Foreign relations of Russia

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The foreign relations of Russia is the policy of the Russian government by which it guides the interactions with other nations, their citizens and foreign organizations. This article covers the foreign policy of the Russian Federation since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in late 1991. For the Russian Empire to 1917 see Russian Empire.

NATO and the European Union[edit]

Russia is a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Union of Russia and Belarus, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC). It signed the NATO Partnership for Peace initiative on 22 June 1994. On 20 May 1997, NATO and Russia signed the NATO-Russia Founding Act, which the parties hoped would provide the basis for an enduring and robust partnership between the Alliance and Russia—one that could make an important contribution to European security architecture in the 21st century, though already at the time of its signing doubts were cast on whether this accord could deliver on these ambitious goals.[1] This agreement was superseded by the NATO-Russia Council that was agreed at the Reykjavik Ministerial and unveiled at the Rome NATO Summit in May 2002. On 24 June 1994, Russia and the European Union (EU) signed a partnership and cooperation agreement.

Former Soviet Republics[edit]

The non-Russian countries that were once part of the USSR have been termed the 'near abroad' by Russians. More recently, Russian leaders have been referring to all 15 countries collectively as "Post-Soviet Space," while asserting Russian foreign policy interest throughout the region.[2] After the USSR was dissolved by the presidents of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, Russia tried to regain some sort of influence over the post-Soviet space by creating, on 8 December 1991, a regional organization – the Commonwealth of Independent States. The following years, Russia initiated a set of agreements with the Post-Soviet states which were designed to institutionalize the relations inside the CIS. However, most of these agreements were not fulfilled and the CIS republics began to drift away from Russia, which at that time was attempting to stabilize its broken economy and ties with the West.[3]

One of the major issues which had an influence on the foreign relations of Russia in FSU was the remaining large Russian minority populations in many countries of the near abroad. This issue has been dealt with in various ways by each individual country. They have posed a particular problem in countries where they live close to the Russian border, such as in Ukraine and Kazakhstan, with some of these Russians calling for these areas to be absorbed into Russia. By and large, however, Russians in the near-abroad do not favor active intervention of Russia into the domestic affairs of neighboring countries, even in defense of the interests of ethnic Russians.[4] Moreover, the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) have clearly signaled their desire to be outside any claimed Russian sphere of influence, as is reflected by their joining both the NATO alliance and the European Union in 2004.

Close cultural, ethnic and historical links exist between Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. Traditionally, at least from a Russian perspective, they have been treated as one ethnic group, with Russians called 'Great Russians', Belarusians 'White Russians' and Ukrainians 'Little Russians'. This manifested itself in lower levels of nationalism in these areas, particularly Belarus and Ukraine, during the disintegration of the Soviet Union. However, few Ukrainians accept a "younger brother" status relative to Russia[citation needed], and Russia's efforts to insert itself into Ukrainian domestic politics, such as Putin's endorsement of a candidate for the Ukrainian presidency in the last election, are contentious.

Russia maintains its military bases in Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Ukraine and Tajikistan.

Russia's relationships with Georgia are at it lowest point in modern history due to the Georgian-Russian espionage controversy and due to the 2008 South Ossetia war, Georgia broke off diplomatic relations with Russia and has left the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Mediation in international conflicts[edit]

Russia has played an important role in helping mediate international conflicts and has been particularly actively engaged in trying to promote a peace following the Kosovo conflict. Russia's foreign minister claimed on 25 February 2008 that NATO and the European Union have been considering using force to keep Serbs from leaving Kosovo following the 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence.[5]

Russia is a co-sponsor of the Middle East peace process and supports UN and multilateral initiatives in the Persian Gulf, Cambodia, Burma, Angola, the former Yugoslavia, and Haiti. Russia is a founding member of the Contact Group and (since the Denver Summit in June 1997) a member of the G8. In November 1998, Russia joined the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC). Russia has contributed troops to the NATO-led stabilization force in Bosnia and has affirmed its respect for international law and OSCE principles. Russia has accepted UN and/or OSCE involvement in instances of regional conflict in neighboring countries, including the dispatch of observers to Georgia, Moldova, Tajikistan, and Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.

