Criticism of the War on Terror
Criticism of the War on Terror addresses the morals, ethics, efficiency, economics, as well as other issues surrounding the War on Terror. It also touches upon criticism against the phrase itself, which was branded as a misnomer. The notion of a "war" against "terrorism" has proven highly contentious, with critics charging that participating governments exploited it to pursue long-standing policy/military objectives, reduce civil liberties, and infringe upon human rights. It is argued that the term war is not appropriate in this context (as in War on Drugs), since there is no identifiable enemy and that it is unlikely international terrorism can be brought to an end by military means.
Other critics, such as Francis Fukuyama, note that "terrorism" is not an enemy, but a tactic: calling it a "war on terror" obscures differences between conflicts such as anti-occupation insurgents and international mujahideen. With a military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan and its associated collateral damage Shirley Williams maintains this increases resentment and terrorist threats against the West. Other criticism include United States hypocrisy, media induced hysteria, and that changes in American foreign and security policy have shifted world opinion against the US.
- 1 Terminology
- 2 War on Terror seen as pretext
- 3 Methods
- 4 Feminist Critique
- 5 Religionism and Islamophobia
- 6 Decreasing international support
- 7 Role of U.S. media
- 8 British objections
- 9 Pejorative terms
- 10 See also
- 11 References
- 12 Further reading
Various critics dubbed the term "War on Terror" as nonsensical. For example, billionaire activist investor George Soros criticized the term "War on Terror" as a "false metaphor." Linguist George Lakoff of the Rockridge Institute argued that there cannot literally be a war on terror, since terror is an abstract noun. "Terror cannot be destroyed by weapons or signing a peace treaty. A war on terror has no end."
There are multiple ways of defining terrorism and all are subjective. Most define terrorism as 'the use or threat of serious violence' to advance some kind of 'cause'. Some state clearly the kinds of group ('sub-national', 'non-state') or cause (political, ideological, religious) to which they refer. Others merely rely on the instinct of most people when confronted with an act that involves innocent civilians being killed or maimed by men armed with explosives, firearms or other weapons. None is satisfactory and grave problems with the use of the term persist. Terrorism is after all, a tactic. The term 'war on terrorism' is thus effectively nonsensical. As there is no space here to explore this involved and difficult debate, my preference is, on the whole, for the less loaded term 'militancy'. This is not an attempt to condone such actions, merely to analyze them in a clearer way.
Former U.S. President George W. Bush articulated the goals of the War on Terror in a September 20, 2001 speech, in which he said that it "will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated."  In that same speech, he called the war "a task that does not end", an argument he reiterated in 2006 State of The Union address.
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One justification given for the invasion of Iraq was to prevent terroristic, or other attacks, by Iraq on the United States or other nations. This can be viewed as a conventional warfare realization of the War on Terror.
A major criticism leveled at this justification is that it does not fulfill one of the requirements of a just war and that in waging war preemtively, the United States undermined international law and the authority of the United Nations, particularly the United Nations Security Council. On this ground, by invading a country that did not pose an imminent threat without UN support, the U.S. violated international law, including the UN Charter and the Nuremberg principles, therefore committing a war of aggression, which is considered a war crime. Additional criticism raised the point that the United States might have set a precedent, under the premise of which any nation could justify the invasion of other states.
Richard N. Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, argues that on the eve of U.S. intervention in 2003, Iraq represented, at best, a gathering threat and not an imminent one. In hindsight he notes that Iraq did not even represent a gathering threat. "The decision to attack Iraq in March 2003 was discretionary: it was a war of choice. There was no vital American interests in imminent danger and there were alternatives to using military force, such as strengthening existing sanctions." However, Haass argues that U.S. intervention in Afghanistan in 2001 began as a war of necessity—vital interests were at stake—but morphed "into something else and it crossed a line in March 2009, when President Barack Obama` decided to sharply increase American troop levels and declared that it was U.S. policy to 'take the fight to the Taliban in the south and east' of the country." Afghanistan, according to Haass, eventually became a war of choice.
