Defeat and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (1908–1922)

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The period of defeat and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (1908–1922) began with the Second Constitutional Era after the Young Turk Revolution that restored the 1876 constitution and the reconvening of the Ottoman Parliament. After the First World War, the empire was partitioned under the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres. The occupation of Constantinople along with the occupation of İzmir mobilized the establishment of the Turkish national movement, which won the Turkish War of Independence. Following this event, the Sultanate was abolished on 1 November 1922. The Caliphate was constitutionally abolished on 3 March 1924. The Sultan and his family were declared personae non gratae of Turkey and exiled. On 23 September 2009, Osman died and with his death the last of the line born under the Ottoman Empire was extinguished.

Main Issues of the period[edit]

Fate of Ottoman subjects at seceded lands[edit]

As the empire quickly disintegrated the subjects (generally Muslim members of the Empire) of the empire found themselves between Nationalistic states. The persecution of Ottoman Muslims refers to the persecution, massacre, or ethnic cleansing of Muslims (most prominently Ottoman Turks) by non-Muslim ethnic groups during the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.[1] It took mostly during the Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. The 19th century saw the rise of nationalism in the Balkans which resulted in the establishment of an independent Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria. Most of the local Muslims in these countries suffered as many died during the conflicts and others fled. The persecution of Muslims continued in World War I by the invading Russian troops in the east and during the Turkish War of Independence in the west, east, and south of Anatolia. After the Greek-Turkish war, a population exchange took place and most Muslims in Greece left. During these centuries many Muslim refugees, called Muhacir, settled in Turkey.

Ottomanism a viable solution?[edit]

Ottomanism was a concept proponents believed that it could solve the social issues. Ottomanism was strongly influenced by thinkers such as Montesquieu and Rousseau and the French Revolution. It promoted the equality among the millets. The idea originated among the Young Ottomans in areas such as the acceptance of all separate ethnicity in the Empire, regardless of their religion, to Ottomans and to equal their civil rights. Ottomanism stated that all subjects were equal before the law.

During this period the essence of the millet system was not dismantled, but secular organizations and policies were applied. Primary education, conscription, head tax and Ottoman conscription was to be applied to non-Muslims and Muslims alike.

Ottoman Jews subscribed to the idea of ‘Ottomanism.’ Ottoman Jews hold prominent positions in the CUP even after the 1908.[2] Just until the end (that is partitioning of the Empire), many of them saw a homeland within the Empire as the best guarantor of their security.[2]

Before the dissolution, already some of the Ottoman Christians — the Greeks, Bulgars and Serbs who saw a rosier future in their own national states.[2]

The Second Constitutional Era 1908-1920[edit]

Public demonstration during Young Turk Revolution in the Sultanahmet district of Constantinople, 1908

In July 1908, the Young Turk Revolution changed the political structure of the Empire. Young Turks rebelled against the absolute rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid II to establish the Second Constitutional Era ushering a multi-party democracy for the first time in the country's history Young Turk movement members, once underground (named committee, group, etc.), established (declared) their parties. Among them two major parties; Committee of Union and Progress (CUP; İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti), Freedom and Accord Party (also known as the Liberal Union (LU) or Liberal Entente; Hürriyet ve İtilâf Fırkası; 1911–13 and 1918–20), and smaller ones; Ottoman Socialist Party (Osmanlı Sosyalist Fırkası; 1910–13), Ottoman Committee of Alliance (Heyet-i Müttefika-i Osmaniye, 1909), Ottoman Democratic Party (Fırka-i İbad or Osmanlı Demokrat Fırkası; 1909–11, merged with the Freedom and Accord Party), etc. There were also ethnic parties which included; People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section) (1909–10), Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs (1908–09), Jewish Social Democratic Labour Party in Palestine (Poale Zion) (1906–?), Al-Fatat (also known as the Young Arab Society; Jam’iyat al-’Arabiya al-Fatat), Ottoman Party for Administrative Decentralization (Hizb al-lamarkaziyya al-idariyya al'Uthmani; 1913–?), Armenakan Party (1885–1921), Social Democrat Hunchakian Party (1887–present), Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF; Hay Heghapokhagan Dashnaktsutiun or Dashnak or Tashnak; 1890–present) An extensive list can be found on this political parties page.

Abdul Hamid's regime, the autocratic system developed under his control that lasted more than 35 years, was destroyed. There was a unification theme, and the groups which fought against each other wished to salvage a common country. The heads of the Macedonian bands (IMRO) fraternized with the members of the "Committee of Union and Progress"; Greeks and Bulgarians embraced one another under the second biggest party, the "Liberal Union". The Bulgarian federalist wing welcomed the revolution, and they later joined mainstream political life as the People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section). The former centralists of the IMRO formed the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs, and, like the PFP, they participated in Ottoman elections.

Armenians organized under Armenakan, Social Democrat Hunchakian Party (Hunchakian) and Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF, Dashnak, Tashnag), begin to work openly as there was no more of Abdul Hamid's pressure on them. ARF, previously outlawed, became the main representative of the Armenian community, replacing the pre-1908 Armenian elite, which had been composed of merchants, artisans, and clerics who had seen their future in obtaining more privileges within the boundaries of the state's version of Ottomanism.[3]

1908–1909 Abdul Hamid II[edit]

During Abdul Hamid II's reign, the economic crises of the nineteenth century (the Long Depression was a worldwide economic recession), and aggressive exploitation and tutelage on the part of industrializing states te Ottoman Empire became a semi-colonial state.[4] Abdulhamid’s reign had new economic and infrastructural enterprises (insurance companies and banks, ports and railways) when looked closely foreign owned or sometimes in partnership with Ottoman non—Muslims.[4] Abdul Hamid II's reign marked with high cost of servicing the Government debt.[4] Government dept was administered by a council of seven, of whom five members were foreign.[4]

Election, parliament, dissatisfaction[edit]

Once the first enthusiasm had passed with little progress, dissatisfaction with the new regime became evident as early as 1909. The theme of unification did not last long. The newly established political system assumed that the citizens of the Empire could unite under one flag representing Ottomanism. The process of replacing the monarchic institutions with constitutional institutions and electoral policies was neither as simple nor as bloodless as the regime change itself. The periphery of the Empire continued to splinter under the pressures of local revolutions.

