Doi Moi

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Đổi Mới (pronounced [ɗo᷉i mə̌ːi]; English: Renovation) is the name given to the economic reforms initiated in Vietnam in 1986 with the goal of creating a "socialist-oriented market economy". The term đổi mới itself is a general term with wide use in the Vietnamese language, however the Doi Moi Policy (Chính sách Đổi Mới) refers specifically to these reforms. The communist government in the north, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), adopted centrally planned economy since its inception; State enterprises were played a central role in the heavy industry led development policy and collective farming was initiated. However, the command economy was abolished by the late 1980's following the 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam

Early reforms[edit]

While Doi Moi was launched at the 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam in 1986, the state had initiated reforms in the early 1980's. When Vietnam faced economic problems insulating the centralized planning system in the late 1970's, early signs of reforms can be observed already. There was debate started about decentralization of some decision making and provisions of more incentives for production expansion at the Six Party Plenum in August 1979.[1] In October and November 1978, cooperative leaders in the north were permitted to rent out fields to members during the winter as long as the latter produced winter crops collectively for required number of days and return the land in time for growing paddy in the spring. Moreover, with the party's Central Executive Committee and the government's Council of Ministers, farmers were able to grow small parts of a cooperative's poorest field for five years. These tiny measures were among the initial steps which contributed to the restoration of agricultural land to private households.[2] In 1980, with Decree 40 issued, provincial governments were permitted to establish trading firms. Since foreign trading constituted the primacy of the planned economy, this is one of areas where the state launched serious reforms. The monopoly of foreign trade by the state in Vietnam was broken by this decision.[3]

In 1981, other important measures were issued. One of them was guidelines directive 100 with respect to contracts in the agricultural sector. This new contract system had four main features. First, farmland was distributed to individual working age members. Second, individual worker or group was able to be in charge of several phases of farming under contract with cooperatives. Third, each person or group was obliged to sell part of the output grown in the assigned filed. Last, farmers could retain all production beyond the quota.[2] In addition, there was a decision issued by the state, Decree 25-CP allowing state enterprises to produce beyond planned output with the adaptation of the three plan system. According to the system, a single plan was composed of three elements, Plan A, Plan B and Plan C. Once state enterprises produce and sell to the state using inputs supplied, Plan B would allow them to dispose of their products freely. Moreover, state enterprises would be allowed to produce the minor under Plan C. This system was one of the contributors to the recovery in state industrial output of the early 1980's.[4] Following these measures, numerous consumer products were removed from the ration list so as to increase trade at market prices and ease a lack of them within the state trade system.[5]

Background[edit]

It was de facto a top-down reform program that required a handful of most influential high-ranking political figures of Vietnam in mid-1980s.[6]

Prior to the Doi Moi, Vietnam faced an economic crisis; inflation soared to over 700 per cent, economic growth slowed down, and export revenues covered only less than the total value of imports. They resulted in intense debate about past faults under the central planning system and the need to introduce a major change in the run up to the Sixth Party Congress.[7]

Moreover, one of the important developments which provoked change was the death of Party Secretary, Le Duan, in July 1986.[8] Long time party leaders including Le Duan, Truong Chinh and Pham Van Dong were deemed attributed to part of the crisis of Vietnamese state socialism.[9] As a result, the Sixth Party Congress elected as Party Secretary more liberal Nguyen Van Linh at the Sixth Party Congress in December 1986. In addition, there were three political series encouraging the leaders to take subsequent measures. strong pressures from technocrats and pro-market reformists for a final solution to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam model, based upon the political collapse of hard reform socialism after the 1985 (currency) debacle; support from rising commercial interests within the state sector, to which reform meant even better access to economic benefits; and support from southern liberals who wished to see a return to the pre-1975 system.[8]

Subsequent reforms[edit]

Facing these economic problems, it was agreed at 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam in December 1986 that the centrally management system dependent on state subsides was abolished and a focus was shifted to the creation of a market driven economy with different sectors where competitions between the private sector and the state in non-strategic sectors would exist.[1] In 1987 there were significant reductions in the number of checkpoints set to prevent domestic trade.[10] Markets where private agricultural products were allowed to be sold were rapidly growing. Moreover, Foreign Investment Law was enacted in 1988.