War on Terror seen as pretext
Some[who?] have argued that part of the War on Terror has little to do with its stated purpose, since Iraq had nothing to do with the September 11 attacks and the invasion was carried out on the basis of faulty or doctored intelligence. Excerpts from an April 2006 report compiled from sixteen U.S. government intelligence agencies has strengthened the claim that engaging in Iraq has increased terrorism in the region.
Domestic civil liberties
In the United Kingdom, critics[who?] have claimed that the Blair government has used the War on Terror as a pretext to radically curtail civil liberties, some enshrined in law since Magna Carta. For example, the detention-without-trial in Belmarsh prison: controls on free speech through laws against protests near Parliament and laws banning the "glorification" of terrorism: and reductions in checks on police power, as in the case of Jean Charles de Menezes and Mohammed Abdul Kahar.
Former Liberal Democrat Leader Sir Menzies Campbell has also condemned Blair's inaction over the controversial U.S. practice of extraordinary rendition, arguing that the human rights conventions to which the UK is a signatory (e.g. European Convention on Human Rights) impose on the government a "legal obligation" to investigate and prevent potential torture and human rights violations.
U.S. President George W. Bush's remark of November 2001 claiming that "You're either with us or you are with the terrorists,", has been a source of criticism. Thomas A. Keaney of Johns Hopkins University's Foreign Policy Institute said "it made diplomacy with a number of different countries far more difficult because obviously there are different problems throughout the world."
Some think that the United States intended "to establish a new political framework within which [it] will exert hegemonic control". Critics[who?] have claimed that the United States sought to do this by controlling access to oil or oil pipelines.
As a war against Islam
Since the War on Terror revolved primarily around the United States and other NATO states intervening in the internal affairs of Muslim countries (i.e. in Iraq, Afghanistan, etc.) and organisations, it has been labelled a war against Islam by ex-United States Attorney General Ramsey Clark, among others. After his release from Guantanamo in 2005, ex-detainee Moazzam Begg appeared in the Islamist propaganda video 21st Century CrUSAders and claimed the U.S. was engaging in a new crusade:
I think that history is definitely repeating itself and for the Muslim world and I think even a great part of the non-Muslim world now, are beginning to recognize that there are ambitions that the United States has on the lands and wealth of nations of Islam.
Critics[who?] believe that interrogation methods employed by U.S. forces in places such as Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib were immoral and unethical, making them no better than the insurgents they are trying to find. The War on Terrorism has been effectively called an act of terrorism in itself by some who point to incidents such as the Bagram torture and prisoner abuse scandal, the Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse scandal, the alleged use of chemical weapons against terrorists in Fallujah, and the use of military force to disperse anti-American demonstrations in Iraq.
University of Chicago professor and political scientist, Robert Pape has written extensive work on suicide terrorism and states that it is triggered by military occupations, not extremist ideologies. In works such as Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism and Cutting the Fuse, he uses data from an extensive terrorism database and argues that by increasing military occupations, the US government is increasing terrorism. Pape is also the director and founder of the Chicago Project on Security and Terrorism (CPOST), a database of every known suicide terrorist attack from 1980 to 2008.
In 2006, a National Intelligence Estimate stated that the war in Iraq has increased the threat of terrorism. The estimate was compiled by 16 intelligence agencies and was the first assessment of global terrorism since the start of the Iraq war.
Cornelia Beyer explains how terrorism increased as a response to past and present military intervention and occupation, as well as to 'structural violence'. Structural violence, in this instance, refers to economic conditions of backwardness which are attributed to the economic policies of the Western nations, the United States in particular.
British Liberal Democrat politician Shirley Williams wrote that the United States and United Kingdom governments "must stop to think whether it is sowing the kind of resentment which is the seedbed of future terrorism." The United Kingdom ambassador to Italy, Ivor Roberts, echoed this criticism when he stated that President Bush was "the best recruiting sergeant ever for al Qaeda." The United States also granted "protected persons" status under the Geneva Convention to the Mojahedin-e-Khalq, an Iranian group classified by the U.S. Department of State as a terrorist organization, sparking criticism. Other critics further noted that the American government granted political asylum to several alleged terrorists and terrorist organizations that seek to overthrow Fidel Castro's regime, while the American government claims to be anti-terrorism.
