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Juche (sometimes spelled Chuch'e; Chosŏn'gŭl: 주체; hancha: 主體; Korean pronunciation: [tɕutɕʰe]), usually translated as "self-reliance", sometimes referred to as Kimilsungism, is a political thesis formed by the former North Korean leader Kim Il-sung which states that the Korean masses are the masters of the country's development. From the 1950s to the 1970s, Kim and other party theorists such as Hwang Jang-yop elaborated the Juche Idea into a set of principles that the government uses to justify its policy decisions. Among these are political independence, military independence, and economic self-sufficiency.



Chosŏn'gŭl 주체사상
Hancha 思想
Revised Romanization Juche sasang
McCune–Reischauer Chuch'e sasang

Juche (or chuch'e) is a Sino-Korean word which is hard to translate. Literally, it means "subjectivity" or "agency", and in political discourse has a connotation of "self-reliance" and of "independence".[1][2]

The first known reference to Juche as a North Korean ideology occurred in a speech given by Kim Il-sung on December 28, 1955. Entitled "On Eliminating Dogmatism and Formalism and Establishing Juche in Ideological Work", it was delivered to promote a political purge similar to the earlier Yan'an Rectification Movement in China.[3] Inasmuch as both grew from a turn toward a more Third World-oriented foreign policy fuelled by doubts in the benefit of close association with the Soviet Union, the development of Juche echoed that of zili gengsheng[further explanation needed] in China.[4]

Hwang Jang-yeop, Kim's top adviser on ideology, discovered Kim's 1955 speech in the late 1950s when Kim, having established a cult of personality,[5] sought to develop his own version of Marxism–Leninism into a North Korean creed.[6][7] Like Marxism–Leninism, Juche ideology espouses state atheism.[8] North Korean sources subsequently presented the origins of Juche in a speech given by an 18-year-old Kim Il-sung on June 30, 1930.[9]


In his 1955 speech, the first known to refer to Juche, Kim Il-sung stated:[10]:421:422

To make revolution in Korea we must know Korean history and geography as well as the customs of the Korean people. Only then is it possible to educate our people in a way that suits them and to inspire in them an ardent love for their native place and their motherland.

The speech focuses on the importance of education and learning Korean history. Through the education of the Korean people's own history it will "stimulate their national pride and rouse the broad masses to revolutionary struggle". Significant past events and how certain outcomes could have been prevented are stressed. The struggle is to be remembered; not learning their past, or denying it, would mean "that our people did nothing".

In the speech "On Socialist Construction and the South Korean Revolution in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea" given on April 14, 1965, Kim Il-sung outlined the three fundamental principles of Juche:

  1. Political independence (Chosŏn'gŭl: 자주; hancha: 自主; MR: chaju; RR: jaju)
  2. Economic self-sustenance (Chosŏn'gŭl: 자립; hancha: 自立; MR: charip; RR: jarip)
  3. Self-reliance in defence (Chosŏn'gŭl: 자위; hancha: 自衛; MR: chawi; RR: jawi)

These principles were intended to be not only applicable to Korea.[11] Since 1977 North Korea has been organising international seminars on Juche. The Juche Tower, completed in 1982, incorporated commemorative plaques from supporters and "Juche Study Groups" from around the world.[2] The Black Panther Party of the US expressed sympathy to the ideology.[12][13]

On the Juche Idea is the main work on Juche in North Korea, was published in Kim Jong-il's name in 1982.[14] In North Korea, it functions as "the authoritative and comprehensive explanation of Juche".[14] According to the treatise, the Workers' Party of Korea (KWP) is responsible for indoctrinating the masses in the ways of Juche thinking.[14] Juche is, according to the treatise, inexorably linked with Kim Il-sung, and "represents the guiding idea of the Korean Revolution ... we are confronted with the honorable task of modeling the whole society on the Juche idea".[14] Kim Jong-il states in the work that Juche is not a creative application of Marxism–Leninism, but rather "a new era in the development of human history",[14] while criticizing the "communists and nationalists" of the 1920s for their elitist posture, claiming they were "divorced from the masses".[15] The KWP's break with basic premises of Marxism–Leninism is spelled out clearer in the article "Let Us March Under the Banner of Marxism–Leninism and the ''Juche'' Idea".[15]