Russia supported, on 16 May 2007, the set up of the international tribunal to try the suspects in the murder of the Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafiq Hariri.[6]

Territorial disputes[edit]

Throughout history, there have been many territorial disputes concerning the Russian Federation.

  • The Kuril Islands dispute concerns the islands of Iturup, Kunashir, and Shikotan and the Khabomai group had belonged to Russian Empire until the Russo-Japanese War, when Russia lost them and the south part of the Sakhalin island. Russia (the Soviet Union) got them back in the end of the WWII during the 1945 Yalta Conference, when the Allies agreed to the cession of the islands to the USSR. But the fact of its belonging to the USSR was not involved in the Capitulation of Japan documents. Later it gave Japan a chance to demand the return of the "controversial northern territories".
  • Disputes over the boundary with the People's Republic of China were finally resolved on 21 July 2008. On that day the Foreign Ministers of the two countries signed an agreement in Beijing. Under the agreement, Russia ceded approximately 174 km² of territory to China.[7] The territory transferred comprised Tarabarov Island and approximately half of Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island. The area transferred was largely uninhabited.[8] The settlement of their border dispute followed over 40 years of negotiations. The final settlement was the result of the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation which was concluded on 2 June 2005 and signed by Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing and his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov. This followed talks in Vladivostok. There is now no border dispute between Russia and China along their 4300 km border.
  • Caspian Sea boundaries are not yet determined among all littoral states. Issues between Russia and the states bordering it – Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan – were settled in 2003. Russia has no common land or Caspian-sea border with Turkmenistan and Iran, which do not agree with the Caspian Sea settlements.
  • Estonian and Russian negotiators reached a technical border agreement in December 1996. The border treaty was initialed in 1999. On 18 May 2005 Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet and his Russian colleague Sergei Lavrov signed in Moscow the “Treaty between the Government of the Republic of Estonia and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Estonian-Russian border” and the “Treaty between the Government of the Republic of Estonia and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Delimitation of the Maritime Zones in the Gulf of Finland and the Gulf of Narva”. On 20 June 2005 the Riigikogu (Estonian Parliament) ratified the signed treaties by adopting ratification act,[9] objected by Russia. The President of Estonia Arnold Rüütel announced them on 22 June 2005. As the preamble of the ratification act mentioned the Tartu peace treaty, Russia interpreted this as in theory giving Estonia a right to claim some territories of Pskov and Leningrad Oblast of Russia later.[10] On 31 August 2005 Russian President Vladimir Putin gave a written order to the Russian Foreign Ministry to notify the Estonian side of “Russia’s intention not to participate in the border treaties between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Estonia". On 6 September 2005 the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation forwarded a note to Estonia, in which Russia informed that it did not intend to become a party to the border treaties between Estonia and Russia and did not consider itself bound by the circumstances concerning the object and the purposes of the treaties.[10]
  • Russia has made no territorial claim in Antarctica (but has reserved the right to do so) and does not recognize the claims of any other nation. The Soviet Union signed the Antarctic Treaty in 1960.
  • Disputes over the boundary with Georgia relating to Russia's recognition of Georgian regions, South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states, due to the 2008 South Ossetia war and which has led to the severance of all diplomatic relations between them.
  • Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, Moscow refused to recognise Ukrainian sovereignty over Sevastopol as well as over the surrounding Crimean oblast, using the argument that the city was never practically integrated into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic because of its military status. This claim was relinquished in the bilateral Peace and Friendship Treaty, which confirmed that both the Crimea and Sevastopol belong to Ukraine. A separate treaty established the terms of a long-term lease of land and resources in and around Sevastopol by Russia. In the 2014 Crimean crisis of early 2014 Crimea was annexed by Russia.[11][12] Since then status of the Crimea and of the city of Sevastopol is currently under dispute between Russia and Ukraine; Ukraine and the majority of the UN members consider the Crimea to be an autonomous republic of Ukraine and Sevastopol to be one of Ukraine's cities with special status, while Russia and other UN members, on the other hand, considers the Crimea to be a federal subject of Russia and Sevastopol to be one of Russia's three federal cities.[11][12] On 31 March 2014 the State Duma approved the denunciation of the above mentioned Peace and Friendship Treaty and long-term lease of land in Sevastopol.[13]

International membership[edit]

Further information: Russia and the United Nations

Membership in International Organizations:[14]

Russia holds a permanent seat, which grants it veto power, on the Security Council of the United Nations (UN). Prior to 1991, the Soviet Union held Russia's UN seat, but, after the breakup of the Soviet Union the Russian government informed the United Nations that Russia will continue the Soviet Union's membership at the United Nations and all other UN organs.