Hypocrisy of the Bush Administration
The alleged mastermind behind the September 11, 2001 attacks was part of the Mujahedin who were sponsored, armed, trained and aided by the CIA to fight the Soviet Union after it intervened in Afghanistan in 1979.
Venezuela accused the U.S. government of having a double standard towards terrorism for giving safe haven to Luis Posada Carriles. Some Americans also commented on the selective use of the term War on Terrorism, including 3 star general William Odom, formerly President Reagan's NSA Director, who wrote:
"As many critics have pointed, out, terrorism is not an enemy. It is a tactic. Because the United States itself has a long record of supporting terrorists and using terrorist tactics, the slogans of today's war on terrorism merely makes the United States look hypocritical to the rest of the world. A prudent American president would end the present policy of "sustained hysteria" over potential terrorist attacks..treat terrorism as a serious but not a strategic problem, encourage Americans to regain their confidence and refuse to let al Qaeda keep us in a state of fright."
Critics[who?] argued that some politicians supporting the War on Terror are motivated by reasons other than those they publicly state. Others accuse those politicians of cynically misleading the public to achieve their own ends. For instance, in the months leading up to the invasion of Iraq, President Bush and members of his administration indicated that they possessed information which demonstrated a link between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda. Published reports of the links began in late December 1998. In January 1999, Newsweek magazine published a story about Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda joining forces to attack U.S. interests in the Gulf Region. ABC News broadcast a story of this link soon after. Polls suggested that a majority of Americans believed that Saddam Hussein was linked to the attacks of September 11, 2001. However, despite shifting public opinion, the Bush Administration believed that there was the possibility of a potential collaboration between al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath regime following the U.S. led invasion of Afghanistan. Amnesty International Irene Khan criticized the use of pro-humanitarian arguments by Coalition countries prior to its 2003 invasion of Iraq, writing in an open letter: "This selective attention to human rights is nothing but a cold and calculated manipulation of the work of human rights activists. Let us not forget that these same governments turned a blind eye to Amnesty International's reports of widespread human rights violations in Iraq before the Gulf War."
Torture by Proxy
The term "torture by proxy" is used by some critics to describe situations in which the CIA and other US agencies transferred supposed terrorists, whom they captured during their efforts in the 'War on terrorism', to countries known to employ torture as an interrogation technique. Some also claimed that US agencies knew torture was employed, even though the a transfer of anyone to anywhere for the purpose of torture is a violation of US law. Nonetheless, Condoleezza Rice (then the United States Secretary of State) stated that:
“the United States has not transported anyone and will not transport anyone, to a country when we believe he will be tortured. Where appropriate, the United States seeks assurances that transferred persons will not be tortured."
This US programme also prompted several official investigations in Europe into alleged secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving Council of Europe member states, including those related with the so-called War on Terrorism. A June 2006 report from the Council of Europe estimated that 100 people were kidnapped by the CIA on EU territory with the cooperation of Council of Europe members and rendered to other countries, often after having transited through secret detention centres ("black sites"), some located in Europe, utilised by the CIA. According to the separate European Parliament report of February 2007, the CIA has conducted 1,245 flights, many of them to destinations where these alleged 'terrorists' could face torture, in violation of article 3 of the United Nations Convention Against Torture.