Due to Abdul Hamid's policies, equilibrium between Muslims and Christians was impossible to reach. Overburdened with religious and ethnic strife, the new government had little ability to solve the problems of the empire.

Cretan union with Greece, 1908[edit]

For more details on this topic, see Cretan State.

Just after the revolution (1908), the Cretan deputies declared union with Greece by taking advantage of revolution as well as the timing of Zaimis's vacation away from the island.[5] The 1908 left the issue unsolved between the Empire and the Cretans. In 1909, after the parliament elected the governing structure, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) decided that if order was maintained and the rights of Muslims were respected, the issue would be solved with negotiations.

Albanians and Latin alphabet, 1909[edit]

The Albanians of Tirana and Elbassan were among the first groups to join the constitutional movement. However, due to shifting national borders in the Balkans, the Albanians had been marginalized as a nationless people. The most significant factor uniting the Albanians, their spoken language, lacked a standard literary form and even a standard alphabet. Each of the three available choices, the Latin, Cyrillic, and Arabic scripts, implied different political and religious orientations opposed by one or another element of the population. In July 1908, a month after a Young Turk rebellion in Macedonia supported by an Albanian uprising in Kosovo and Macedonia escalated into widespread insurrection and mutiny within the imperial army, Sultan Abdül Hamid II agreed to demands by the Young Turks to restore constitutional rule. Many Albanians participated in the Young Turks uprising, hoping that it would gain their people autonomy within the empire. The Young Turks lifted the Ottoman ban on Albanian-language schools and on writing the Albanian language. As a consequence, Albanian intellectuals meeting in Manastir in 1908 chose the Latin alphabet as a standard script.

The new government also appealed for Islamic solidarity to break the Albanians' unity and used the Muslim clergy to try to impose the Arabic alphabet. The Albanians refused to submit to the Young Turks' campaign to "Ottomanize" them by force.

Political turmoil, 1909[edit]

Hristo Chernopeev's band (in 1903), which will be part of march to Constantinople in deposing the Countercoup (1909)

After nine months into the new government, discontent found expression in a fundamentalist movement which attempted to dismantle the Second Constitutional Era and revert it with a monarchy under Sultan Abdul Hamid II. The Sultan's countercoup gained traction when he promised to restore the Caliphate, eliminate secular policies, and restore the rule of Islamic law. Some of the leaders of Bulgarian federalist wing like Sandanski and Chernopeev participated in the march on Constantinople[6] to depose the "attempt to dismantle constitution".

1909–1918 Mehmet V[edit]

The countercoup culminated in "31 March Incident". However, it failed, and on 27 April 1909, Abdul Hamid II was finally removed from the throne, and Mehmed V became the Sultan. The constitution granted by the Sultan Mehmed V, 5 August 1909, proclaimed the equality of all subjects in the matter of taxes, military service (allowing Christians into the military for the first time), and political rights. The new constitution was perceived as a big step for the establishment of a common law for all subjects. The position of Sultan was greatly reduced to a figurehead, while still retaining some constitutional powers, such as the ability to declare war.

The new constitution, aimed to bring more sovereignty to the public, could not address certain public services, such as the Ottoman public debt, the Ottoman Bank or Ottoman Public Debt Administration because of their international character. The same held true of most of the companies which were formed to execute public works such as Baghdad Railway, tobacco and cigarette trades of two French companies the "Regie Compagnie interessee des tabacs de l'empire Ottoman", and "Narquileh tobacco".

Italian War, 1911[edit]

Italian forces in Tripoli

Italy declared war on the Empire on 29 September 1911, demanding the turnover of Tripoli and Cyrenaica. The empire's response was weak so Italian forces took those areas on 5 November of that year (this act was confirmed by an act of the Italian Parliament on 25 February 1912). Although minor, the war was an important precursor of World War I as it sparked nationalism in the Balkan states. Seeing how easily the Italians had defeated the disorganized Ottomans, the members of the Balkan League attacked the Empire before the war with Italy had ended.

Balkan Wars, 1912–1913[edit]

See also: Balkan Wars

The three new Balkan states formed at the end of the 19th century and Montenegro, sought additional territories from the Albania, Macedonia, and Thrace regions, behind their nationalistic arguments. The incomplete emergence of these nation-states on the fringes of the Ottoman Empire during the nineteenth century set the stage for the Balkan Wars. On 10 October 1912 the collective note of the powers was handed in at Constantinople. CUP responded to demands of European powers on reforms in Macedonia on 14 October.[7] But before further action could be taken war broke out. While Powers were asking Empire to reform Macedonia, under the encouragement of Russia, a series of agreements were concluded: between Serbia and Bulgaria in March 1912, between Greece and Bulgaria in May 1912, and Montenegro subsequently concluded agreements between Serbia and Bulgaria respectively in October 1912. The Serbian-Bulgarian agreement specifically called for the partition of Macedonia which resulted in the First Balkan War. In 1913 a nationalist uprising broke out in Albania, and on 8 October, the Balkan League, consisting of Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria, mounted a joint attack on the Ottoman Empire, starting the First Balkan War. The strong march of the Bulgarian forces in Thrace pushed the Ottoman armies to the gates of Istanbul. The Second Balkan War soon followed. Albania declared independence on 28 November.

Empire agreed to a ceasefire on 2 December, and its territory losses were finalized in 1913 in the treaties of London and Bucharest. Albania became independent, and the Empire lost almost all of its European territory (Kosovo, Sanjak of Novi Pazar, Macedonia and western Thrace) to the four allies.

Balkan Wars

1913-Military Hospital Camp.

1913-Cholera was common among soldiers

Retreating Ottoman soldier

Muslim refugees
Ethnic exchanges & expulsions during Balkan wars Ottomans (190,000–200,000) Greeks (150,000–160,000) Bulgarians (200,000)

Political turmoil, 1913[edit]

The liberal opposition, Liberal Entente, flexed its muscles with the forced dissolution of parliament in 1912.[4]

The peace agreement was not signed yet but the signs of humiliation of the Balkan wars worked to the advantage of the CUP.[4] The 1913 Ottoman coup d'état (23 January 1913), was carried out in the by a number of CUP members led by Ismail Enver Bey and Mehmed Talaat Bey, in which the group made a surprise raid on the central Ottoman government buildings, the Sublime Porte (Turkish: Bâb-ı Âlî). During the coup, the Minister of the Navy Nazım Pasha was assassinated and the Grand Vizier, Kâmil Pasha, was forced to resign.