Russia is an active member of numerous UN system organizations, including the UN General Assembly and Security Council; Food and Agriculture Organization; United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; UN Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees; United Nations Industrial Development Organization; United Nations Economic Commission for Europe

Russia also participates in some of the most important UN peacekeeping missions including the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone; United Nations Iraq–Kuwait Observation Mission; United Nations Institute for Training and Research; United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina; United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire; United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea; United Nations Mission of Observers in Prevlaka; United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia; United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor; United Nations Truce Supervision Organization; United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara; United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Russia also holds memberships in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Bank for International Settlements, Black Sea Economic Cooperation, Council of the Baltic Sea States, Council of Europe, European Organization for Nuclear Research (observer), Commonwealth of Independent States, Collective Security Treaty Organisation, Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Group of 8, Group of 20, International Atomic Energy Agency, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, International Civil Aviation Organization, International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, International Development Association, International Finance Corporation, International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, International Hydrographic Organization, International Labour Organization, International Monetary Fund, International Maritime Organization, International Mobile Satellite Organization, International Criminal Police Organization, International Olympic Committee, International Organization for Migration (observer), International Organization for Standardization, International Telecommunication Union, Latin American Integration Association (observer), Non-Aligned Movement (observer), Nuclear Suppliers Group, Organization of American States (observer), Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (observer), Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Permanent Court of Arbitration, Partnership for Peace, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, World Tourism Organization, Universal Postal Union, World Customs Organization, World Federation of Trade Unions, World Health Organization, World Intellectual Property Organization, World Meteorological Organization, World Trade Organization, Zangger Committee

Vladimir Putin's policies[edit]

Vladimir Putin's presidency lasted from January 2000 until May 2008 and again from 2012. In international affairs, Putin made increasingly critical public statements regarding the foreign policy of the United States and other Western countries. In February 2007, at the annual Munich Conference on Security Policy, he criticised what he called the United States' monopolistic dominance in global relations, and pointed out that the United States displayed an "almost uncontained hyper use of force in international relations". He said the result of it is that "no one feels safe! Because no one can feel that international law is like a stone wall that will protect them. Of course such a policy stimulates an arms race."[15] Some political journalists have said this criticism came as a result of the global rise in oil prices.[16]

Putin proposed certain initiatives such as establishing international centres for the enrichment of uranium and prevention of deploying weapons in outer space.[15] In a January 2007 interview Putin said Russia is in favour of a democratic multipolar world and of strengthening the system of international law.[17]

While Putin is often characterised as an autocrat by the Western media and some politicians,[18][19] his relationship with former US President George W. Bush, former Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, former French President Jacques Chirac, and former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi are reported to be personally friendly. Putin's relationship with Germany's new Chancellor, Angela Merkel, is reported to be "cooler" and "more business-like" than his partnership with Gerhard Schröder, who accepted a job with a Russian-led consortium after vacating office.[20]

In the wake of the 11 September attacks on the United States, he agreed to the establishment of coalition military bases in Central Asia before and during the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. Russian nationalists objected to the establishment of any US military presence on the territory of the former Soviet Union, and had expected Putin to keep the US out of the Central Asian republics, or at the very least extract a commitment from Washington to withdraw from these bases as soon as the immediate military necessity had passed.

During the Iraq disarmament crisis 2002–2003, Putin opposed Washington's move to invade Iraq without the benefit of a United Nations Security Council resolution explicitly authorizing the use of military force. After the official end of the war was announced, American president George W. Bush asked the United Nations to lift sanctions on Iraq. Putin supported lifting of the sanctions in due course, arguing that the UN commission first be given a chance to complete its work on the search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.[citation needed]

In 2005, Putin and former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder negotiated the construction of a major gas pipeline over the Baltic exclusively between Russia and Germany. Schröder also attended Putin's 53rd birthday in Saint Petersburg the same year.