Role of Technology
Technological evolution precipitated a new era in military conflict whereby machinery and technology are increasingly used to conduct combat. This has troubling implications for the manner in which wars are fought, as technology allows for the “discursive dehumanization” of the enemy. Ultimately, this means that soldiers – and similarly political elites – can distance themselves from the brutality of war through the use of technology. Cristina Masters discusses this with respect to the way individuals stationed behind computers have been “constituted as soldiers,” despite the fact that they will not face “physical battle.” Eric Blanshard mentions this in relation to “robotocized warfare,” in the War on Terror, with specific reference to how drones have been used to eliminate insurgents throughout Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The American military responded to the September 11 attacks with a bold technological strategy, which sought to amass intelligence and make war less dangerous for American troops. This use of technology ‘othered’ groups of people, as it saw the privacy and lives of ordinary Afghans as secondary to the intelligence gathering interests of the United States. One of the primary issues with normalizing othering is that it could lead to religionist or xenophobic sentiments, as well as promoting torture or inhumane treatment – such as in the Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse incident - towards the group that was othered. Furthermore, feminist interpretations see technology as the ultimate manifestation of “man’s obsessive quest for knowledge,” which Charlotte Hooper worries could provide new agendas for “hegemonic masculinities to colonize.” That is to say that technology provides a way for the masculinized military to gather intelligence and wage war, thereby perpetuating hegemony.
The culmination of this new technology is marked by the role that Unmanned Aerial Vehicles drones have played in the War on Terror. The U.S. Air Force has been using “Predator” drones in Afghanistan and Iraq since 2007, but this program was expanded to Pakistan, where the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is using it to monitor and strike “terrorist forces.” Despite “internal concerns” that this type of warfare produces “anti-American sentiments,” it is arguably preferable in combating terror, since it minimizes American casualties. There are many issues with these strikes, as the international community is concerned with backfiring. For instance, ethical questions to do with the impacts of civilian deaths, as well as the methods used to determine who should be attacked are raised. These decisions are made outside of the realm of public transparency and therefore, there is no objective evaluation of the methods for selecting targets. Moreover, feminist critiques question the “discourses of technowar” that conceptualize the idea that “‘high value’ targets [can be eliminated], without disrupting populations.” Ultimately a feminist critique of military technology – and drones – provides us a way of understanding how hierarchy and patriarchy, socializes this type of warfare. Among other things, we are made aware of the effects of conflict on populations other than those “high value” terror targets.
Issues of gender quality and abuse against women were an integral part of the rhetoric supporting the War on Terror. For instance, in a conference with Russian President Vladimir Putin, then-President George W. Bush described the Taliban Government as follows: “[T]here's no question the Taliban is the most repressive, backward group of people we have seen on the face of the Earth in a long period of time, including and particularly how they treat women.” Such statements support Norwegian feminist scholar Berit von der Lippe's claim that protecting women and children is a common part of war rhetoric and has always been so. For her, "[n]ation-states today have added the use of gender equality rhetoric, or a specific feminist rhetoric, to this scenario in order to mobilize support for war." This argument is further supported by other feminists, such as Angela Davis — a Black feminist and anti-racist scholar — who critiqued this as a hijacking of feminism in order to promote military aggression and dubbed it as the George and Laura Bush version of feminism. For these scholars, the idea of America invading other countries in order to liberate Muslim women is part of a frame of mind which hierarchizes cultures. According to scholar Sherene Razack, “saving Muslim women from the excesses of their society marks Western men and women as more civilized.” In other words, the War on Terror had the rhetorical basis of a civilizing mission - America had to bring 'modernity' to the Middle East.
Religionism and Islamophobia
One aspect of the criticism regarding the rhetoric justifying the War on Terror was religionism, or more specifically Islamophobia. Theologian Amir Hussain, who studies contemporary Muslims societies in North America, defines this concept as a stereotyping of all followers of Islam as real or potential terrorists due to alleged hateful and violent teaching of their religion. He goes on to argue that “Islam is reduced to the concept of jihad and Jihad is reduced to terror against the West.” This line of argument echoes Edward Said’s famous piece Orientalism in which he argued that the United States sees the Muslims and Arabs in an essentialized caricatures – as oil supplies or potential terrorists.