The liberal, Liberal Entente, opposition had been crushed by means of the executions that followed Mahmud Sevket Pasha’s assassination in June 1913.[4] Liberal Entente supporters had been involved in the assassination. Cemal Pasha was responsible for exacting revenge against the liberals after Mahmud Sevket’s assassination.[4]

The execution of former officials had been an exception since the Tanzimat (1840s) period. During this time exile was the punishment. 75 years after the Tanzimat the public life could not be far more brutish.[4]

Cession of Kuwait, 1913[edit]

The Anglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913 was a short-lived agreement signed in July 1913 between the Ottoman sultan Mehmed V and the British over several issues. However the status of Kuwait that came to be the only lasting result, as its outcome was formal independence for Kuwait.

During World War I, the Ottoman Empire was financially crippled and the invading British forces invalidated the Anglo-Ottoman Convention, declaring Kuwait to be an "independent sheikdom under British protectorate."

Cession of Albania, 1913[edit]

Albania had been under Ottoman rule in about 1478. When Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece laid claim to Albanian-populated lands during Balkan Wars, the Albanians declared independence.[8]

The European Great Powers endorsed an independent Albania in 1913, after the Second Balkan War leaving outside the Albanian border more than half of the Albanian population and their lands, that were partitioned between Montenegro,Serbia and Greece. They were assisted by Aubrey Herbert, a British MP who passionately advocated their cause in London. As a result, Herbert was offered the crown of Albania, but was dissuaded by the British prime minister, H. H. Asquith, from accepting. Instead the offer went to William of Wied, a German prince who accepted and became sovereign of the new Principality of Albania.

The young state, however, collapsed within weeks of the outbreak of World War I.[8]

Elections, census, political situation, 1914[edit]

In 1914 the ottoman published the updated (lost of territory since 1905-06 census) tables. Before the 1914 elections, the Empire lost territory in the Balkans, where many of its Christian voters were based. The CUP made efforts to win support in the Arab provinces by making conciliatory gestures to Arab leaders. CUP overtures to Arabs was opposite to Liberal Entente's position and enabled the CUP to call elections with unionists holding the upper hand.

Ottoman Population

1914, Ottoman population.

After 1914 elections, the democratic structure had a better representation in the parliament; the parliament that emerged from the elections in 1914 reflected better ethnic composition of the Ottoman population[9] There were more Arab deputies, which were underrepresented in previous parliaments. The CUP was in the majority[4] Ottoman imperial government in the turn of 1914; January 1914 Enver became a Pasha as assigned as a minister of war; Ahmet Cemal who was the military governor of Istanbul became minister for the navy; and once a postal official Talat, became the minister of the interior.[9]

The Empire lost territory in the Balkans, where many of its Christian supporters were based. The CUP made efforts to win support in the Arab provinces by making conciliatory gestures to Arab leaders, which also weakened Arab support for the Entente and enabled the CUP to call elections with unionists holding the upper hand.

Until the Ottoman general election, 1919, any other input into the political process was restricted with the outbreak of the Word War One. The situation was summarized with a question and answer:

Could the Ottoman government of 1914 be described as a personal dictatorship under Enver, single party state under the Union and Progress party or a straight forward military regime? Answer lies between all three.[4]

Arabs, 1908-1914[edit]

In 1911, Muslim intellectuals and politicians formed "The Young Arab Society", a small Arab nationalist club, in Paris. Its stated aim was "raising the level of the Arab nation to the level of modern nations." In the first few years of its existence, al-Fatat called for greater autonomy within a unified Ottoman state rather than Arab independence from the empire. Al-Fatat hosted the Arab Congress of 1913 in Paris, the purpose of which was to discuss desired reforms with other dissenting individuals from the Arab world. They also requested that Arab conscripts to the Ottoman army not be required to serve in non-Arab regions except in time of war. However, as the Ottoman authorities cracked down on the organization's activities and members, al-Fatat went underground and demanded the complete independence and unity of the Arab provinces.[10]

Nationalist movement become prominent during this Ottoman period, but it has to be mentionas that this was among Arab nobles and common Arabs considered themselves loyal subjects of the Caliph.[11] Instead of Ottoman Caliph, the British, for their part, incited the Sharif of Mecca to launch the Arab Revolt during the First World War.[12]

Armenians, 1908-1914[edit]

During the same time the Armenian Revolutionary Federation was moving out of this context (ottomanisim) and developing, what was just a normal extension of its national freedom concept, the concept of the "Independent Armenian State". With this national transformation ARF's activities become a national cause.[13] ARF, in the early 20th century was socialists, and marxist which can be seen from the party's first program.[14]

The conflict between Ottoman government and fadayee's wasn't put to rest. At Battle of Sulukh, Kevork Chavush was critically wounded, escaped the fighting but later his body was found in Kyosabin-Bashin under a bridge. Andranik Ozanian participated in the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, within the Bulgarian army, alongside general Garegin Nzhdeh as a commander of Armenian auxiliary troops. Andranik met revolutionist Boris Sarafov in Sofia and the two pledged themselves to work jointly for the oppressed peoples of Armenia and Macedonia. Andranik participated in the First Balkan War of 1912–1913 alongside Garegin Nzhdeh as a Chief Commander of 12th Battalion of Lozengrad Third Brigade of the Macedonian-Adrianopolitan militia under the command of Colonel Aleksandar Protogerov. His detachment consisted of 273 Armenian volunteers, which was more than half of the 531 non-Macedonian born fighters in the group.

An Armenian reform package was negotiated with Russia. Russia, the protector of Armenians and acting on behalf of the Great Powers, played a crucial role introducing reforms for the Armenian citizens of the empire. The Armenian reform package, which was solidified in February 1914, was based on the arrangements nominally made in 1878. According to this arrangement the inspectors general, whose powers and duties constituted the key to the question, were to be named for a period of ten years, and their engagement was not to be revocable during that period.