Privately owned enterprises were permitted in commodity production (and later encouraged) by the Communist Party of Vietnam. The first half of the 1990's observed changes in the legal framework for the private sector.[11] In 1990, Law on Private Enterprises which provided a legal basis to private firms was enacted, while Companies Law acknowledged Joint-stock company and private limited liability company. The constitution established in 1992 officially recognized the role of the private sector.

Furthermore, the push to collectivize the industrial and agricultural sectors of Vietnam, previously the focus of intense efforts by the Communist authorities, was abandoned. Under Đổi Mới state subjects were defined for the first time by the Party as members of households.[12]

With respect to reforms in the agricultural sector, Land Law was enacted in 1988, stipulating the recognition of private land use rights by the state. In addition, Central Committee Resolution 10 was issued; according to this resolution, farmers were permitted to use land for long term and sell their products on the free market and not obliged to participate in cooperatives.[1] Households in almost all the cooperatives in the Red River delta were given rights to agricultural fields by late 1988. Their use rights last for less than ten years in the majority of farmland.[2]

One of measures regarding state owned enterprises was Decree 217-HDBT in November 1987. This was a crucial part of the Doi Moi as with full rights over capital given to state enterprises, they enjoyed more independence and autonomy.[13] The Decree would change operations of state enterprises in a number of ways; to introduce an accounting system based on profits, to replace output targets with profit targets for most enterprises, to provide more autonomy to managers in state enterprises in relation to production, human resources and financial decisions making, to eliminate allocation of budgets and inputs to state enterprises, as well as restrictions on selling on the free market, to provide subsidies only in the form of loans by state-owned commercial banks, and to allow for retaining depreciation charges other than large public projects.[14]

Ideology behind reforms[edit]

Doi Moi reforms led to the development of what is now referred to as the Socialist-oriented market economy,[15] where the state plays a decisive role in the economy, but private enterprise and cooperatives play a significant role in commodity production. On the one hand, the Communist Party of Vietnam has reaffirmed its commitment to the socialist economic orientation, and that Doi Moi renovations of the economy are intended to strengthen socialism.[16]

On the other hand, Doi Moi was inspired not only by socialist conceptions but also by the example of the newly industrialized countries in East and Southeast Asia. Indeed, in 1987-1989, the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia enabled Hanoi to improve its relations with the various ASEAN countries, and thanks to this rapprochement, the Vietnamese leadership gained substantial insight into the modernization process of these states.

For instance, in November 1987 a Vietnamese economic delegation headed by Deputy Premier Võ Văn Kiệt visited Indonesia with the aim of studying the recent development of the Indonesian economy. The delegation drew the following lessons from Indonesia's experiences. First, they concluded that priority should be given to the development of agriculture, particularly food production. Second, industry should serve and assist agriculture. Third, oil production would stimulate the development of chemical industry and other branches of manufacturing. Fourth, favorable conditions should be provided for foreign direct investment.[17]

Impact[edit]

Almost overnight the "big bang" economic liberalization transformed a stagnant peasant economy into a vibrant, market-driven, capitalist system.[18] The apparent and sudden swelling of ranks of petty entrepreneurs produced a boom in local markets and the emergence of 'street front capitalism' in urban areas.

Before 1988, there were no private enterprises operating in Vietnam, apart from family firms that did not employ wage labor. [19] With the Company Law in 1990 enacted, the number of private enterprises increased; there were 190 joint stock companies and 8,900 limited liability companies registered by 1996.[1] Private sectors played an important role in the service sector as the share in the retail trade activity increased from 41% to 76% in 1996. Moreover, the enactment of Enterprise Law in 2002 which eliminated 150 business licenses and permits and lowered the time and cost for registration, led to a steady increase in the number of private companies; the number of newly registered private enterprises reached 36,000 in 2004 up from 14,457 in 2000.[20] By June 2004, the total number of firms registered under the Enterprise Law reached to 95,357.

With regard to the impact on state enterprises, initial measures such as a pilot equitisation program did result in little progress in terms of the number of state owned enterprises equitised; they were only 15 state enterprises equitized by 1997. In order to speed up the process, the state established a Central Steering Committee on Equitisation chaired by the Ministry of Finance.[1] Moreover, the state transferred to relevant ministries or provincial leaders decisions on the equitisation of SOEs with a total of VND 10 billion. As a result, state enterprises were constantly equitized between 1998 and 2000; over 100 in 1998, 250 in 1999, and 210 in 2000.[13] Furthermore, the total number of SOEs experiencing equitilization between 2001 and 2005 reached 2,188.[21]

Alternative view[edit]