In August 1997, the Central People's Committee of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea promulgated regulations regarding use of the Juche Era calendar. Gregorian calendar dates are used for years before 1912 (the year of Kim Il-sung's birth), while years after 1911 are described as "Juche years". The Gregorian year 2015, for example, is "Juche 104", as 2015 = 1911 + 104. When used, "Juche years" are often accompanied by the Gregorian equivalent, i.e. "Juche 104, 2015" or "Juche 104 (2015)".[16]



"Kimilsungism" was first mentioned by Kim Jong-il in the 1970s[17] and was introduced alongside the "Ten Principles for the Establishment of a Monolithic Ideological System".[17] Not long after the term's introduction to the North Korean lexicon, Kim Jong-il launched the "Kimilsungism-ization of the Whole Society" campaign.[17] These campaigns were introduced so as to strengthen Kim Jong-il's position within the WPK.[17] According to political analyst Lim Jae-cheon, "Kimilsungism refers to thoughts of Kim Il-sung. It is interchangeable with the juche idea."[17] However, in his 1976 speech "On Correctly Understanding the Originality of Kimilsungism" he said that Kimilsungism comprises the "Juche idea and a far-reaching revolutionary theory and leadership method evolved from this idea".[18] In the past Kim Il-sung's thoughts had been described by the official media as "contemporary Marxism–Leninism", but by calling it Kimilsungism Kim Jong-il was trying to elevate it to the same level as Maoism, Hoxhaism, Stalinism etc.[19] The younger Kim further argued that Kim Il-sung's thoughts had evolved, and therefore deserved its own distinct name.[19] He further added; "Kimilsungism is an original idea that cannot be explained within the frameworks of Marxism–Leninism. The ideas of Juche which constitutes the quintessence of Kimilsungism is an idea newly discovered in the history of mankind."[19] Kim Jong-il went further, stating that Marxism–Leninism had become obsolete and needed to be replaced by Kimilsungism;[20]

"The revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a revolutionary theory which has provided solutions to problems arising in the revolutionary practice in a new age different from the era that gave rise to Marxism–Leninism. On the basis of Juche (idea), the leader gave a profound explanation of the theories, strategies and tactics of national liberation, class emancipation and human liberations in our era. Thus, it can be said that the revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a perfect revolutionary theory of Communism in the era of Juche."[20]

According to analyst Shin Gi-wook, the ideas of Juche and Kimilsungism were, in essence, the "expressions of North Korean particularism over supposedly more universalistic Marxism–Leninism."[21] In many ways, it signaled a move from socialism to nationalism.[21] This was made very clear in a speech in 1982, when North Korea celebrated Kim Il-sung's 70th birthday, when love for the nation came before love for socialism.[22] This particularism gave birth to such concepts as "A theory of the Korean nation as number one" and "Socialism of Our Style".[23]

With the death of Kim Jong-il, Kimilsungism was turned into Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism at the 4th WPK Conference.[24] As well as stating that the WPK was "the party of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il", Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism was made "the only guiding idea of the party".[24] In the 4th Conference's aftermath, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) stated that "the Korean people have long called the revolutionary policies ideas of the President [Kim Il-sung] and Kim Jong-il as Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism and recognized it as the guiding of the nation."[25] Kim Jong-un, the WPK First Secretary, said that "Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism is an integral system of the idea, theory and method of Juche and a great revolutionary ideology representative of the Juche era. Guided by Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism, we should conduct Party building and Party activities, so as to sustain the revolutionary character of our Party and advance the revolution and construction in line with the ideas and intentions of the President and the General."[26]

"Socialism of Our Style"[edit]

