Free Syrian Army
||This article's factual accuracy may be compromised due to out-of-date information. (March 2013)|
|Free Syrian Army
الجيش السوري الحر
Official logo of Free Syrian Army
|Active||29 July 2011 – present|
|Allegiance||National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces|
(April 2013 estimate)
|Nickname||Free Officers Movement
(Arabic: حركة الضباط الأحرار)
|Motto||Victory or death!
(Arabic: ننتصر أو نموت)
|Colors||Green, Red, White and Black|
|Engagements||Syrian civil war|
|Chief of Staff||Brigadier General Salim Idris
|Deputy Chief of Staff||Abdelbasset Tawil|
|Deputy Chief of Staff||Abdelqader Saleh|
|Commander-in-Chief||Colonel Riad al-Asaad
symbolic role from Dec. 2012)
The Free Syrian Army (Arabic: الجيش السوري الحر, al-Jaysh as-Sūrī al-Ḥurr, FSA) is an armed opposition structure operating in Syria during the Syrian civil war. Composed of defected Syrian Armed Forces personnel and volunteers, its formation was announced on 29 July 2011 in a video released on the internet by a uniformed group of deserters from the Syrian military who called upon members of the Syrian army to defect and join them. The FSA's leader in August 2011, Colonel Riad al-Asaad, announced that the FSA would work with demonstrators to bring down the regime, and declared that all security forces attacking civilians were justified targets. The FSA coordinated with the Syrian National Council starting in December 2011, and supported the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces after the coalition's November 2012 creation. A major reorganisation of the FSA command structure occurred in December 2012, with al-Asaad retaining his formal role but losing effective power and Brigadier General Salim Idris becoming Chief of Staff and effective leader.
Riad al-Asaad stated in October 2011 that the Free Syrian Army (FSA) has no political goals except the removal of Bashar Assad as president of Syria. The FSA has also claimed that the conflict is not sectarian, that they have in their ranks Alawis who oppose the government, and that there will be no reprisals if it falls. On 23 September 2011, the Free Syrian Army merged with the Free Officers Movement (Arabic: حركة الضباط الأحرار, Ḥarakat aḑ-Ḑubbāṭ al-Aḥrār) and became the main opposition army group. By early December 2011, there were an estimated 15,000 to 25,000 defectors from the armed forces, according to activist and media sources. American intelligence sources gave estimates of more than 10,000 defectors. The actual number of soldiers defecting to the Free Syrian Army is unknown.
The FSA operates throughout Syria, both in urban areas and in the countryside. Forces are active in the northwest (Idlib, Aleppo), the central region (Homs, Hama, and Rastan), the coast around Latakia, the south (Daraa and Houran), the east (Dayr al-Zawr, Abu Kamal), and the Damascus area. The largest concentration of these forces appears to be in the central region (Homs, Hama, and surrounding areas), with nine or more battalions active there. The head of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon, has said that the Free Syrian Army controlled significant parts of some cities.
The Free Syrian Army traces its origin to early defectors from the Syrian army who refused to shoot unarmed protesters during the Syrian uprising. The first defections occurred when the army was sent into Daraa to quell ongoing protests. There were reports that some units refused to fire on protesters, and had split from the army. Video footage showed civilians helping defecting soldiers who had been shot for refusing orders. Defections continued throughout the spring as the government used lethal force to clamp down on protesters and lay siege to protesting cities across the country, such as Baniyas, Hama, Talkalakh, and Deir ez-Zor. Many soldiers who refused to fire on civilians were summarily executed by the army. In July 2011, seeing the need for action, Riad al-Asaad and a group of officers announced the formation of the Free Syrian Army, with the goals of protecting unarmed protesters and helping to overthrow the government.
On 29 July 2011, Riad al-Asaad announced the opposition army's formation in an online video where he spoke alongside several other defectors. He explained that the free army’s formation resulted from the defecting soldiers' sense of nationalistic duty, loyalty to the people, the need for decisive action to stop government killings, and the army’s responsibility to protect unarmed people. He proceeded to announce the formation of the Free Syrian Army, and its intention to work hand in hand with the people to achieve freedom and dignity, bring the government down, protect the revolution and the country’s resources, and stand in the face of the irresponsible military machine that protects the system.