Conditions before the war[edit]

Military Missions, 1914[edit]

There were three military missions active at the turn of 1914. These were the British Naval Mission led by Admiral Limpus, the French Gendarme Mission led by General Moujen, and the German Military Mission led by Goltz.

The German Military Mission become the most important among these three. The history of German-Ottoman military relations went back to the 1880s. Grand Vizier the Sait Halim Pasha and Minister of War Ahmet Izzet Pasha were instrumental in developing the initial relations. Kaiser Wilhelm II ordered Colmar Freiherr von der Goltz to establish the first German mission. General Goltz served two periods within two years. In the early 1914, the Ottoman Minister of War was a former military attaché to Berlin, Enver Pasha. About the same time, General Otto Liman von Sanders, was nominated to the command of the German 1st Army. 1st Army was the biggest located in the European side.

General Liman von Sanders and Enver Pasha practically shared the commander-in-chief position.

Capitulations and public debt, 1914[edit]

When the Capitulations were first established it was supposed that foreign assistance could benefit the Empire. Capitulations stipulated that the privileges were based on religion, and intercourse of the Christian world with the Muslim world was founded upon different principles. Privileges were based on religion is against free market values. The Muslim business was challenged against non-Muslim in international exchanges as the market was not free from any intervention by government.

Foreigners had secured many privileges or "capitulations" that they could not be brought under local jurisdiction, but were subject only to the codes of justice of their own countries, administered through their own consular courts. As a result, almost all the business of the country was in the hands of non-Ottoman citizens – Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Italians, French, Germans, and English, which were under non-Ottoman (local) jurisdiction. Wherever mines have been developed, railroads or irrigation works constructed, foreign capital and foreign brains have been chiefly responsible. This system produced an environment in which the citizens of the Empire stayed poor, and the standard of education for this group never increased. And so it would, if it were not that foreigners occupy a privileged position in the country. In fact, citizens of the United Kingdom, Italy, France, Germany, and Austria-Hungary were in many respects in a separate class from Ottoman citizens, whether Turks, Greeks, Armenians, or Jews. The Empire also perceived the capitulations as a reason for corruption. Officials, representing different jurisdictions, sought bribes at every opportunity, withheld the proceeds of a vicious and discriminatory tax system, ruined every struggling industry by graft, and fought against every show of independence on the part of Empire's many subject peoples. A citizen of any of the great powers was practically exempt from the payment of income taxes and several other kinds of taxes to which the Turk was subject. He was immune from search, could secure passports from his own consul, and could be tried in courts of his own nationality. All these special privileges together constituted a body of privileges known as "Capitulations." Ottoman public debt was part of a larger schemes of political control, through which the commercial interests of the world had seek to gain advantages that may not be to Empire's interest. The debt was administered by an Ottoman Public Debt Administration and its power was extended to the Imperial Ottoman Bank (Central bank). Debt Administration controlled many of the important revenues of the empire. The Council had power every financial affairs. Its control even extended to determine the tax on live stock in districts. The immediate purpose of the abolition of capitulations and the cancellation of foreign debt repayments was to reduce the foreign stranglehold on the Ottoman economy; a second purpose — and one to which great political weight was attached — was to extirpate non—Muslims from the economy by transferring assets to Muslim Turks and encouraging their participation with government contracts and subsidies.[15]

On 10 September 1915, Interior minister Talat Pasha abolished the "Capitulations". On 10 September 1915 Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha annulled (Vizer had the authority on annuls) the Capitulations, which ended the special privileges they granted to foreign nationals. The capitulation holders refused to recognize his action (unilateral action).[16]

Declaration of War[edit]
German light cruiser Breslau after the Pursuit of Goeben and Breslau bombarded the Black Sea port of Theodosia

On 22 July, before World War was inevitable, Enver Pasha had proposed an Ottoman-German alliance to Baron Von Wangenheim, the German ambassador, and the grand Vezir Said Halim Pasha had made similar propositions to the Austro-Hungarian ambassador.[9] Neither diplomat received the proposals with accaptance (not initially).[9] The Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria showed sympathy to one another because they suffered as a result of the territories lost with the Balkan Wars (1912–1913). They also had bitter relations with Greece. It was natural and beneficial for them to work for the development of policies that enabled them to gain better positions in the region. An Ottoman–Bulgarian alliance was signed in Sofia on 19 August 1914 during the opening month of the First World War, although at the time both the signatories were neutral.[17] The Minister of the Interior, Talaat Pasha, and President Halil Bey of the Chamber of Deputies signed the treaty on behalf of the Ottoman Empire and Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov on behalf of the Kingdom of Bulgaria.[18][year verification needed] The Ottoman–Bulgarian alliance may have been a prerequisite for Bulgaria's joining the Central Powers after Turkey entered the war.[19]

On 28 July 1914 Winston Churchill ordered the seizure of two warships being built for the navy.[20] These ships belonged to the Ottomans, having been paid for by public subscription and the public was outraged.[21]

On 2 August 1914, The Ottoman–German Alliance was ratified, shortly following the outbreak of World War I. It received the Sultan’s blessing before being signed.[9] The alliance was created as part of a joint-cooperative effort that would strengthen and modernize the ailing Ottoman military, as well as provide Germany safe passage into neighboring British colonies.

On 18 August 1914, at the outbreak of the war Ottoman government declared neutrality with the "Notification of Neutrality".[22] On 28 September the Turkish Straits were closed to naval traffic. The Straits were vital for Russian commerce and for communications between the Western Allies and Russia.