Decreasing international support
In 2002, strong majorities supported the U.S.-led War on Terror in Britain, France, Germany, Japan, India and Russia, according to a sample survey conducted by the Pew Research Center. By 2006, supporters of the effort were in the minority in Britain (49%), Germany (47%), France (43%) and Japan (26%). Although a majority of Russians still supported the War on Terror, that majority had decreased by 21%. Whereas 63% of Spaniards supported the War on Terror in 2003, only 19% of the population indicated support in 2006. 19% of the Chinese population still supports the War on Terror and less than a fifth of the populations of Turkey, Egypt, as well as Jordan support the efforts. The report also indicated that Indian public support for the War on Terror has been stable. Andrew Kohut, while speaking to the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs, noted that and according to the Pew Research Center polls conducted in 2004, "the ongoing conflict in Iraq continues to fuel anti-American sentiments. America’s global popularity plummeted at the start of military action in Iraq and the U.S. presence there remains widely unpopular."
Marek Obrtel, former Lieutenant Colonel in Field Hospital with Czech Republic army, returned his medals which he received during his posting in Afghanistan War for NATO operations. He criticized the War on Terror as describing the mission as "deeply ashamed that I served a criminal organization such as NATO, led by the USA and its perverse interests around the world."
Role of U.S. media
Researchers in communication studies and political science found that American understanding of the "War onTerror" is directly shaped by how mainstream news media reports events associated with the conflict. In Bush's War: Media Bias and Justifications for War in a Terrorist Age political communication researcher Jim A. Kuypers illustrated "how the press failed America in its coverage on the War on Terror." In each comparison, Kuypers "detected massive bias on the part of the press." This researcher called the mainstream news media an "anti-democratic institution" in his conclusion. "What has essentially happened since 9/11 has been that Bush has repeated the same themes and framed those themes the same whenever discussing the War on Terror," said Kuypers. "Immediately following 9/11, the mainstream news media (represented by CBS, ABC, NBC, USA Today, The New York Times, as well as The Washington Post) did echo Bush, but within eight weeks it began to intentionally ignore certain information the president was sharing and instead reframed the president's themes or intentionally introduced new material to shift the focus."
This goes beyond reporting alternate points of view, which is an important function of the press. "In short," Kuypers explained, "if someone were relying only on the mainstream media for information, they would have no idea what the president actually said. It was as if the press were reporting on a different speech." The study is essentially a "comparative framing analysis." Overall, Kuypers examined themes about 9-11 and the War on Terror that President Bush used and compared them to themes that the press used when reporting on what he said.
"Framing is a process whereby communicators, consciously or unconsciously, act to construct a point of view that encourages the facts of a given situation to be interpreted by others in a particular manner," wrote Kuypers. These findings suggest that the public is misinformed about government justification and plans concerning the War on Terror.
Others have also suggested that press coverage contributed to a public confused and misinformed on both the nature and level of the threat to the U.S. posed by terrorism. In his book, Trapped in the War on Terror political scientist Ian S. Lustick, claimed, "The media have given constant attention to possible terrorist-initiated catastrophes and to the failures and weaknesses of the government's response." Lustick alleged that the War on Terror is disconnected from the real but remote threat terrorism poses and that the generalized War on Terror began as part of the justification for invading Iraq, but then took on a life of its own, fueled by media coverage. Scott Atran writes that "publicity is the oxygen of terrorism" and the rapid growth of international communicative networks renders publicity even more potent, with the result that "perhaps never in the history of human conflict have so few people with so few actual means and capabilities frightened so many."
Media researcher Stephen D. Cooper's analysis of media criticism Watching the Watchdog: Bloggers As the Fifth Estate contains several examples of controversies concerning mainstream reporting of the War on Terror. Cooper found that bloggers' criticisms of factual inaccuracies in news stories or bloggers' discovery of the mainstream press' failure to adequately verify facts before publication caused many news organizations to retract or change news stories.
Cooper found that bloggers specializing in criticism of media coverage advanced four key points:
- Mainstream reporting of the War on Terror has frequently contained factual inaccuracies. In some cases, the errors go uncorrected: moreover, when corrections are issued they usually are given far less prominence than the initial coverage containing the errors.
