty of the Union of Brest, Rome recognized the Ruthenians' continued practice of Byzantine liturgical tradition, married clergy, and consecration of bishops from within the Ruthenian Christian tradition. Moreover, the treaty specifically exempts Ruthenians from accepting the Filioque clause and Purgatory as a condition for reconciliation.[56]

The Council of Trent brought about other changes in music: most notably developing the Missa brevis, Lauda and "Spiritual Madrigal" (Madrigali Spirituali).

Calendrical studies[edit]

More celebrations of holidays and similar events raised a need to have these events followed closely throughout the dioceses. But there was a problem with the accuracy of the calendar: by the sixteenth century the Julian calendar was almost ten days out of step with the seasons and the heavenly bodies. Among the astronomers who were asked to work on the problem of how the calendar could be reformed was Nicolaus Copernicus, a canon at Frombork (Frauenburg). In the dedication to De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (1543), Copernicus mentioned the reform of the calendar proposed by the Fifth Council of the Lateran (1512–1517). As he explains, a proper measurement of the length of the year was a necessary foundation to calendar reform. By implication, his work replacing the Ptolemaic system with a heliocentric model was prompted in part by the need for calendar reform.

An actual new calendar had to wait until the Gregorian calendar in 1582. At the time of its publication, De revolutionibus passed with relatively little comment: little more than a mathematical convenience that simplified astronomical references for a more accurate calendar.[57] Physical evidence suggesting Copernicus's theory regarding the Earth's motion was literally true promoted the apparent heresy against the religious thought of the time. As a result, Galileo Galilei was placed under house arrest for publishing writings, said to be "vehemently suspected of being heretical", and his opponents condemned heliocentric theory and temporarily banned its teaching in 1633.[58]

Major figures[edit]

See also[edit]

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^ "Counter Reformation". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 
  2. ^ Eastern Orthodox churches, following the Septuagint, generally include the deuterocanonical works with even a few additional items not found in Catholic Bibles, but they consider them of secondary importance and not on the same level as the other scriptures. The Church of England may use Bibles which place the deuterocanonical works between the Old Testament and the New, but not interspersed among the Old Testament books as in Catholic Bibles.
  3. ^ Froom 1950, p. 24.
  4. ^ Bart de Groof, "Alexander Farnese and the Origins of Modern Belgium," Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome (1993) Vol. 63, pp 195–219.
  5. ^ Violet Soen, "Reconquista and Reconciliation in the Dutch Revolt: The Campaign of Governor-General Alexander Farnese (1578–1592)," Journal of Early Modern History (2012) 16#1 pp 1–22.
  6. ^ Geert H. Janssen, "The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee: Exile and the Shaping of Catholic Militancy in the Dutch Revolt," Journal of Ecclesiastical History (2012) 63#4 pp 671–692
  7. ^ Allison Peers. "Introduction". Life of Theresa of Jesus. 
  8. ^ "Ascent of Mount Carmel". John of the Cross. Image Books. 1958. 
  9. ^ Ignatius of Loyola: Spiritual Exercises
  10. ^ Otto Stegmüller: "Barock", In: Lexikon der Marienkunde, Regensburg 1967, 566
  11. ^ A Roskovany, conceptu immacolata ex monumentis omnium seculrorum demonstrate III, Budapest 1873
  12. ^ John Bossy, "The Social History of Confession in the Age of the Reformation," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (1975) Vol. 25, pp 21-38. in JSTOR
  13. ^ Hanno-Walter Kruft (996). History of Architectural Theory. Princeton Architectural Press. pp. 93–107. 
  14. ^ Helen Gardner; Fred S. Kleiner (2010). Gardner's Art Through the Ages: The Western Perspective. Cengage Learning. p. 192. 
  15. ^ Arnold Hauser (1999). Social History of Art, Volume 2: Renaissance, Mannerism, Baroque. Psychology Press. p. 192. 
  16. ^ Irene Earls, Baroque Art: A Topical Dictionary (1996) pp 76-77
  17. ^ Text of the 25th decree of the Council of Trent
  18. ^ Transcript of Veronese's testimony
  19. ^ David Rostand, Painting in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Titian, Veronese, Tintoretto, 2nd ed 1997, Cambridge UP ISBN 0-521-56568-5
  20. ^ Blunt Anthony, Artistic Theory in Italy, 1450–1660, chapter VIII, especially pp. 107–128, 1940 (refs to 1985 edn), OUP, ISBN 0-19-881050-4
  21. ^ The death of Medieval Art Extract from book by Émile Mâle
  22. ^ K. G. Fellerer and Moses Hadas. "Church Music and the Council of Trent". The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 4 (1953) in JSTOR. p. 576.
  23. ^ Leo P. Manzetti. "Palestrina". The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 3 (1928), in JSTOR. p. 330.
  24. ^ Craig A. Monson. "The Council of Trent Revisited." Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 55, No. 1 (2002), in JSTOR p 20.
  25. ^ Monson, p. 21.
  26. ^ Manzetti. 330.
  27. ^ Fellerer and Hadas. 580–581.
  28. ^ Fellerer and Hadas, 576.
  29. ^ Monson. 9.
  30. ^ Monson. 10–11.
  31. ^ Monson. 12.
  32. ^ Monson. 22.
  33. ^ Monson. 24.
  34. ^ Manzetti. 331.
  35. ^ Monson. 16.
  36. ^ Fellerer and Hadas. 576.
  37. ^ Henry Davey, "Giovanni Pierluigi, da Palestrina," Proceedings of the Musical Association, 25th Sess. (1898–1899) in JSTOR p 53.
  38. ^ Davey, p 52.
  39. ^ Carleton Sprague Smith and William Dinneen. "Recent Work on Music in the Renaissance," Modern Philology, Vol. 42, No. 1 (1944), in JSTOR p 45.
  40. ^ Manzetti. 332.
  41. ^ Davey. 52.
  42. ^ Smith and Dinneen. 45.
  43. ^ Hugo Leichtentritt. "The Reform of Trent and Its Effect on Music". The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 3 (1944). in JSTOR. p. 326.
  44. ^ Davey. 56.
  45. ^ Leichtentritt. 326.
  46. ^ Fellerer and Hadas. 576–577.
  47. ^ Monson. 27.
  48. ^ Lewis H. Lockwood. "Vincenzo Ruffo and Musical Reform after the Council of Trent". The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 3 (1957), in JSTOR. p. 346.
  49. ^ Fellerer and Hadas. 592–593.
  50. ^ Monson. 26.
  51. ^ Fellerer and Hadas. 576–594.
  52. ^ Lockwood. 346.
  53. ^ Lockwood, 348.
  54. ^ Lockwood, 362.
  55. ^ See Union of Brest in the 1917 Catholic Encyclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/15130a.htm
  56. ^ See text of the Treaty of the Union of Brest
  57. ^ Burke, James (1985). The Day the Universe Changed. London Writers Ltd. p. 136. 
  58. ^ Burke 1985, p. 149.