On 19 October, after the Pursuit of German battle cruiser Goeben and German light cruiser Breslau, the ships were donated by Germany to the Ottoman Navy. Along with an agreement with the German military mission, the Committee of Union and Progress did not discharge the crews of these ships. On 21 October, six hundred more German officers reported to arrive at the military mission. Then, on 29 October, the Breslau bombarded the Black Sea port of Theodosia. On 2 November the Grand Vizier expressed regret to Allies for the operations of the Navy. The Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Sazonov declared that it was too late and that Russia considered this raid an act of war. The Ottoman Cabinet explained in vain that hostilities were begun without its sanction by German officers serving in the Navy. The Allies insisted on reparations to Russia, the dismissal of German officers from the Goeben and Breslau, and the internment of the German ships until the end of the war. But on 5 November, before the Ottoman Government responded, the United Kingdom and France also declared war on the Ottoman Empire. Also on 29 October, the Allies presented a note to Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha that they had an agreement with Egypt and that any hostility towards Egypt would be treated as a declaration of war.

On 14 November, The official Declaration of War by the Committee of Union and Progress followed[23]

There were objective reasons for the Ottoman government's choice. Enver had been military attaché in Berlin from 1909 1911, but his relations with the German military mission (mainly OttoLiman von Sanders) was not on ease; as a patriot he put his faith in this soldier and the army, and deeply resented German military intervention.[9] Initially the government, especially Minister of State Talaat Pasha, had advocated choosing the British side. But, Britain had not maintained an isolated position in Europe, the answer was no to CUP.[9] Russia was the pivotal point. When Britain was drawn into the Triple Entente and began to cultivate relations with Russia, the Porte became distrustful. The Porte had gradually drifted, with opposition from the parliament, into close political relations with Germany. The relationship between the United Kingdom and France had encouraged Italy to seize Tripoli. Russian designs on the Straits (for open access to the Mediterranean and Atlantic Ocean from its Black Sea ports) were well known. These conditions put the United Kingdom, France, and Russia against Germany. The Porte's policy would naturally be inclined toward dependence on Berlin. The Ottoman-German Alliance promised to isolate Russia. In exchange for money and future control over Russian territory, the Ottoman Government abandoned a neutral position and sided with Germany. The total pre-war debt of Empire was $716,000,000. France had 60 percent of the total, Germany was 20 percent, and the United Kingdom was 15 percent. Siding with Germany, with the minimum debt holder put the Empire in the position to pay its dept or even pay a war indemnity. On the day of the signing of the alliance with Germany, the government announced the ending of foreign debt repayments.[24] The German ambassador proposed a joint protest with the empire’s other creditor—states, on the grounds that international regulations must not be unilaterally abrogated, but no agreement could be reached on the text of the protest note.[25]

Conscription for the War[edit]
The Şeyhülislam declaring a Holy War against the Entente Powers

How the mobilization (the ranks going to be filled) will be achieved? With the Young Turk Revolution a new military conscription law was prepared by the Ministry of War in October 1908 (Military law included all citizens of the empire. Opposition to military service explained in conscription in the Ottoman Empire). According to the draft law, all subjects between ages of twenty and forty five were to fulfill a mandatory military service.

Will Muslims fight on the ranks? On 13 November 1914 at a ceremony in the Sultan Mehrned V ’s presence and with the relics of the Prophet, ‘holy war’ was proclaimed.[26] Five juridical opinions legitimized the call, for the first time addressed to all Muslims — particularly those in territories ruled by the colonial powers of Britain, France and Russia — to rise against the infidel.[27] There was some enthusiasm for this appeal to the Muslim community at large among Arab clerics, but the Sharif of Mecca support was critical, and Sharif Husayn, refused to associate himself by stating this might provoke a blockade, and possibly bombardment, of the ports of the Hijaz by the British (which controlled the Red Sea and Egypt).[28] Reaction from wider Islamic world was muted — in Egypt and India, for instance, juridical opinions asserted that it was obligatory to obey the British’.[29]

The main burden of providing combat manpower fell on the Turkish peasantry of Anatolia, which accounted for some 40 per cent of total Ottoman population at the outset of the war.[30]

World War I, 1914–1918[edit]

The Ottoman Empire was an agricultural state which had thrown itself into an industrialized war.[31] The great land mass of Anatolia was between the Ottoman army’s headquarters and many of the theaters of war. During Abdulhamit II reign civilian communications had improved, but the road and rail network was not ready for a war.[32] It took more than a month to reach Syria and nearly two months to reach Mesopotamia. To reach the border with Russia; the railway was only 60 km east of Ankara, and from there it was 35 days to Erzurum.[33] It took less time to arrive any of these fronts from London than from Ottoman War Department, given the poor condition of Ottoman compared to British supply ships.

The Empire fell into disorder with the declaration of war along with Germany. On 11 November a conspiracy was discovered in Constantinople against Germans and the Committee, in which some of the Committee leaders were shot. This followed the 12 November revolt in Adrianople against the German military mission. On 13 November a bomb exploded in Enver Pasha's palace, which killed five German officers but missed the Enver Pasha. These events were followed on 18 November with more anti-German plots. Committees formed around the country to rid the country of those siding with Germany. Army and navy officers protested against the assumption of authority by Germans. On 4 December widespread riots took place throughout the country. On 13 December there was an anti-war demonstration by women in Konak and Erzurum. Throughout December the CUP dealt with mutiny among soldiers in barracks and among naval crews. The head of the German Military Mission Field Marshal von der Goltz had a conspiracy against his life.

War with Russia[edit]
Top: Destruction in the city of Erzurum; Left Upper: Russian forces; Left Lower: Wounded Muslim refugees; Right Upper:Ottoman forces; Right Lower: Armenian refuges

Ottoman's entrance into the war greatly increased the Triple Entente's military burdens. Russia had to fight on the Caucasus Campaign alone and in the Persian Campaign along with the United Kingdom. İsmail Enver Pasha set off for the Battle of Sarıkamış with the intention of recapturing Batum and Kars, overrunning Georgia and occupying north-western Persia and the oil fields. Fighting the Russians in the Caucasus, however, the Ottomans lost ground, and over 100,000 soldiers, in a series of battles. 60,000 Ottoman soldiers died in the winter of 1916—17 on the Mus—Bitlis section of the front.[34]

The 1917 Russian revolution gave the Ottomans a new chance. On 5 December 1917, the armistice of Erzincan (Erzincan Cease-fire Agreement) signed between the Russians and Ottomans in Erzincan that ended the armed conflicts between Russia and Ottoman Empire.[35] On 3 March, the Grand vizier Talat Pasha signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with the Russian SFSR. It stipulated that Bolshevik Russia cede Batum, Kars, and Ardahan. These lands had been captured by Russia during the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878). In addition to these provisions, a secret clause was inserted which obligated the Russians to demobilize Armenian national forces.[36]