- The mainstream press has sometimes failed to check the provenance of information or visual images supplied by Iraqi "stringers" (local Iraqis hired to relay local news).
- Story framing is often problematic: in particular, "man-in-the-street" interviews have often been used as a representation of public sentiment in Iraq, in place of methodologically sound survey data.
- Mainstream reporting has tended to concentrate on the more violent areas of Iraq, with little or no reporting of the calm areas.
David Barstow won the 2009 Pulitzer Prize for Investigative Reporting by connecting the Department of Defense to over 75 retired generals supporting the Iraq War on television and radio networks. The Department of Defense recruited retired generals to promote the war to the American public. Barstow also discovered undisclosed links between some retired generals and defense contractors. He reported that "the Bush administration used its control over access of information in an effort to transform the analysts into a kind of media Trojan horse".
The Director of Public Prosecutions and head of the Crown Prosecution Service in the UK, Ken McDonald, Britain's most senior criminal prosecutor, stated that those responsible for acts of terrorism such as the 7 July 2005 London bombings are not "soldiers" in a war, but "inadequates" who should be dealt with by the criminal justice system. He added that a "culture of legislative restraint" was needed in passing anti-terrorism laws and that a "primary purpose" of the violent attacks was to tempt countries such as Britain to "abandon our values." He stated that in the eyes of the UK criminal justice system, the response to terrorism had to be "proportionate and grounded in due process and the rule of law":
London is not a battlefield. Those innocents who were murdered...were not victims of war. And the men who killed them were not, as in their vanity they claimed on their ludicrous videos, 'soldiers'. They were deluded, narcissistic inadequates. They were criminals. They were fantasists. We need to be very clear about this. On the streets of London there is no such thing as a war on terror. The fight against terrorism on the streets of Britain is not a war. It is the prevention of crime, the enforcement of our laws and the winning of justice for those damaged by their infringement.
Stella Rimington, former head of the British intelligence service MI5 criticised the War on Terror as a "huge overreaction" and had decried the militarization and politicization of U.S. efforts to be the wrong approach to terrorism. David Miliband, former UK foreign secretary, has similarly called the strategy a "mistake". Nigel Lawson, former Chancellor of the Exchequer, called for Britain to end its involvement in the War in Afghanistan, describing the mission as "wholly unsuccessful and indeed counter-productive."
Critics have replaced "War on Terror" or related phrases with pejorative terms:
- "So-called War on Terror", due to the perceived disingenuous nature of the phrase many non-U.S. media publications have taken to referring to it as the "so-called War on Terror".
- "TWAT" (The War Against Terrorism) - (twat being an offensive word in some dialects of English) used satirically by some web sites
- "War against tourism" as parodied by Justin Butcher, partly in reference to the accent of President Bush.
- "War of Terror", a term used by Sacha Baron Cohen as Borat in the rodeo scene of Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan.
- "Operation Iraqi Liberation" or "O.I.L," is often used to criticise both the euphemistic terminology used by the government for the Iraqi invasion (officially named Operation Iraqi Freedom) and the impoundment of Iraq's oil resources which is considered by some to be the real purpose of the invasion. White House press secretary Ari Fleischer actually used this term in press briefings on March 24, 2003 and April 1, 2003.
- The War on Errorism is an album by NOFX, whose cover art also depicts President Bush as a clown.
- "War Against Some Terrorists" was suggested by the late Robert Anton Wilson, with the comment: "Just as the War Against Drugs would make some kind of sense if they honestly called it a War Against Some Drugs, I regard Dubya's current Kampf as a War Against Some Terrorists. I may remain wed to that horrid heresy until he bombs CIA headquarters in Langtry."
- The Chaser's War on Everything was a satirical television series broadcast on ABC TV in Australia.
- Stephen Colbert referred to it as "The Never Ending War on Everything".