Asaad called on the officers and men of the Syrian army to "defect from the army, stop pointing their rifles at their people's chests, join the free army, and form a national army that can protect the revolution and all sections of the Syrian people with all their sects." He said that the Syrian army "[represents] gangs that protect the regime", and declared that "as of now, the security forces that kill civilians and besiege cities will be treated as legitimate targets. We will target them in all parts of the Syrian territories without exception."
Since the Syrian summer of 2011 there was a steady flow of defections to the Free Syrian Army, documented in defection videos. Western intelligence reports in December 2011 indicated that as many as half the army conscripts did not report to army duty in the last three call-ups, and that lower-level officers were deserting in large numbers. In some cases, whole units had deserted en masse. During the 2011/2012 Syrian winter, the FSA continued to announce the formation of new army units, publicly declaring to Bashar al-Assad that "you will find us everywhere at all times, and you will see that which you do not expect, until we re-establish the rights and freedom of our people." In an effort to weaken the pro-Assad forces, the free army released a statement in mid-November which announced that a temporary military council had been formed.
|Idlib, Syria, 21 February 2012, About 500 soldiers defect from the Syrian army's 17th Regiment and join the opposition Free Syrian Army.|
In January 2012, high-ranking defections continued. On 6 January, General Mustafa al-Sheikh of the Syrian Army defected from the government forces to join the FSA. A day later, Colonel Afeef Mahmoud Suleima of the Syrian Air Force logistics division defected from Bashar Al Assad's regime along with at least fifty of his men and joined the FSA. He announced his group's defection on live television and ordered his men to protect protesters in the city of Hama. Colonel Suleima in a statement declared: "We are from the army and we have defected because the government is killing civilian protesters. The Syrian army attacked Hama with heavy weapons, air raids and heavy fire from tanks ... We ask the Arab League observers to come visit areas affected by air raids and attacks so you can see the damage with your own eyes, and we ask you to send someone to uncover the three cemeteries in Hama filled with more than 460 corpses." Defections continued a week later, when another general of the Syrian army defected to the opposition in the city of Qusayr in Homs province.
General Mustafa al-Sheikh told Reuters that up to 20,000 soldiers in total had deserted the army since the beginning of the conflict, and that the FSA had taken control of large swathes of land. He said in an interview on 12 January 2012 : "If we get 25,000 to 30,000 deserters mounting guerrilla warfare in small groups of six or seven it is enough to exhaust the army in a year to a year-and-a-half, even if they are armed only with rocket-propelled grenades and light weapons", and also mentioned that the majority of army deserters had gone to be with their families, rather than join the rebellion. On 29 January, there were reports of a new round of high-ranking defections after the Syrian Army was deployed to fight in the Damascus suburbs. At least two generals and hundreds of soldiers with their weapons defected at this time.
On 21 February 2012, General Fayez Amro of the Syrian air force, who is originally from the Bab Amr district in Homs and of Turkmen origin, defected to the opposition. Another intelligence general from the Syrian army also defected at this time to Turkey. His name was not disclosed due to security reasons. This was at the same time that a defected lieutenant who worked in the chemical weapons department claimed that "BZ-CS, Chlorine Benzilate, which damages people’s nerves and makes them fade away, is being used in Bab Amr." He said that some Syrian soldiers had been supplied with gas masks for protection. It was also reported that a brigadier general defected in Idlib with 200 of his soldiers. The next month General Adnan Farzat from the city of Rastan and two other generals defected. Turkish government sources reported that same month a surge in desertions with there being over 20,000 desertions in the past month alone bringing the total number of deserters from the Syrian army to over 60,000 soldiers.
On 24 March 2012, the Free Syrian Army united with the Higher Military Council. The groups agreed to put their differences behind them, and in a statement said: "First, we decided to unite all the military councils and battalions and all the armed battalions inside the country under one unified leadership of the Free Syrian Army and to follow the orders of the commander of the FSA, Col. Riad al-Asaad."
On 7 December 2012, about 260 to 550 commanders and representatives of the Syrian armed opposition met in Antalya and elected a new 30-person military council for the FSA. Colonel Riad al-Asaad, who was not present at the meeting, retained his formal role as commander-in-chief but lost effective power to Brigadier General Salim Idris, who was elected as the new chief of staff of the FSA. Security officials from the United States, United Kingdom, France, the Gulf Cooperation Council and Jordan were present at the meeting.