Between 14 March – April 1918 the Trabzon peace conference held among the Ottoman Empire and the delegation of the Transcaucasian Diet. Enver Pasha offered to surrender all ambitions in the Caucasus in return for recognition of the Ottoman reacquisition of the east Anatolian provinces at Brest-Litovsk at the end of the negotiations.[37] On 5 April, the head of the Transcaucasian delegation Akaki Chkhenkeli accepted the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk as a basis for more negotiations and wired the governing bodies urging them to accept this position.[38] The mood prevailing in Tiflis was very different. Tiflis acknowledge the existence of a state of war between themselves and the Ottoman Empire.[38]

In April 1918, the Ottoman 3rd Army finally went on the offensive. In early May 1918, the Ottoman army faced with the newly declared Democratic Republic of Armenia. The conflict led to the Battle of Sardarapat, the Battle of Kara Killisse (1918), and the Battle of Bash Abaran. On 28 May 1918, the Dashnaks of Armenian national liberation movement declared the Democratic Republic of Armenia. The new Republic of Armenia was forced to sign the Treaty of Batum.

In July, Ottomans faced with the Centrocaspian Dictatorship at the Battle of Baku, with the goal of taking Baku on the Caspian Sea.

War in Caucasus and Persia

1st battalion of the Armenian volunteer unit. It was under the command of the Andranik during Persian Campaign.[39]

5th Infantry Regiment officers of the Battle of Sardarabad
War with Britain and France[edit]
February–April 1915, The Battle of Gallipoli

There were three British campaigns directed to the Ottoman Empire; Dardanelles, (with France), Mesopotamia and Sinai-Palestine-Syria. The first of these campaigns was a naval and land campaign and the other two were land campaigns.

The British captured Basra in November 1914, and marched north into Iraq.[40] Initially Ahmed Djemal Pasha was ordered to gather an army in Palestine to threaten the Suez Canal. In response, the Allies—including the newly formed Australian and New Zealand Army Corps ("ANZACs")—opened another front with the Battle of Gallipoli. The army led by Ahmed Djemal Pasha (Fourth Army) to eject the British from Egypt was stopped at the Suez canal in February 1915, and again the next summer.[41]

The aim of the Dardanelles campaign was to support Russia. The United Kingdom was obliged to defend India and the southern Persian oil territory by undertaking the Mesopotamian campaign. Britain also had to protect Egypt in the Sinai-Palestine-Syria Campaign. These campaigns strained Allied resources and relieved Germany.

Te repulse of British forces in Palestine in the spring of 1917 was followed by the loss of Jerusalem in December of the same year.[42]

The Ottomans were eventually defeated due to key attacks by the British general Edmund Allenby.

War in Mesopotamian, Sinai and Palestine and Gallipoli

British troops entering Baghdad March 1917

6th Army field HQ

In 1917, Ottoman forces at the shores of the Dead Sea
Empire in home front[edit]
"Top:" The size of the stars show where the active conflicts occurred in 1915 "Left Upper:" Armenians defending the walls of Van in the spring of 1915 "Left Lower:" Armenian Resistance in Urfa "Right:" A seventy-year-old Armenian priest leading Armenians to battle field.

The war tested to the limit the empire’s relations with its Arab population.[43] In February 1915 in Syria, Cemal Pasha exercised absolute power in both military and civil affairs.[44] Cemal Pasha was convinced that an uprising among local Arabs was imminent.[45] Leading Arabs were executed, and notable families deported to Anatolia.[46] Cemal’s policies did nothing to alleviate the famine that was gripping Syria; rather it was exacerbated by a British and French blockade of the coastal ports, the requisitioning of transports, profiteering and — strikingly — Cemal’s preference for spending scarce funds on public works and the restoration of historic monuments[47] During the war, Britain had been a major sponsor of Arab nationalist thought and ideology, primarily as a weapon to use against the power of the Ottoman Empire. Although the Arab forces were promised a state that included much of the Arabian Peninsula and the Fertile Crescent the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement between Britain and France provided for the territorial division of much of that region between the two imperial powers. Sharif Hussein ibn Ali rebelled against the Ottoman rule during the Arab Revolt of 1916. In August he was replaced by Sharif Haydar, but in October he proclaimed himself king of Arabia and in December was recognized by the British as an independent ruler.[48] There was little Empire could do to influence the course of events, other than try to prevent news of the uprising spreading, lest it demoralize the stricken army or act as a spur to anti—Ottoman Arab factions.[49]

During the first year of the war Russia armed Armenian insurgents who fought against their own government in north-east Anatolia at the battlefield and were regarded as traitors.[50] The Ottoman government also faced difficulties on the home front, including Armenian rebellions in Anatolia (Zeitun, Van, Musa Dagh, Urfa, Shabin-Karahisar). n eastern Anatolia attacks on Ottoman government offices, on representatives of the government, and on Muslim civilians alike vent on throughout the early months of the war and, with the war effort in peril on all fronts.[51] Matters became alarming when in mid—May a Russian—Armenian army reached Van (in article Siege of Van) driving out the garrison and massacring the population before setting up an Armenian government (in article Republic of Van).[52] on 27 May the government passed the ‘Deportation Law’ (in article Tehcir Law), whereby the military authorities were authorized to relocate the Armenians.[53] From 1 June 1915 to 8 February 1916 (deportation) of Armenians from the region. Most academics define the deportations as the Armenian Genocide.[54] This view is disputed by the Turkish Government, which maintains that most of the Armenian mortalities were the result of conditions that had effect on World War I casualties, and the civil war within the historical roots of the region, which pushed Armenian and Muslim populations, back-and-forth within the war zone. Turkish authorities also claim that deportations (Tehcir Law) were not the main contribution to total Armenian mortality during World War I and the claims for an organized crime against the Armenians, by Teskilati Mahsusa or the special organization were also in dispute, even if the very bad conditions of the Armenians (also some Muslims) were not.

