Fourteen Points

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The "Fourteen Points" was a statement given on January 8, 1918 by United States President Woodrow Wilson declaring that World War I was being fought for a moral cause and calling for postwar peace in Europe. Europeans generally welcomed Wilson's intervention, but his main Allied colleagues (Georges Clemenceau of France, David Lloyd George of Great Britain, and Vittorio Emanuele Orlando of Italy) were skeptical of the applicability of Wilsonian idealism.[1]

The U.S. had joined the Allies in fighting the Central Powers on April 6, 1917. Its entry into the war had in part been due to Germany's resumption of submarine warfare against merchant ships trading with France and Britain. However, Wilson wanted to avoid the U.S.'s involvement in the long-standing European tensions between the great powers; if America was going to fight, he would try to unlink the war from nationalistic disputes or ambitions. The need for moral aims was made more important, when after the fall of the Russian Regime, the Bolsheviks disclosed secret treaties made between the allies. Wilson's speech also responded to Vladimir Lenin's Decree on Peace of November 1917, immediately after the October Revolution, which proposed an immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war, calling for a just and democratic peace that was not compromised by territorial annexations, and led to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on March 3, 1918.

The speech made by Wilson on January 8, 1918 laid out a policy (free trade, open agreements, democracy and self-determination). The Fourteen Points speech was the only explicit statement of war aims by any of the nations fighting in World War I. Some belligerents gave general indications of their aims, but most kept their post-war goals private.

The Fourteen Points in the speech were based on the research of the Inquiry, a team of about 150 advisors led by foreign-policy advisor Edward M. House, into the topics likely to erect in the anticipated peace conference.

Fourteen Points[edit]

  1. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
  2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
  3. The removal, of all economic barriers and the establishment of equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
  4. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
  5. free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
  6. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
  7. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
  8. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world[how?] for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
  9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
  10. The people of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
  11. Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
  12. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
  13. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
  14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

Reaction[edit]

Reaction by the Allies[edit]

The speech was made without prior coordination or consultation with Wilson's counterparts in Europe. Clemenceau, upon hearing of the Fourteen points, was said to have sarcastically claimed The good Lord only had ten! (Le bon Dieu n'en avait que dix!). As the only public statement of war aims, it became the basis for the terms of the German surrender at the end of the First World War.

After the speech, "Colonel" Edward M. House worked to secure the acceptance of the Fourteen Points by Entente leaders. On October 16, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson and Sir William Wiseman, the head of British intelligence in America had an interview. This interview was one reason why the German government accepted the Fourteen Points and the stated principles for peace negotiations.

The report was made as negotiation points, and later the Fourteen Points were accepted by France and Italy on November 1, 1918. Britain later signed off on all of the points except the freedom of the seas.[citation needed] The United Kingdom also wanted Germany to make reparation payments for the war, and thought that that should be added to the Fourteen Points.

The speech was delivered 10 months before the Armistice with Germany and became the basis for the terms of the German surrender, as negotiated at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. The Treaty of Versailles had little to do with the Fourteen Points and was never ratified by the U.S. Senate.[2]

Influence on the Germans to surrender[edit]

The speech was widely disseminated as an instrument of allied propaganda. Copies were also dropped behind German lines, to encourage the Central Powers to surrender in the expectation of a just settlement. Indeed, a note sent to Wilson by Prince Maximilian of Baden, the German imperial chancellor, in October 1918 requested an immediate armistice and peace negotiations on the basis of the Fourteen Points.

Wilson's speech vs. Treaty of Versailles[edit]

President Wilson became physically ill at the beginning of the Paris Peace Conference, giving way to French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau to advance demands substantially different from Wilson's Fourteen Points. Clemenceau viewed Germany as having unfairly attained an economic victory over France, due to the heavy damage German forces dealt to France's industries even during the German retreat, and expressed dissatisfaction with France's allies at the peace conference.

Notably, Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles, which would become known as the War Guilt Clause was seen by the Germans as assigning full responsibility for the war and its damages on Germany, however the same clause was included in all peace treaties and historian Sally Marks has noted that only German diplomats saw it as assigning responsibility for the war. The allies would initially assess 269 billion Marks in reparations. In 1921, this figure was established at 132 billion marks. However, only a fraction of this total had to be paid. The figure was designed to look imposing and show the public that Germany was being punished, while it also recognized what Germany could not realistically pay. Germany's ability and willingness to pay that sum continues to be a topic of debate among historians.

Germany was also denied an air force, and the German army was not to exceed 100,000 men.

The text of the Fourteen Points had been widely distributed in Germany as propaganda prior to the end of the war, and was well known by the Germans. The differences between this document and the final Treaty of Versailles fueled great anger in Germany.[3] German outrage over reparations and the War Guilt Clause is viewed as a likely contributing factor to the rise of national socialism.

At the end of World War I, foreign armies had only entered Germany's pre-war borders twice: the advance of Russian troops into the Eastern border of Prussia, and French troops occupying Münchausen/Mulhouse for a few days, both at the outbreak of the war. This lack of any Allied incursions contributed to the popularization of the Stab-in-the-back myth in Germany after the war.

Nobel Peace Prize[edit]

Wilson was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize, for his peace-making efforts. He also inspired independence movements around the world including the March 1st Movement in Korea.

The Fourteen Points in rhetoric[edit]

Woodrow Wilson's 14 points relates to rhetoric because its main purpose is to persuade. Wilson was the first national leader to address the world—including Western Europe, South America, and Asia—through radio transmission. He hoped to persuade the governments and people of America and their new allies to support his vision, particularly a league of nations. Wilson's Fourteen Points address was also broadcast into the enemy nations, where he hoped he would persuade the German and Austrian people to pressure their governments to make peace.[4]

Wilson's first point states, "Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view." Wilson's disdain for closed door meetings and secret agreements can surely be seen in the succeeding presidents' rhetoric.[5]

The next piece of rhetoric in Wilson's speech is his ideas on egalitarianism applied on a global scale and enforced by this multi-national organization. Wilson states that he wishes for "Equality among the peoples of the world...An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak."[6]

The most rhetorical influence of the speech was Wilson's closing paragraph: "For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world – the new world in which we now live – instead of a place of mastery." This is Wilson's greatest point in his rhetoric.[citation needed] He gives justification to his persuasion and his reasoning of why the worldwide peace is needed.[7]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Irwin Unger, These United States (2007) 561.
  2. ^ Hakim, Joy (2005). War, Peace, and All That Jazz. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 16–20. ISBN 0195327233. 
  3. ^ The Concise Encyclopedia of Wold History (edited by John Bowle),publisher: Hutchinson of London (Great Portland Street) printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & co in 1958, chapter 20 by John Plamenatz (no ISBN available)
  4. ^ "Woodrow Wilson: Fourteen Points". Schlager Group Inc. Retrieved 19 October 2013. 
  5. ^ "President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points". Lillian Goldman Law Library. Retrieved 19 October 2013. 
  6. ^ "President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points". Lillian Goldman Law Library. Retrieved 19 October 2013. 
  7. ^ "American Rhetoric: Woodrow Wilson". Present American Rhetoric. Retrieved 10 October 2013. 

References[edit]

  • Ferguson, Niall (2006). The War of the World: Twentieth Century Conflict and the Decline of the West. New York: Penguin Press. ISBN 1594201005. 
  • MacMillan, Margaret (2001). Paris 1919. ISBN 0-375-76052-0. 
  • Snell, John L. (1954). "Wilson on Germany and the Fourteen Points". Journal of Modern History 26 (4): 364–369. doi:10.1086/237737. JSTOR 1876113. 

External links[edit]