Shadow economies[edit]

Some sources claim that there was already a shadow market of unregulated enterprises operating in Vietnam before Doi Moi. They were often family oriented commercial and peasant enterprises, financiers, currency traders and smugglers. There are three reasons pointed out for the prolonged existence of the outside economy in Vietnam since the inception of the planned economy.[22] First, due to loosening monetary policies, there was an increase in procumbent prices of rice and in workers’ wage, boosting the demand for food consumption. Second, the party was not capable enough of managing agricultural collectivization. Agriculture cooperative members attempted to produce beyond the so-called ‘5 percent land’ while the state found it hard to punish them by force due to concerns about losing their popular support in the midst of war. Third, the state lacked in experiences of governing the system. Due to poor experiences, SOEs did not follow what they were ordered to do by line ministers, and rather became active about obtaining inputs in order to meet plan targets and amass capital necessary for future unplanned economies.

In the industrial sector, state enterprises could manufacture ‘non-list’ goods outside the plan by utilizing technologies which required little fixed capital.[23] While the state attempted to control the sector to alleviate this outside activities, petty producers resisted the imposition and rather diverted inputs obtained at low subsided prices to the free market.[24]

Looking at the agriculture sector, villagers had their own private fields to grow crops outside the collective lands. It was reported that villagers worked the whole day on their individual household plots; however, they devoted little effort to collective fields.[2] The Government Agriculture Commission reported in 1974 that due to preoccupations with provisions of food to their families, leaders of cooperatives in Hai Hung was able to deploy only 30-40% of the required labour force for collective work.[25] Consequently, the share of average income from collective work for farmers dropped to 30% in 1971 from 38% in the early 1960’s, while the state predicted that it would rise 60% by late 1960’s.[26] Furthermore, when the state enlarged cooperatives in the wake of the reunification, one of ways to survive was to make earning other than collective farming [27] What they produced for their income outside collective cooperative include paddy, potatoes, pigs, poultry, vegetables and fruits in household plots.[28]

Regarding foreign trade activities, while foreign trade was centrally controlled by the state, consumer goods were sent back home by Vietnamese who worked or studied in the socialist countries in the first stages up to the reunification.[29] The sources of commercial goods diversified since then; these vary from gifts shipped by overseas Vietnamese to their families, to goods left over during the US occupation of the south which were tradable in the Soviet for raising capital.[30] Further, neighboring countries such as Laos and Cambodia provided opportunities to smuggle goods into Vietnam. There were two types of goods smuggling from Cambodia; the first one included those left behind by victims of the Khmer Rouge, while the other were those imported from Thailand. For instance, Thai beer being imposed high duties was usually smuggled by the sea route into Vietnam.[31]

Thus, the informal sector was not spawned by 1986 Doi Moi policy reform, as some observers have assumed. The existing shadow economy helped set the stage for economic reforms by supporting peasant agriculture, fostering the accumulation and productive investment of local capital, creating urban goods and services, maintaining a spirit of entrepreneurship, and proving to the government that an alternative path to national development was possible.[32]

Resistance from farmers[edit]