The Commonwealth of Independent States [ (CIS), seen in Moscow as its traditional sphere of influence, became one of the foreign policy priorities under Putin, as the EU and NATO have grown to encompass much of Central Europe and, more recently, the Baltic states.

During the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, Putin twice visited Ukraine before the election to show his support for Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, who was widely seen as a pro-Kremlin candidate, and he congratulated him on his anticipated victory before the official election returns had been in. Putin's personal support for Yanukovych was criticized as unwarranted interference in the affairs of a sovereign state (See also The Orange revolution). Crises also developed in Russia's relations with Georgia and Moldova, both former Soviet republics accusing Moscow of supporting separatist entities in their territories.

Putin's visit to the Czech Republic: meeting with prime minister Jiří Paroubek, 2006

Russia's relations with the Baltic states also remain tense. In 2007, Russo-Estonian relations deteriorated further as a result of the Bronze Soldier controversy.[21]

Putin took an active personal part in promoting the Act of Canonical Communion with the Moscow Patriarchate signed 17 May 2007 that restored relations between the Moscow-based Russian Orthodox Church and Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia after the 80-year schism.[22]

President of Russia visited Serbia, 2009

In his annual address to the Federal Assembly on 26 April 2007, Putin announced plans to declare a moratorium on the observance of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe by Russia until all NATO members ratified it and started observing its provisions, as Russia had been doing on a unilateral basis.[23] Putin argues that as new NATO members have not even signed the treaty so far, an imbalance in the presence of NATO and Russian armed forces in Europe creates a real threat and an unpredictable situation for Russia.[23] NATO members said they would refuse to ratify the treaty until Russia complied with its 1999 commitments made in Istanbul whereby Russia should remove troops and military equipment from Moldova and Georgia. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov was quoted as saying in response that "Russia has long since fulfilled all its Istanbul obligations relevant to CFE".[24] Russia has suspended its participation in the CFE as of midnight Moscow time on 11 December 2007.[25][26] On 12 December 2007, the United States officially said it "deeply regretted the Russian Federation's decision to 'suspend' implementation of its obligations under the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE)." State Department spokesman Sean McCormack, in a written statement, added that "Russia's conventional forces are the largest on the European continent, and its unilateral action damages this successful arms control regime."[27] NATO's primary concern arising from Russia's suspension is that Moscow could now accelerate its military presence in the Northern Caucasus.[28]

The months following Putin's Munich speech[15] were marked by tension and a surge in rhetoric on both sides of the Atlantic. So, Vladimir Putin said at the anniversary of the Victory Day, "these threats are not becoming fewer but are only transforming and changing their appearance. These new threats, just as under the Third Reich, show the same contempt for human life and the same aspiration to establish an exclusive dictate over the world."[29] This was interpreted by some Russian and Western commentators as comparing the U.S. to Nazi Germany. On the eve of the 33rd Summit of the G8 in Heiligendamm, American journalist Anne Applebaum, who is married to a Polish politician, wrote that "Whether by waging cyberwarfare on Estonia, threatening the gas supplies of Lithuania, or boycotting Georgian wine and Polish meat, he [Putin] has, over the past few years, made it clear that he intends to reassert Russian influence in the former communist states of Europe, whether those states want Russian influence or not. At the same time, he has also made it clear that he no longer sees Western nations as mere benign trading partners, but rather as Cold War-style threats."[30]