- 2003 Invasion of Iraq
- Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse
- Bagram torture and prisoner abuse
- Black sites
- Canadian Afghan detainee abuse scandal
- Extraordinary rendition by the United States
- Guantanamo Bay detainment camp
- International public opinion on the war in Afghanistan
- NSA warrantless surveillance controversy
- Opposition to the Iraq War
- Opposition to the War in Afghanistan (2001–present)
- Protests against the invasion of Afghanistan
- Standard Operating Procedure
- Unlawful combatant
- USA PATRIOT Act
- War in Afghanistan (2001–present)
- War on Terror
- Anwar al-Awlaki
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- Berger, Julian (2009-01-15). "'War on Terror' was a mistake, says Miliband". The Guardian (London). Retrieved 15 January 2009.
democracies must respond to terrorism by championing the rule of law, not subordinating it
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The call for a "war on terror" was a call to arms, an attempt to build solidarity for a fight against a single shared enemy. But the foundation for solidarity between peoples and nations should be based not on who we are against, but on the idea of who we are and the values we share. Terrorists succeed when they render countries fearful and vindictive, when they sow division and animosity, when they force countries to respond with violence and repression. The best response is to refuse to be cowed.
- "Lawson suggests Afghan withdrawal". BBC News. 2009-05-07. Retrieved 2009-05-07.
- "Energy questions that will need to be answered". Liverpool Daily Post - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- "War On Terror Labelled A Disaster". Sky News - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- Harper, Tim (2007-10-23). "U.S. war tab $200 billion for next year". Toronto Star - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- "Misusing terror victims' pain to fight culture wars". The Canberra Times - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- "Mistrial in key 'terror' case". SBS World News - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- Tatchell, Peter (2007-10-23). "Rendition, the movie". London: Guardian - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- "Don't cave in to the Taliban". International Herald Tribune - Example of usage of phrase "so-called War on Terror". Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- "www.president-bush.com".[unreliable source?]
- "Dramatic interventions". The Independent UK, 17 March 2004.
- "Press Briefing by Ari Fleischer" (Press release). The White House. March 24, 2003.
- "Press Briefing by Ari Fleischer" (Press release). The White House. April 1, 2003.
- Wilson, Robert Anton (2001-09-29). "War Against Some terrorists". Robert Anton Wilson. Retrieved 2009-01-28.
- "Wisdom, not intelligence" "Britain needs political wisdom more than the intelligence services to prevent terrorism on its shores". Khaled Diab, The Guardian, January 2008.
- "Against the War on Terror".
- Arie, Sophie and MacAskill, Ewen. "Al-Qaida would back Bush, says UK envoy". The Guardian, 21 September 2004.
- Beyer, Cornelia, "Violent Globalisms: Conflict in Response to Empire", Ashgate, 2008.
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- Raimondo, Justin. "We've Been Warned (The state of our union: perpetual war)". Antiwar.com, 3 February 2003.
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- Warner, Daniel. "Perpetual War Poses a Risk to US Power". International Herald Tribune, 28 June 2002.
- Youssef, Nancy A. "More Iraqis killed by U.S. than by terror". Detroit Free Press, 25 September 2004.
- Chernus, Ira, Monsters To Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006.
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- "State Department Lie About Terrorism Levels Bolstered Bush Claims of Success". Capitol Hill Blue, 11 June 2004.
- Fisk, Robert. "Folly taken to a scale we haven't seen since WWII". The Independent, 11 September 2003.
- Gonzales, Patrisia and Rodriguez, Roberto. "The Fallacy of the War on Terror". Universal Press Syndicate, 12 December 2003.
- Igmade (Stephan Trüby et al., eds.), 5 Codes: Architecture, Paranoia and Risk in Times of Terror, Birkhäuser; 2006, ISBN 3-7643-7598-1
- Record, Jeffrey. Bounding the Global War on Terrorism (PDF). Strategic Studies Institute, December 2003.
- Khan, L. Ali. A Theory of International Terrorism (Brill, 2006).
- Edward S. Herman, "There Is No “War on Terror”", January 18, 2008.
- Human Rights First; Getting to Ground Truth: Investigating U.S. Abuses in the “War on Terror.” (2004)