"Socialism of Our Style," also referred to as Korean-style socialism and our-style socialism, is an ideological concept introduced by Kim Jong-il on 27 December 1990 in his speech "Socialism of Our Country is a Socialism of Our Style as Embodied by the Juche idea."[23] Speaking after the revolutions of 1989 which brought down the communist regimes in the Eastern Bloc (but not the Soviet Union), he explicitly stated that North Korea needed, and survived because of, "Socialism of Our Style."[23] He argued that socialism in Eastern Europe failed because they "imitated the Soviet experience in a mechanical manner."[23] They failed to understand that the Soviet experience was based on specific historical and social circumstances and could not be used by other countries aside from the Soviet Union itself.[23] He added that "if experience is considered absolute and accepted dogmatically it is impossible to build Socialism properly, as the times change and the specific situation of each country is different from another."[23] Kim Jong-il went on to criticize ″dogmatic application″ of Marxism–Leninism, stating:[27]

"Marxism–Leninism presented a series of opinions on building of Socialism and Communism, but it confined itself to presupposition and hypothesis owing to the limitations of the conditions of their ages and practical experiences ... But many countries applied the principles of Marxist–Leninist materialistic conception of history dogmatically, failing to advance revolution continually after the establishment of the socialist system."[27]

North Korea would not encounter such difficulties because of the conceiving of Juche.[28] In his words, North Korea was "a backward, colonial semifeudal society" when the communists took over, but since the North Korean communists did not accept Marxism, because it was based on European capitalist experiences, and Leninism, which was based on Russia's experience, they conceived of Juche.[28] Also, the situation in North Korea was more complex, because of the American presence in South Korea.[28] Thanks to Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il argued, the revolution had "put forward original lines and policies suited to our people's aspirations and the specific situation of our country."[28] "The juche idea is a revolutionary theory which occupies the highest stage of development of the revolutionary ideology of the working class," Kim Jong-il said, further stating that the originality and superiority of the Juche idea defined and strengthened Korean socialism.[28] He then conceded by stating that "Socialism of Our Style" was "a man-centered Socialism," explicitly making a break with basic Marxist–Leninist thought which argues that material forces are the driving force of historical progress, not people.[28] "Socialism of Our Style" was presented as an organic sociopolitical theory, using the language of Marxism–Leninism (however, no reference is made to Marxist–Leninist thought, and it contained instead populist and organic nationalist concepts), saying:[29]

"The political and ideological might of the motive force of revolution is nothing but the power of single-hearted unity between the leader, the Party, and the masses. In our socialist society, the leader, the Party, and the masses throw in their lot with one another, forming a single socio-political organism. The consolidation of blood relations between the leader, the Party and the masses is guaranteed by the single ideology and united leadership."[29]

The inevitability of socialism[edit]

North Korea is formally committed to developing socialism, believing the transition from the capitalist mode of production to the socialist mode of production to be inevitable.[30] Kim Jong-il acknowledged in the late-1980s that socialist development included room for errors, mistakes and drawbacks, and that, by the 1980s, the superiority of the socialist model had not been proven to the outside world.[30] According to Kim Jong-il, socialism is democratic while capitalism, in contrast, is oppressive and exploitative.[30] During one of his speeches, Kim Il-sung stated;[30]

The struggle between socialism and capitalism is the struggle between the new and the old. That the new emerges victorious and the old perishes is an immutable law of historical development. This law will never change, though the victory of the new may be attained only after experiencing twists and turns ... Our era by no means suits imperialism; it is an era of historical change in which imperialism is on the brink of ruin and the people of the world are marching forward boldly along the road to socialism, the road of independence.[30]

"Great Leader" theory[edit]