References[edit]

Further reading[edit]

  • Bireley, Robert. The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1450-1700: A Reassessment of the Counter Reformation (1999) excerpt and text search
  • Dickens, A. G. The Counter Reformation (1979) expresses the older view that it was a movement of reactionary conservatism.
  • Harline, Craig. "Official Religion: Popular Religion in Recent Historiography of the Catholic Reformation," Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte (1990), Vol. 81, pp 239–262.
  • Jones, Martin D. W. The Counter Reformation: Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe (1995), emphasis on historiography
  • Jones, Pamela M. and Thomas Worcester, eds. From Rome to Eternity: Catholicism and the Arts in Italy, ca. 1550-1650 (Brill 2002) online
  • Mullett, Michael A. "The Catholic Reformation (Routledge 1999) online
  • O'Connell, Marvin. Counter-reformation, 1550-1610 (1974)
  • Olin, John C The Catholic Reformation: Savonarola to Ignatius Loyola: Reform in the Church, 1495-1540 (Fordham University Press, 1992) online
  • Pollen, John Hungerford. The Counter-Reformation (2011) excerpt and text search
  • Soergel, Philip M. Wondrous in His Saints: Counter Reformation Propaganda in Bavaria. Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1993
  • Unger, Rudolph M. Counter-Reformation (2006)
  • Wright, A. D. The Counter-reformation: Catholic Europe and the Non-christian World (2nd ed. 2005), advanced

Primary sources[edit]

Historiography[edit]

  • Bradshaw, Brendan. "The Reformation and the Counter-Reformation," History Today (1983) 33#11 pp 42–45.
  • Marnef, Guido. "Belgian and Dutch Post-war Historiography on the Protestant and Catholic Reformation in the Netherlands," Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte (2009) Vol. 100, pp 271–292.
  • Menchi, Silvana Seidel. "The Age of Reformation and Counter-Reformation in Italian Historiography, 1939-2009," Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte (2009) Vol. 100, pp 193–217.