British historian Max Hastings described Putin as "Stalin's spiritual heir" in his article "Will we have to fight Russia in this Century?".[31] British academic Norman Stone in his article "No wonder they like Putin" compared Putin to General Charles de Gaulle.[32] Adi Ignatius argues that "Putin... is not a Stalin. There are no mass purges in Russia today, no broad climate of terror. But Putin is reconstituting a strong state, and anyone who stands in his way will pay for it".[33] In the same article, Hastings continues that although "a return to the direct military confrontation of the Cold War is unlikely", "the notion of Western friendship with Russia is a dead letter"[31] Both Russian and American officials always denied the idea of a new Cold War. So, the US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said yet on the Munich Conference: "We all face many common problems and challenges that must be addressed in partnership with other countries, including Russia.... One Cold War was quite enough."[34] Vladimir Putin said prior to 33rd G8 Summit, on 4 June 2007: "we do not want confrontation; we want to engage in dialogue. However, we want a dialogue that acknowledges the equality of both parties’ interests."[35]

Putin publicly opposed to a U.S. missile shield in Europe, presented President George W. Bush with a counterproposal on 7 June 2007 of sharing the use of the Soviet-era radar system in Azerbaijan rather than building a new system in Poland and the Czech Republic. Putin expressed readiness to modernize the Gabala radar station, which has been in operation since 1986. Putin proposed it would not be necessary to place interceptor missiles in Poland then, but interceptors could be placed in NATO member Turkey or Iraq. Putin suggested also equal involvement of interested European countries in the project.[36]

In a 4 June 2007, interview to journalists of G8 countries, when answering the question of whether Russian nuclear forces may be focused on European targets in case "the United States continues building a strategic shield in Poland and the Czech Republic", Putin admitted that "if part of the United States’ nuclear capability is situated in Europe and that our military experts consider that they represent a potential threat then we will have to take appropriate retaliatory steps. What steps? Of course we must have new targets in Europe."[35][37][38]

The end of 2006 brought strained relations between Russia and Britain in the wake of the death of a former FSB officer in London by poisoning. On 20 July 2007 UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown expelled "four Russian envoys over Putin's refusal to extradite ex-KGB agent Andrei Lugovoi, wanted in the UK for the murder of fellow former spy Alexander Litvinenko in London."[39] The Russian constitution prohibits the extradition of Russian nationals to third countries. British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said that "this situation is not unique, and other countries have amended their constitutions, for example to give effect to the European Arrest Warrant".[40]

Miliband's statement was widely publicized by Russian media as a British proposal to change the Russian constitution.[41][42][43] According to VCIOM, 62% of Russians are against changing the Constitution in this respect.[44] The British Ambassador in Moscow Tony Brenton said that the UK is not asking Russia to break its Constitution, but rather interpret it in such a way that would make Lugovoi's extradition possible.[45] Putin, in response, advised British officials to "fix their heads" rather than propose changing the Russian constitution[43][46] and said that the British proposals were "a relic of a colonial-era mindset".[47]

When Litvinenko was dying from radiation poisoning, he allegedly accused Putin of directing the assassination in a statement which was released shortly after his death by his friend Alex Goldfarb.[48] Critics have doubted that Litvinenko is the true author of the released statement.[49][50] When asked about the Litvinenko accusations, Putin said that a statement released after death of its author "naturally deserves no comment".[51]

The expulsions were seen as "the biggest rift since the countries expelled each other's diplomats in 1996 after a spying dispute."[39] In response to the situation, Putin stated "I think we will overcome this mini-crisis. Russian-British relations will develop normally. On both the Russian side and the British side, we are interested in the development of those relations."[39] Despite this, British Ambassador Tony Brenton was told by the Russian Foreign Ministry that UK diplomats would be given 10 days before they were expelled in response. The Russian government also announced that it would suspend issuing visas to UK officials and froze cooperation on counterterrorism in response to Britain suspending contacts with their Federal Security Service.[39]

Alexander Shokhin, president of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs warned that British investors in Russia will "face greater scrutiny from tax and regulatory authorities. [And] They could also lose out in government tenders".[39] Some see the crisis as originating with Britain's decision to grant Putin's former patron, Russian billionaire Boris Berezovsky, political asylum in 2003.[39] Earlier in 2007, Berezovsky had called for the overthrow of Putin.[39]

Leaders of the 33rd G8 summit in Heiligendamm, Germany
Presidents Bush and Putin at the 33rd G8 summit, June 2007.