Unlike orthodox Marxism–Leninism, which places material forces as the driving force of historical progress, North Korea considers human beings in general as the driving force in history.[31] It is summarized as "popular masses are placed in the center of everything, and the leader is the center of the masses".[31] Juche, North Korea states, is a "man-centered ideology" in which the "man is the master of everything and decides everything".[31] Unlike man in orthodox communist thought, in which man's decisions are inextricably linked to his/her relations to the means of production (concept referred to as "relations of production"), in Juche thought man is independent and decides everything.[31] Just like Marxist–Leninist thought, Juche believes history is law-governed, but that it is only man who drives progress: "the popular masses are the drivers of history".[32] However, for the masses to be successful, they need a "Great Leader".[32] Marxism–Leninism, which argues that the popular masses will lead (on the basis of their relation to production), whereas in North Korea, the role of a Great Leader should be essential.[33] This theory helped Kim Il-sung establish a unitary, one-man rule over North Korea.[33]

The theory turns the "Great Leader" into an absolutist, supreme leader.[34] The working class is not to think for themselves, but instead to think through the "Great Leader".[34] The "Great Leader" is the "top brain" (i.e., "mastermind") of the working class, meaning that he is the only legitimate representative of the working class.[34] Class struggle can only be realized through the "Great Leader", and difficult tasks in general and revolutionary changes in particular can only be introduced through, and by, the "Great Leader".[34] Thus, in historical development, it is the "Great Leader" who is the leading force of the working class.[34] The "Great Leader" is also a flawless human being, who never commits mistakes, who is always benevolent, and who always rules for the masses.[35] The leader is incorruptible.[35] For the "Great Leader" system to function, a unitary ideological system has to be in place.[36] In North Korea, that unitary ideological system is known as the "Ten Principles for a Monolithic Ideological System".[36]

The "masses"[edit]

Unlike the Joseon dynasty, where there was a huge gap between the upper and lower classes, North Korea had adopted the concept of a gathered-together "people". Instead of a strict social hierarchy, North Korea had, in theory, divided the union into three classes — peasant, worker and the samuwon (intellectuals and professionals), where each being just as important as the other. The samuwon class consisted of clerks, small traders, bureaucrats, professors and writers. This was a unique class that was created in order to increase the education and literacy of North Korea.

Normally, Communist nations would value only the farmers or laborers, thus in the USSR intelligentsia was not defined as an independent class of its own, but rather as a "social stratum" that recruited itself from members of almost all classes: proletariat, petite bourgeoisie, and bourgeoisie. However, a "peasant intelligentsia" was never mentioned. Correspondingly, the "proletarian intelligentsia" was exalted for bringing forth progressive scientists and Marxist theoreticians, whereas the "bourgeois intelligentsia" was condemned for producing "bourgeois ideology", which were all non-Marxist worldviews. Language reforms followed revolutions more than once, such as the New Korean Orthography in North Korea (which failed, due to Korean ethnic nationalist fears of precluding Korean unification), or the simplification of Chinese characters under Mao (a consequence of the divergent orthographic choices of Taiwan and the People's Republic of China), or the simplification of the Russian alphabet after the 1917 revolution in Russia and consequent struggle against illiteracy, known in Soviet Russia as Likbez (Likvidaciya Bezgramotnosti, liquidation of illiteracy).

They believed in the rapid industrialization through labor and believed in subjecting nature to human will. By restructuring the social class into a mass of people who are theoretically all equal, the North Korean government claimed it would be able to attain self-reliance or Juche in the upcoming years. This is questionable, as the country suffers massive food shortages annually and is heavily dependent on foreign aid.[10]:404:405