About two-thirds of those elected to the new command were individuals associated with the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria. Al-Nusra Front and Ahrar al-Sham were not invited to the meeting. Thomson Reuters stated that the new Chief of Staff Gen. Salim Idris "is not ideological", while two of his new deputy commanders, Abdelbasset Tawil from Idlib Governorate and Abdelqader Saleh from Aleppo Governorate are Islamist. The Huffington Post stated that the FSA command "[appeared] to want to sideline extremist groups that have been playing a bigger role in recent months" and that there would be a total of five deputy commanders associated with five different regions of Syria.
The Free Syrian Army is the military wing of the opposition movement, and it aims to bring down the government by protecting civilian protesters, encouraging army defections and by carrying out armed action. As the Syrian army is highly organized and well-armed, the Free Syrian Army has adopted guerrilla-style tactics in the countryside and cities. The FSA's military strategy is focused on a dispersed countrywide guerrilla campaign with a tactical focus on armed action in the capital of Damascus. The campaign is not meant to hold territory, but rather, to spread government forces and their logistics chains thin in battles for urban centers, to cause attrition in the security forces, to degrade morale, and to destabilize Damascus, the center of government.
The Free Syrian Army's armed actions focus on the government's combat advantages, which include the ability to mount coordinated operations on a large scale, the ability to move its forces at will, and the ability to employ heavy firepower. To counter these advantages, the FSA has mounted attacks on the government's command and control and logistical infrastructure. A sabotage campaign has begun in Syria, with reports of attacks on different government assets. The FSA has mounted attacks on security service command centers, and posts information on Syrian social media sites about blocking roads, attacking logistics vehicles, cutting coaxial communications cables servicing airfields, destroying telecommunications towers, sabotaging government vehicles by sugaring fuel tanks, and attacking railways and pipelines.
The Free Syrian Army on the local level engages and ambushes the state’s shabiha militia and confronts the army during which it encourages defections. Some members of the Free Syrian Army have stated that the organization does not have the resources to occupy and take control of territories, and instead relies primarily on hit and run attacks to prompt the Syrian army into withdrawing. The FSA also uses improvised explosive devices to attack military convoys of buses, trucks and tanks that are transporting supplies and security reinforcements and engages in attack and retreat operations on government checkpoints. In neighborhoods opposed to the government, the FSA has acted as a defense force, guarding streets while protests take place and attacking the militias, known as shabiha, which are an integral part of the government's efforts to suppress dissent. In Deir ez-Zor, Al-Rastan, Abu Kamal and other cities the Free Syrian Army, however, engaged in street battles that raged for days with no particular side gaining the advantage. The FSA has also sought international help in bringing down the Assad government. It has asked the international community for arms and the implementation of a no fly zone and naval blockade of Syria
The Free Syrian Army is mainly armed with AK-47s, DShKs and RPG-7s. As defecting soldiers lack air cover, deserting soldiers have to abandon their armoured vehicles. Soldiers defect carrying only their army issued light arms and hide in cities, suburbs or the cover of the countryside. Besides AK-47s, some FSA soldiers also have M16s, Steyr AUGs, FN FALs, shotguns, G3 Battle Rifles, and PK machine guns. Photos have surfaced of some rebels using salvaged StG 44 assault rifles. The FSA has a few heavy weapons captured from the Syrian government. In February 2012, video footage was posted online showing a captured government tank, being used in Homs by FSA forces. The tank carried Syrian opposition flags and was seen firing with armed men in civilian clothes taking cover behind it. An FSA spokesman has said that the organization received three tanks from a group of 100 deserters from the Syrian army. The FSA has also reportedly acquired a number of anti-aircraft missiles. The Free Syrian Army has recently begun manufacturing its own mortars and rockets.
Raids on government checkpoints and arms depots are carried out to supply the FSA with much of its ammunition and new arms. The FSA also purchases weapons on the Syrian black market which is supplied by arms smugglers from neighboring countries and corrupt loyalist forces selling government arms. There have been reports that whole arms depots have been offered for sale, although these offers were refused because of fears of a potential trap. FSA fighters are also sometimes able to purchase weapons directly from army supply bases, provided that they have enough money to satisfy the government troops guarding them. It is also reported that the FSA purchases much of its heavy weaponry from Iraqi arms smugglers.