Home front

Soldiers of the Sharif of Mecca carrying the Arab Flag during the Arab Revolt of 1916–1918

Resistance members from the Adapazari committee, 1915.

Murad of Sebastia and his comrades fought at Sivas during 1915

1918–1922 Mehmet VI[edit]

Just before the end of the war, Sultan Mehmet V died and Mehmet VI became the new Sultan.

Armistice of Mudros, 1918[edit]

Main article: Armistice of Mudros

World War One was a disaster for the Ottoman Empire. The land loss was enormous and several million Ottomans were killed. The Midilli was sunk by a mine at the entrance to the Dardanelles on 20 January 1918 and the Yavuz Sultan Selim was beached by British warships on the same day. On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed, ending Ottoman involvement in World War 1.

Ottoman casualties of World War I[edit]

Ottoman casualties of World War I both for civilian and military is enormous regardless of the method used in the calculations. The military casualties were published in the book Ordered to Die: A History of the Ottoman Army in the First World War, but the post-war partitioning of the Ottoman Empire made the estimation of the total civilian casualties harder. Also, it was not a novelty in world history to see from time to time people forced to move from one region to another, be it in the form of refugees, of population transfer, or of search for political asylum, but World War I and its aftermath caused migrations at unprecedented large scales, including the Ottoman Empire citizens.[55]

One result of the enormous loss of life was a shortage of manpower to work the land. At a time when the army’s requirements took precedence over civilian needs, those left at home often endured conditions as miserable as those serving at the front.[56]


1918 was marked by food shortages and famine, which wreaked havoc on the Empire

Collection of civilian corpses from Erzinzan

General Assembly of the Ottoman Empire's investigation committee in eastern anatolia

Occupation of the Capital, 1918[edit]

The occupation of the capital by British (first), French (second) and Italian (third) forces.[57] Occupation took place in accordance with the Armistice of Mudros. Mudros ended Ottoman participation in the First World War. The occupation had two stages: the initial occupation took place from 13 November 1918 to 16 March 1920; from 16 March 1920, it was made lasting by the Treaty of Sevres. 1918 saw the first time Constantinople had changed hands since the Ottoman Turks conquered the Byzantine capital in 1453.

Allied troops occupied zones based on the sections and set up an Allied military administration early in December 1918.[58]

Allied inability to resolve even administrative matters in an amicable fashion was symbolized by the curious episode of the movement that emerged almost immediately to convert Ayasofya back to a church from the mosque it had been for over four and a half centuries.[59] The event became a symbol of Christian activism to reclaim the former Byzantine basilica.[a][60] The occupying force has to deal with the division between Orthodox and Latin Christians with an unexpected outcome that the church should not be Greek Orthodox at all, but Greek Uniate, in union with Rome.[61] The same argument that Ottoman Sultan faced in 1453.


The initial peace agreement with the Ottoman Empire was the Armistice of Mudros. This was followed by the Occupation of Constantinople. The partitioning of the Ottoman Empire brought international conflicts which were discussed during the Paris Peace Conference, 1919. The peace agreement, the Treaty of Sèvres, was eventually signed by the Ottoman Empire and Allies.

The Treaty of Sèvres presented one of the thorniest problems before the Paris Peace Conference, 1919. The text of the treaty were not made public with the Ottomans until May 1920. Contrary to general expectations, the Sultanate was not terminated, and it was allowed to retain Constantinople and a small strip of territory around the city. The shores of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles were planned to be internationalized, so that the gates of the Black Sea would be kept open. West Anatolia was offered to Greece, and East Anatolia was offered to Armenia. The Mediterranean coast, although still a part of the Ottoman Empire, was partitioned between two zones of influence for France and Italy. The interior of Anatolia, the first seat of Ottoman power six centuries ago, continued to be under Turkish sovereignty.

Question of the Ottomanism[edit]

After the war, the Ottomanism lost it's validity. At the turn of the 20th century, multi—ethnic empires failed to satisfy the aspirations of large numbers of their subjects, and national states were widely viewed as the wave of the future.[62]

Ottoman Jews who subscribed to the idea of ‘Ottomanism,’ also had the World Zionist Organization established in Istanbul; and until the First World War its activities focused on cultural matters, although political aims were never absent.[63] Before the First Word War Herzl's attempts to reach a political agreement with the Ottoman rulers of Palestine were unsuccessful. The WZO supported small-scale settlement in Palestine and focused on strengthening Jewish feeling and consciousness and on building a worldwide federation. At the start of World War I, most Jews (and Zionists) supported Germany in its war with Russia. The Balfour Declaration (dated 2 November 1917) and also Henry McMahon had exchanged letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca in 1915, was a turn (or beginning) to another concept (Jewish national home vs. Jewish state) which is explained under Homeland for the Jewish people

Whether Ottoman Armenians favored gradual (autonomy under the empire) or revolutionary (the First Republic of Armenia) change, they too had had close, if uneasy, relations; like other non—Muslim groups staied under the Empire during this period.[64] Many, however, saw a chance of achieving an independent state if Russia won the war, and Russian propaganda encouraged them in this hope.[65]

Whether Ottoman Kurds favored the Empire or not, in 1918, Kurdish Tribial leader Sharif Pasha pressed the British to adopt a policy supporting autonomous Kurdish state. He suggested that British officials be charged with deputizing administer the regions and control their finances. Strategically, he desired movement towards this plan to be made before the end of the war and the Paris Peace Conference. Because of Sharif Pasha's friendship with Armenians, after he was chosen to represent the Kurds by various Kurdish nationalist organizations at the Peace Conference, a Kurdo-Armenian peace accord was reached between Pasha and Armenian representatives at the conference in 1919. The British persuaded the Kurdish and Armenian representatives to sign this Kurdish-Armenian declaration of solidarity. The British thought this would increase the likelihood of independent Kurdish and Armenian states that would create a buffer between British Mesopotamia and the Turks.[66]

Question of the CUP, 1919-1920[edit]

The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was the ruling party during this period. There were Turkish Courts-Martial of 1919-20 in which the leadership of the CUP and selected former officials were court-martialled with/including the charges of subversion of the constitution, wartime profiteering, and the massacres of both Greeks and Armenians.[67] The courts-martial became a stage for political battles. The trials helped the Liberal Union root out the CUP from the political arena.