Main article: Songun

Songun (literally, "military-first policy") was first mentioned on 7 April 1997 in Rodong Shinmun under the headline "There Is a Victory for Socialism in the Guns and Bombs of the People's Army".[37] It defined the military-centered thinking of the time by stating; "the revolutionary philosophy to safeguard our own style of socialism under any circumstances."[37] The concept was credited to "Respected General Kim Jong-il".[37] Later, on 16 June 1998, in a joint editorial entitled "Our Party's Military-First Politics Will Inevitably Achieve Victory and Will Never Be Defeated" by Kulloja (the WPK theoretical magazine) and Rodong Sinmun, it was stated that Songun meant "the leadership method under the principle of giving priority to the military and resolving the problems that may occur in the course of revolution and construction as well as establishing the military as the main body of the revolution in the course of achieving the total tasks of socialism."[38] While the article clearly referred to "our Party", this was not a reference to the WPK but rather to the personal leadership of Kim Jong-il.[38] On 5 September 1998, the North Korean constitution was revised, and it made clear that the National Defence Commission, the highest military body, was the supreme body of the state.[38] This date is considered the beginning of the Songun era.[38]

Juche in practice[edit]


North Korea emerged from Soviet occupation and fought alongside the Chinese Communists in the Chinese Civil War and the Korean War. However, it avoided taking sides in the Sino-Soviet split. It joined the Non-aligned movement and forged ties with numerous developing countries. As the Communist bloc split, introduced market reforms, and collapsed, North Korea increasingly emphasised its independence as embodied in the Juche idea.[39]


Bruce Cumings has argued that Juche was not "mere rhetoric" and that North Korea developed the "most autarkic industrial economy in the world".[40] North Korea received a lot of economic aid and technical assistance from the Soviet Union and China, but did not join COMECON, the Communist common market.[41] In the 1990s, it had one of the world's lowest rates for dependence on petroleum, using hydroelectric power and coal instead of imported oil.[42] Its textile industry uses vinylon, known as the "Juche fiber", which was invented by a Korean and which is made from coal.[43]


North Korea has attempted to become militarily self-reliant in accordance with the Juche idea. The Korean People's Army is one of the largest on earth. It is currently developing its own nuclear ballistic missile.[44][45]

Religious features of "Juche"[edit]

Some scholars categorize Juche as a national religion or as a new religious movement within North Korea, or compare its allegedly religious facets to those of pre-existing religions in Korea and the West.[46]


Charles K. Armstrong, a Korean Studies professor at Columbia University, argues that familism has transformed into a political religion in the form of Juche. With the emergence of Juche as North Korean government's guiding political principle since the 1960s, the familial relationships within the micro-family unit has translated into a national, macro-unit with Kim Il-sung representing the father figure and the North Korean people his children. Thus, Juche is based on the "language of family relationships," especially its neo-Confucian "resonances of filial piety and maternal love."[47]

The father-child relationship between Kim Il-sung and the North Korean people go back to the traditional social and political hierarchy in East Asia, with the father and the emperor or king as the leading figures of society.[48] Since the father traditionally has the teaching role within the Confucian family, Kim Il-sung has also been categorized as assuming the role of a "great teacher" to his nation.[48]

Armstrong also notes that North Korea has actually translated the "filial piety of nationalism in the family of the leader himself" by positioning Kim Il Sung as the universal patriarch.[47] He argues that while the official pursuit of the Juche ideology in the 1960s signaled North Korea's desire to separate from the "fraternity of international socialism," the ideology also replaced Stalin as the father figure with Kim Il-sung.[47] The personality cult of Kim then expanded into a family cult when Kim Jong-il had become the heir apparent after assuming important posts in the party and military in the early 1980s.[49]

Jung Hyang Jin, a professor at Seoul National University, argues that the Arirang Festival demonstrates the power of the North Korean regime to arrange a form of religious gathering by "appropriating a mass of bodies for calisthenic and performative arts representing the leader as the Father and his faithful."[46]


The religious behavior of Juche can also be seen from the perspective of the North Korean people through refugee interviews from former participants in North Korea’s ritual occasions. One particular example is the Arirang Festival, which is a gymnastics and artistic festival held in the Rungnado May Day Stadium in Pyongyang, North Korea. All components of the festival, from the selection of performers, mobilization of resources, recruitment of the audience, and publicity for the show, have been compared to facets of a national religious event.[46]