On 10 December 2007, Russia ordered the British Council to halt work at its regional offices in what was seen as the latest round of a dispute over the murder of Alexander Litvinenko; Britain said Russia's move was illegal.[52]

SCO and CSTO members

Following the Peace Mission 2007 military exercises jointly conducted by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states, Putin announced on 17 August 2007 the resumption on a permanent basis of long-distance patrol flights of Russia's strategic bombers that were suspended in 1992.[53][54] US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack was quoted as saying in response that "if Russia feels as though they want to take some of these old aircraft out of mothballs and get them flying again, that's their decision."[54] The announcement made during the SCO summit in the light of joint Russian-Chinese military exercises, first-ever in history to be held on Russian territory,[55] makes some believe that Putin is inclined to set up an anti-NATO bloc or the Asian version of OPEC.[56] When presented with the suggestion that "Western observers are already likening the SCO to a military organisation that would stand in opposition to NATO", Putin answered that "this kind of comparison is inappropriate in both form and substance".[53] Russian Chief of the General Staff Yury Baluyevsky was quoted as saying that "there should be no talk of creating a military or political alliance or union of any kind, because this would contradict the founding principles of SCO".[55]

The resumption of long-distance flights of Russia's strategic bombers was followed by the announcement by Russian Defense Minister Anatoliy Serdyukov during his meeting with Putin on 5 December 2007, that 11 ships, including the aircraft carrier Kuznetsov, would take part in the first major navy sortie into the Mediterranean since Soviet times.[57] The sortie was to be backed up by 47 aircraft, including strategic bombers.[58] According to Serdyukov, this is an effort to resume regular Russian naval patrols on the world's oceans, the view that is also supported by Russian media.[59] The military analyst from Novaya Gazeta Pavel Felgenhauer believes that the accident-prone Kuznetsov is scarcely seaworthy and is more of a menace to her crew than any putative enemy.[60]

In September 2007, Putin visited Indonesia and in doing so became the first Russian leader to visit the country in more than 50 years.[61] In the same month, Putin also attended the APEC meeting held in Sydney, Australia where he met with Australian Prime Minister John Howard and signed a uranium trade deal. This was the first visit of a Russian president to Australia.

On 16 October 2007 Putin visited Tehran, Iran to participate in the Second Caspian Summit,[62] where he met with Iranian leader Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.[63] Other participants were leaders of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan.[64] This is the first visit of a leader from the Kremlin to Iran since Joseph Stalin's participation in the Tehran Conference in 1943.[65][66] At a press conference after the summit Putin said that "all our (Caspian) states have the right to develop their peaceful nuclear programmes without any restrictions".[67] During the summit it was also agreed that its participants, under no circumstances, would let any third-party state use their territory as a base for aggression or military action against any other participant.[62]

On 26 October 2007, at a press conference following the 20th Russia-EU Summit in Portugal, Putin proposed to create a Russian-European Institute for Freedom and Democracy headquartered either in Brussels or in one of the European capitals, and added that "we are ready to supply funds for financing it, just as Europe covers the costs of projects in Russia".[68] This newly proposed institution is expected to monitor human rights violations in Europe and contribute to development of European democracy.[69]

Robert Kagan, reflecting on what underlay the fundamental rift between Putin's Russia and the EU wrote in February 2008: " Europe's nightmares are the 1930s; Russia's nightmares are the 1990s. Europe sees the answer to its problems in transcending the nation-state and power. For Russians, the solution is in restoring them. So what happens when a 21st-century entity faces the challenge of a 19th-century power? The contours of the conflict are already emerging—in diplomatic stand-offs over Kosovo, Ukraine, Georgia and Estonia; in conflicts over gas and oil pipelines; in nasty diplomatic exchanges between Russia and Britain; and in a return to Russian military exercises of a kind not seen since the Cold War. Europeans are apprehensive, with good reason."[70]