Question of the Sultanate, 1922[edit]

1922, Departure of Mehmed VI who was the last Sultan of the Ottoman Empire

The Treaty of Sèvres was destined never to be ratified. Elections were held throughout Anatolia and with the participation of some parliamentarians, who had escaped from Constantinople, a new government was formed in Ankara. The rest of the story is the Turkish War of Independence.The Treaty of Lausanne made the new Turkish State internationally recognized. This new state gave the 'coup de grâce' to the Ottoman state, in 1922, with the overthrow of Sultan Mehmet VI Vahdettin by the new republican assembly of Turkey.

Question of the Caliphate, 1924[edit]

Besides the control of the physical lands, another question of importance was originated from the Ottoman Caliphate. The Ottoman Caliphs never claimed to be religious descendant of the Prophet but they were nonetheless an important authority figure within the Ottoman Empire. Muslims of India and of Anatolia supported and recognized the Ottoman caliphate for instance. As Sultans of the Empire, the Ottoman rulers had a very strong position, but the Sultan of Morocco, the Mahdists of the Egyptian Sudan, the Senussi in the Libyan Desert, the Wahabis in central Arabia, never acknowledged the title of Caliph as being higher than the Sultans' as the leader of state. Such recognition was also not given by the Arabs of the Hedjaz, Palestine, and Syria, which contain the holy places of Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem.

The last official remnant of the empire—the title of caliphate—was constitutionally abolished on 3 March 1924. With the abolishment of the Ottoman Caliphate by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, throughout the country from Makkah to Aleppo and from Sarejevo to Dhaka, the Ottoman Caliph's name was replaced in the Friday liturgy by that of Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca, the hereditary guardian of the holy cities of the Hedjaz, who briefly assumed the title of caliph.


  • Lewis, Bernard (30 August 2001). The Emergence of Modern Turkey (3 ed.). Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 0-19-513460-5. 
  • David, Murphy (2008). The Arab Revolt 1916–18 Lawrence sets Arabia Ablaze (3 ed.). Osprey: London. ISBN 978-1-84603-339-1. 
  • Erickson, Edward J. (2001). Ordered to Die: A History of the Ottoman Army in the First World War. Westport, CT: Greenwood. 
  • Trumpener, Ulrich (1962). "Turkey's Entry into World War I: An Assessment of Responsibilities". Journal of Modern History 34 (4): 369–80. doi:10.1086/239180. 
  • Finkel, Caroline (2007). Osman's Dream: The History of the Ottoman Empire. Basic Books. 
  • McDowall, David (1996). A Modern History of the Kurds. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 1850436533. 


  1. ^ the return of the building to the Ecumenical Patriarch, under the impetus of philanthropic sentiment, was seen as a means of cementing a strategic alliance with Greece.


  1. ^ McCarthy, Justin Death and Exile: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims, 1821-1922, Darwin Press Incorporated, 1996, ISBN 0-87850-094-4, Chapter one, The land to be lost, p. 1.
  2. ^ a b c (Finkel 2007, pp. 533)
  3. ^ Zapotoczny, Walter S. "The Influence of the Young Turks". Retrieved 11 August 2011. 
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k (Finkel 2007, pp. 526)
  5. ^ Ion, Theodore P., "The Cretan Question", The American Journal of International Law, April 1910, pp. 276–284
  6. ^ The Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol.7, Edited by Hugh Chisholm, (1911), 3; Constantinople, the capital of the Turkish Empire...
  7. ^ Archives Diplomatiques, third series, vol. 126, p. 127.
  8. ^ a b Raymond Zickel and Walter R. Iwaskiw (1994). ""National Awakening and the Birth of Albania, 1876–1918", Albania: A Country Study". Retrieved 9 April 2008. 
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  10. ^ Choueiri, pp.166–168.
  11. ^ Karsh, Islamic Imperialism, 229
  12. ^ Karsh, Islamic Imperialism, 8–9
  13. ^ Dasnabedian, Hratch, "The ideological creed" and "The evolution of objectives" in "a balance sheet of the ninety years", Beirut, 1985, pp. 73-103
  14. ^ Documents for the history of the ARF, II, 2nd Edition, Beirut, 1985, pp. 11-14
  15. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 536)
  16. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  17. ^ Trumpener 1962, p. 370 n. 8.
  18. ^ (Trumpener 1966, p. 185)
  19. ^ Erickson 2001, p. 19.
  20. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 528)
  21. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 528)
  22. ^ Notification of Neutrality
  23. ^ CUP Declaration of War, 14 November
  24. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 528)
  25. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 528)
  26. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  27. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  28. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  29. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
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  32. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  33. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  34. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 530)
  35. ^ Tadeusz Swietochowski, Russian Azerbaijan 1905–1920, page 119.
  36. ^ Hovannisian. "Armenia's Road to Independence", pp. 288–289. ISBN 1-4039-6422-X.
  37. ^ Ezel Kural Shaw History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Page 326
  38. ^ a b Richard Hovannisian "The Armenian people from ancient to modern times" Pages 292–293
  39. ^ Aram, "Why Armenia Should be Free", page 22
  40. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 530)
  41. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 530)
  42. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 530)
  43. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  44. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 531)
  45. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  46. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  47. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
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  50. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 533–534)
  51. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 534)
  52. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 534)
  53. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 534)
  54. ^ Josh Belzman (23 April 2006). "PBS effort to bridge controversy creates more". MSNBC. Retrieved 5 October 2006. 
  55. ^ S.C Josh (1999), "Sociology of Migration and Kinship" Anmol Publications PVT. LTD. p 55
  56. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  57. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  58. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  59. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  60. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  61. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 537)
  62. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 536)
  63. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  64. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  65. ^ (Finkel 2007, pp. 529)
  66. ^ (McDowall 1996, pp. 131–137)
  67. ^ Armenien und der Völkermord: Die Istanbuler Prozesse und die Türkische Nationalbewegung. Hamburg: Hamburger Edition. 1996.  p. 185.

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