Throughout the 1990s, the North Korean regime became increasingly nationalistic – at least, more so in official pronouncements – leading Kim Chonghun to state that "Socialism of our Style" was "Socialism without Socialism".[50] Speeches and official announcement made references to socialism, but neither to Marxist–Leninist thought nor to any basic communist concepts.[51] Shin Gi-wook argues that "there is no traces of Marxist–Leninist or Stalinist notion of nation [in Korea]. Instead, Kim stresses the importance of the Korean blood, soul and national traits, echoing earlier Korean nationalists such as Sin Chaeho, Yi Kwangsu and Choe Namson. He no longer has any interest in applying Marxism–Leninism to the North Korean situation; indeed it is no longer useful for the country."[51] The socialism which the North Korean authorities talk of is socialism without socialism but containing nationalism instead.[51]

Charles K. Armstrong says "North Korean Communism would not only be quite distinctive from the Soviet model, it would in some respect turn Marxism–Leninism upside-down."[52] Key differences are that the North Koreans place primacy over ideology over materialism, retaining the vocabulary of family lineage and nationalism and giving it primacy over class struggle, and supporting social distinction and hierarchy over classless society and egalitarianism. [52] He concluded that North Korea may look "Stalinist in form", but that it was "nationalist in content."[52]

Brian Reynolds Myers dismisses the idea that Juche is North Korea's leading ideology, regarding its public exaltation as designed to deceive foreigners and that it exists to be praised and not actually read,[53] pointing out that North Korea's latest constitution, of 2009, omits all mention of communism.[54] Myers claims Juche is merely a sham ideology developed to extol Kim Il-sung as a political thinker alongside Mao Zedong.[55] He argues that the North Korean government's military-first policy, racism and xenophobia are indications of an extreme sense of "race-based nationalism", incidents like an attempted mob attack on Black Cuban diplomats, and reported forced abortions of North Korean women pregnant with ethnic Chinese children, meaning that Juche is founded on the politics of the far right inspired by Imperial Japan during its colonial occupation of Korea.[53][54]

Based on his own experiences living in North Korea, Felix Abt describes Myers' arguments as "shaky," "absurd," and "questionable." Having seen the extent to which North Korean university students actually believe in Juche, Abt says it is "rather absurd" to describe the ideology as "window-dressing" for foreigners. He also questions how only three decades of Japanese occupation could simply upend the impact of "thousands of years" of history in Korea.[56]

See also[edit]