Russian President Vladimir Putin and ex-U.S. President George W. Bush failed to resolve their differences over U.S. plans for the planned missile defense system based in Poland and the Czech Republic, on their meeting in the Russian Black Sea resort of Sochi on 6 April 2008. Putin made clear that he does not agree with the decision to establish sites in the Eastern European countries, but said they had agreed a "strategic framework" to guide future U.S.-Russian relations, in which Russia and the U.S. said they recognized that the era in which each had considered the other to be a "strategic threat or enemy" was over. Putin expressed cautious optimism that the two sides could find a way to cooperate over missile defense and described his eight-year relationship as Russian president with Bush as "mostly positive". The summit was the final meeting between Bush and Putin as presidents and follows both leaders' attendance at last the NATO summit in Romania 2 April 2008 – 4 April 2008. That summit also highlighted differences between Washington and Moscow over U.S.-backed proposals to extend the military alliance to include the former Soviet republics of Ukraine and Georgia. Russia opposes the proposed expansion, fearing it will reduce its own influence over its neighbours.[71] Fareed Zakaria suggests that the 2008 South Ossetia War turned out to be a diplomatic disaster for Russia. He suggests that it was a major strategic blunder, turning neighboring nations such as Ukraine to embrace the United States and other Western nations more.[72] George Friedman, founder and CEO of private intelligence agency Stratfor, takes an opposite view, arguing that both the war and Russian foreign policy have been successful in expanding Russia's influence.[73]

In July 2012 Putin said in address during a meeting with Russian ambassadors in Moscow:

“Russia’s foreign policy has always been and will remain self-sufficient and independent… it is consistent, successive and represents the unique role of our country in world affairs and civilization development which has formed over centuries. It has nothing to do with isolationism or confrontation, and provides for integration into global processes...We will continue strongly defending the United Nations Charter as a basis of the modern world order, and we will continue to push for everyone to proceed from the fact that only the United Nations Security Council has the right to make decisions in cases requiring the use of force”

President Putin, meeting with ambassadors

[74]

Current issues[edit]