While it is widely believed that top communist leaders initiated reforms since 1986, it is also argued that villagers brought changes in national politics, resulting in the demise of collective farming.[2] Farmers in the north resisted collective farming as the state enlarged it following the reunification.[33] Means by which they were opposed included criticizing leaders in public, stealing grains, and showing laziness about working on collective fields and attempting to earn as much as outside the collective farming with diligent farming and more fertilizer.[34] With cooperative situations worsening, the state conducted investigations; the Communist Party’s Agriculture Committee acknowledges the stagnation of agricultural and livestock production.[35] Moreover, officials working at a research institute of the Ministry of Agriculture and the Committee emphasized that material incentives and more opportunities to do family farming be given to farmers, which was backed by some of high ranking party and government officials.[36] Changes in the government stance toward collective farming led to the adaptation of Directive 100 (product contract) in January 1981. The product contract arrangement initially brought positive impact on production; nevertheless, villagers continued to express their frustration with the system, particularly high quotas and corruption.[37] Furthermore, cooperatives were not able to conduct assigned work under the product contract arrangement. As family farming increasingly took place of the contract arrangement, National leaders gave up collective farming completely with Land Law in 1987 and resolution 10 in 1988.[38]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b c d e Brian Van Arkadie and Raymond Mallon,VIET NAM: a transition tiger. Asia Pacific Press, January 2004
  2. ^ a b c d e Benefict J. Tria Kerkvliet. The Power of Everyday Politics: How Vietnamese Peasants Transformed National Policy. Ithaca, USA: Cornell University Press. 2005
  3. ^ Melanie Beresford and Dang Phong. Economic Transition in Vietnam: Trade and Aid in the Demise of a Centrally Planned Economy. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Dlgar. 2000
  4. ^ Adam Fforde and Stefan de Vylder, From Plan to Market: The Economic Transition in Vietnam. the US: Westview Press 1996.
  5. ^ Melanie Beresford and Dang Phong. Economic Transition in Vietnam: Trade and Aid in the Demise of a Centrally Planned Economy Cheltenham, UK: Edward Dlgar. 2000.
  6. ^ Vuong, Q.H.; Dam, V.N,; Van Houtte, D.; and Tran, T.D. (Dec 2011). "The entrepreneurial facets as precursor to Vietnam's economic renovation in 1986". The IUP Journal of Entrepreneurship Development VIII (4): 6–47. Retrieved 25 December 2012. 
  7. ^ Brian Van Arkadie and Raymond Mallon,[1] VIET NAM: a transition tiger. Asia Pacific Press, January 2004
  8. ^ a b Jonathan London, Vietnam and the making of market-Leninism, Pacific Review, Vol 22, No 3, pp 375–399. 2009
  9. ^ ibid
  10. ^ ibid.
  11. ^ Katariina Hakkala and Ari Kokko. The State and The Private Sector in Vietnam. Working Paper 236. June 2007
  12. ^ Jayne Werner Gender, Household and State in Post-Revolutionary Vietnam Routledge p51 "under Đổi Mới state subjects were defined as members of households"
  13. ^ a b Scott Colin Cheshier, The new class in Vietnam, PhD dissertation, School of Business and Management, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010.
  14. ^ Brian Van Arkadie and Raymond Mallon,VIET NAM: a transition tiger. Asia Pacific Press, January 2004 P.124
  15. ^ http://www.tapchicongsan.org.vn/details_e.asp?Object=29152838&News_ID=18459436
  16. ^ http://www.cpv.org.vn/cpv/Modules/News/NewsDetail.aspx?co_id=30107&cn_id=144322
  17. ^ Balázs Szalontai, The Diplomacy of Economic Reform in Vietnam: The Genesis of Doi Moi, 1986-1989. Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 51, Issue 2 (June 2008), pp. 199-252. Downloadable at https://www.academia.edu/6097480/The_Diplomacy_of_Economic_Reform_in_Vietnam_The_Genesis_of_Doi_Moi_1986-1989 .
  18. ^ Freeman, Donald (April 1996). "Doi Moi Policy and the Small-Enterprise Boom in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam". The Geographical Review 86: 178–197. doi:10.2307/215955. 
  19. ^ Wolff, Peter (1999). Vietnam: The Incomplete Transformation. pp. 73–80. ISBN 978-0-7146-4931-3. 
  20. ^ Katariina Hakkala and Ari Kokko. The State and The Private Sector in Vietnam. Working Paper 236. June 2007
  21. ^ Scott Cheshier, Jago Penrose and Nguyen Thi Thanh Nga The State as Investor: Equitisation, Privatisation and the Transformation of SOEs in Vietnam, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Policy Dialogue Paper 2006/3, September. Hanoi.
  22. ^ Adam Fforde and Suzanne Paine. The Limits of National Liberation, London: Croom Helm. 1987.
  23. ^ Adam Fforde, Vietnamese State Industry and the Political Economy of Commercial Renaissance: Dragon’s Tooth or Curate’s Egg? Chandos Publishing, Oxford. 2007
  24. ^ ibid.
  25. ^ ibid.
  26. ^ ibid.
  27. ^ ibid
  28. ^ ibid
  29. ^ Melanie Beresford and Dang Phong, Economic Transition in Vietnam: Trade and Aid in the Demise of a Centrally Planned Economy, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham. 2000.
  30. ^ ibid.
  31. ^ ibid
  32. ^ Napier, Nancy K.; Vuong, Quan Hoang. What we see, why we worry, why we hope: Vietnam going forward. Boise, ID: Boise State University CCI Press, October 2013. ISBN 978-0985530587.
  33. ^ ibid
  34. ^ ibid
  35. ^ ibid
  36. ^ ibid
  37. ^ ibid
  38. ^ ibid

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]