  1. ^ Cumings 1997, pp. 207,403-404.
  2. ^ a b Abt 2014, pp. 73-74.
  3. ^ 高麗大學校亞細亞問題硏究所 (1970). Journal of Asiatic Studies 13 (3–4): 63. 
  4. ^ Kwak, Tae-Hawn; Pattersen, Wayne; Olsen, Edward A. (1983). The Two Koreas in World Politics. Institute for Far Eastern Studies, Kyungnam University. p. 61. 
  5. ^ Choe, Yong-ho., Lee, Peter H., and de Barry, Wm. Theodore., eds. Sources of Korean Tradition, Chichester, NY: Columbia University Press, p. 419, 2000.
  6. ^ Becker, Jasper (2005). Rogue Regime: Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea. New York City: Oxford University Press. pp. 65–66. ISBN 0-19-517044-X. 
  7. ^ French, Paul. North Korea: The Paranoid Peninsula – A Modern History.2nd ed. New York: Zed Books, 2007. 30. Print.
  8. ^ Williamson, Kevin. The Politically Incorrect Guide to Socialism. Regnery Publishing. 2010. p128.
  9. ^ Hyung-chan Kim and Tong-gyu Kim. Human Remolding in North Korea: A Social History of Education. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. 2005. p. 10.
  10. ^ a b Cumings, Bruce (2005). Korea's Place in the Sun: a Modern History. New York: W.W. Norton. 
  11. ^ Cumings 1997, p. 404.
  12. ^ http://www.nknews.org/2012/12/the-black-panther-north-korean-juche-fetish
  13. ^ http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/NKIDP_eDossier_14_North_Korea_and_the_American_Radical_Left.pdf
  14. ^ a b c d e Kwak 2009, p. 19.
  15. ^ a b Kwak 2009, p. 20.
  16. ^ Rules on use of Juche Era adopted - KCNA.
  17. ^ a b c d e Lim 2012, p. 561.
  18. ^ Shin 2006, p. 89.
  19. ^ a b c Shin 2006, pp. 89–90.
  20. ^ a b Shin 2006.
  21. ^ a b Shin 2006, p. 90.
  22. ^ Shin 2006, pp. 90–91.
  23. ^ a b c d e f Shin 2006, p. 91.
  24. ^ a b Rüdiger 2013, p. 45.
  25. ^ Alton & Chidley 2013, p. 109.
  26. ^ Kim Jong-un, Let Us Brilliantly Accomplish the Revolutionary Cause of Juche, Holding the Great Comrade Kim Jong Il in High Esteem as the Eternal General Secretary of Our Party, 6 April 2012.
  27. ^ a b Shin 2006, pp. 91–92.
  28. ^ a b c d e f Shin 2006, p. 92.
  29. ^ a b Shin 2006, p. 92–93.
  30. ^ a b c d e Malici 2009, p. 113.
  31. ^ a b c d Lee 2004, p. 4.
  32. ^ a b Lee 2004, p. 5.
  33. ^ a b Lee 2004, p. 6.
  34. ^ a b c d e Lee 2004, p. 7.
  35. ^ a b Lee 2004, p. 8.
  36. ^ a b Lee 2004, p. 9.
  37. ^ a b c Kihl & Kim 2006, p. 63.
  38. ^ a b c d Kihl & Kim 2006, p. 64.
  39. ^ DPRK Diplomatic Relations, dates of establishment and analysis
  40. ^ Cumings 1997, p. 419.
  41. ^ Cumings 1997, p. 420.
  42. ^ Cumings 1997, p. 426.
  43. ^ Abt 2014, p. 39.
  44. ^ http://www.ckquinones.com/wp-content/uploads/2008/08/Maison-Franco-Japonaise-Juche-Paper.pdf
  45. ^ http://sinonk.com/2014/12/03/zhang-liangui-on-north-korea-nuclear/
  46. ^ a b c Jung, Hyang Jin (2013). "Jucheism [sic] as an Apotheosis of the Family: The Case of the Arirang Festival". Journal of Korean Religions 4.2, North Korea and Religion: 93–122. 
  47. ^ a b c Armstrong, Charles K. (2005). "Familism, Socialism and Political Religion in North Korea". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6.3: 383–394. 
  48. ^ a b Helgesen, Geir (1991). "Political Revolution in a Cultural Continuum: Preliminary Observations on the North Korean "Juche" Ideology with its Intrinsic Cult of Personality". Asian Perspective 15.1: 187–213. 
  49. ^ "Kim's Son "Only One" to Take Over". South China Morning Post Ltd. South China Morning Post and the Hongkong Telegraph. April 20, 1982. 
  50. ^ Shin 2006, pp. 91–94.
  51. ^ a b c Shin 2006, p. 93.
  52. ^ a b c Shin 2006, p. 94.
  53. ^ a b Rank, Michael (10 April 2012). "Lifting the cloak on North Korean secrecy: The Cleanest Race, How North Koreans See Themselves by B R Myers". Asia Times. Retrieved 13 December 2012. 
  54. ^ a b Hitchens, Christopher (1 February 2010). "A Nation of Racist Dwarfs". Fighting Words (Slate). Retrieved 23 December 2012. 
  55. ^ Staff writer (12 April 2010). "Immersion in propaganda, race-based nationalism and the un-figure-outable vortex of Juche Thought: Colin Marshall talks to B.R. Myers, author of The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why it Matters". quarksdaily.com. Retrieved 13 April 2010. 
  56. ^ Abt 2014, pp. 62-63.


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