In late 2013, Russian-American relations were at a low point. The United States canceled a summit (for the first time since 1960), after Putin gave asylum to Edward Snowden. Washington regarded Russia as obstructionist and a spoiler regarding to Syria as Russia backs Assad. Europe needs Russian gas, but worries about interference in the affairs of Central & Eastern Europe. Russia remains angry over the expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe, despite promises by western leaders that NATO would not expand beyond its 90s borders. Japan and Russia remain at odds over the ownership of the Kurile islands, this dispute has hindered closer cooperation for decades.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Berlin Information-centre for Transatlantic Security; British American Security Information Council, Centre for European Security and Disarmament, Centro de Investigación para la Paz (4 July 1997). The NATO-Russia "Founding Act": Stepping Stone or Stumbling Block for a European Security Architecture? (Summit briefing). Berlin Information-centre for Transatlantic Security. Retrieved 23 August 2008. 
  2. ^ See Vladimir Socor, "Kremlin Refining Policy in 'Post-Soviet Space'," Eurasia Daily Monitor (7 February 2005).
  3. ^ Two Decades of the Russian Federation’s Foreign Policy in the Commonwealth of Independent States: The Cases of Belarus and Ukraine, p. 17
  4. ^ Lowell W. Barrington, Erik S. Herron, and Brian D. Silver, "The Motherland Is Calling: Views of Homeland among Russians in the Near Abroad," World Politics 55, No. 2 (2003) : 290–313.
  5. ^ Russia warns EU over Serbs in Kosovo at the Wayback Machine (archived February 26, 2008)
  6. ^ http://www.kuna.net.kw/NewsAgenciesPublicSite/ArticleDetails.aspx?id=1744893&Language=en
  7. ^ Business Standard Article – source for 174 km² figure
  8. ^ Economist article including map of new Russia-China Border
  9. ^ http://www.vm.ee/eng/kat_200/5733.html
  10. ^ a b Izvestia: "Moscow dissolves the border treaty with Estonia" (in Russian)
  11. ^ a b Gutterman, Steve. "Putin signs Crimea treaty, will not seize other Ukraine regions". Reuters.com. Retrieved 26 March 2014. 
  12. ^ a b Ukraine crisis timeline, BBC News
  13. ^ State Duma approves denunciation of Russian-Ukrainian agreements on Black Sea Fleet, ITAR-TASS (31 March 2014)
  14. ^ China, CIA World Factbook
  15. ^ a b c 43rd Munich Conference on Security Policy. Putin's speech in English, 10 February 2007.
  16. ^ Liquid Courage, The American. By Charlie Szrom and Thomas Brugato. [1], 22 February 2008. See also Brugato, Thomas. (2008). Drunk On Oil: Russian Foreign Policy 2000–2007. Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2). Retrieved from: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/26d7t54f
  17. ^ Interview for Indian Television Channel Doordarshan and Press Trust of India News Agency, 18 January 2007.
  18. ^ Stand Up to Putin. by Robert Kagan The Washington Post 15 September 2004
  19. ^ The myth of Putin's success. By Michael McFaul and Kathryn Stoner-Weiss IHT 13 December 2007
  20. ^ Merkel cools Berlin Moscow ties BBC News 16 January 2006
  21. ^ In this connection it is worth of mention that Putin's father, an NKVD officer, was nearly killed in Estonia, while on a sabotage mission during World War II . The fact may have had some influence on Vladimir Putin's attitudes, as suggested by Lynn Berry in the article “Behind Putin's Estonia Complex” (in Moscow Times, 25 May 2007).
  22. ^ David Holley (17 May 2007). "Russian Orthodox Church ends 80-year split". Los Angeles Times. 
  23. ^ a b Annual Address to the Federal Assembly, 26 April 2007, Kremlin, Moscow
  24. ^ Lavrov Announced Conditions of Resuming CFE Observance, 3 December 2007, Izvestia.ru
  25. ^ "Russia walks away from CFE arms treaty". AFP via The Financial Express. 12 December 2007. Retrieved 13 December 2007. 
  26. ^ "Russia Suspends Participation In CFE Treaty". Radio Liberty. 12 December 2007. Retrieved 13 December 2007. 
  27. ^ "US 'deeply regrets' Russia's 'wrong' decision on CFE". AFP. 12 December 2007. Retrieved 13 December 2007. 
  28. ^ "Putin poised to freeze arms pact as assertiveness grows". Financial Times. 12 December 2007. Retrieved 13 December 2007. 
  29. ^ Speech at the Military Parade Celebrating the 62nd Anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, Red Square, Moscow, 9 May 2007
  30. ^ Putin is playing a dangerous game By Anne Applebaum, 05/06/2007
  31. ^ a b A blundering Bush, Tsar Putin, and the question: will we, in this century, have to fight Russia? by Max Hastings, 5 June 2007, Daily Mail
  32. ^ No wonder they like Putin. by Norman Stone The Times 4 December 2007.
  33. ^ Person of the Year 2007: A Tsar Is Born by Adi Ignatius, Retrieved on 19 December 2007, Time.com
  34. ^ Speech of Robert M. Gates, Munich Conference on Security Policy, Germany, February 11, 2007. U.S. Department of Defense
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  36. ^ Press Conference following the end of the G8 Summit, 8 June 2007
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  38. ^ Asymmetrical Iskander missile systems, RIA Novosti, 15 November 2007
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  40. ^ David Miliband's oral statement to the Commons on the Litvinenko case, 16 July 2007
  41. ^ Lugovoi Has Disclosed Next Martyr, 29 August 2007
  42. ^ London Proposes to Moscow Changing Constitution, 17 July 2007
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  44. ^ VCIOM: Russians Oppose Lugovoi Extradition to Brits, Rbc.ru, 21 August 2007
  45. ^ British Ambassador Suggests Russia Interprets Its Constitution In New Ways, Gorod.lv, 23 July 2007
  46. ^ Excerpts from Transcript of Meeting with Members of Russian Youth Organisations, 24 July 2007, In Russian
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  56. ^ Russia Over Three Oceans, 20 August 2007, "Chas", Latvia
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  63. ^ Putin Positive on Second Caspian Summit Results, Meets With Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, 16 October 2007, Kremlin.ru
  64. ^ Visit to Iran. Second Caspian Summit, 15–16 October 2007, Kremlin.ru
  65. ^ Vladimir Putin defies assassination threats to make historic visit to Tehran, 16 October 2007, The Times (In Russian)
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  74. ^ "Proactive Diplomacy Defends State Interests – Putin", 9 july, 2012.

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External links[edit]