Col. Riad Asaad has asked the international community to supply the FSA with arms to alleviate the organization's supply issues. While many nations have been hesitant to provide Syria with arms out of fears of escalating the conflict, the organization does appear to be receiving some outside arms shipments. In April 2012, the Lebanese Navy intercepted a Sierra Leone-registered vessel carrying a large number of arms and ammunition believed to be destined for the Free Syrian Army. Some of the arms were labeled as Libyan. Saudi Arabia has supplied the Free Syrian Army with weapons from Croatia.
The Free Syrian Army operates throughout Syria, both in urban areas and in the countryside. Forces are active in the northwest (Idlib, Aleppo), the central region (Homs, Hama, and Rastan), the south (Daraa and Houran), the east (Dayr al-Zawr, Abu Kamal), and the Damascus area. The largest concentration of these forces appears to be in the central region (Homs, Hama, and surrounding areas), with nine or more battalions active there.
The free army uses guerrilla warfare tactics when it fights and does not aim to occupy terrain once a fight is over, however, by late 2011 large swathes of area in Syria had fallen under partial control of the Free Syrian Army. In late 2011, the FSA established control over a number of towns and villages across Idlib province. Later in January 2012, the Free Syrian Army succeeded in taking control of the town of Zabadani in Damascus province, following intense clashes with the regular troops. On 21 January, the FSA temporarily captured the town of Douma, near Damascus. The Free Syrian Army also for three months controlled around two-thirds of Homs, Syria's third largest city, according to Syrian military officers inside the city. In January, some Damascus suburbs fell under partial opposition control. For example, the town of Saqba, an eastern suburb of Damascus fell under opposition control for a week until the FSA was forced to tactically retreat into the local population after sustained heavy bombardment by the Syrian Army. In late February, the city of Idlib was under opposition control, with opposition flags flying in the city centre.
In May, United Nations monitors confirmed media reports that large areas of Syria's countryside and provincial cities were under de facto FSA or nobody's control. The Free Syrian Army has stated that it only has partial control over its held areas, and that in a head to head battle with the Syrian army was unable in most cases to hold the territory. The FSA’s goal as of winter was to loosen government control over areas, rather than to impose firm control of its own.
Prior to September 2012, the Free Syrian Army operated its command and headquarters from Turkey's southern Hatay province close to the Syrian border with field commanders operating inside Syria. In September 2012, the FSA announced that it had moved its headquarters to Idlib Governorate inside Syria.
The FSA's formal leader is its Commander-in-Chief Colonel Riad al-Asaad; however, the army's effective military leader is its Chief of Staff Brigadier General Salim Idris. Beneath General Salim Idris there are five deputy chief of staffs who are in charge of five different regions of Syria. Two of these deputy chiefs of staff are Abdelbasset Tawil from Idlib Governorate and Abdelqader Saleh from Aleppo Governorate. The army's strategic planning and arms procurement is handled by its military council.
The Free Syrian Army has field units located across the country. The field units are under the direct command of nine regional commanders which are based in the provinces of Homs, Hama, Idlib, Deir al-Zor, Damascus, Aleppo and Latakia. The regional commanders include Colonel Qasim Saad al-Din who directs military operations in Homs province and Colonel Khaled al-Haboush who directs military operations in the capital. The regional commanders are under the direct operational command of Colonel Riad Asaad and hold conference calls almost daily. For internal communication and operations, the FSA appears to have an extensive internet based communication network that state security has tried to penetrate.
|Col. Khaled al-Haboush||Damascus|
|Col. Abdel Jabbar al-Oqaidi
|Col. Qassim Suad al-Din||Homs|
|Col. Abdel Hamid Alshawi||Hama|
|Col. Afeef Suleiman||Idlib|
|Capt. Qais Qataneh, Lt. Sharif
Kayed (council members)
The Free Syrian Army has adopted the configuration and tactics of a guerrilla force. A typical field unit such as the Tel Kalakh Martyrs’ Brigade numbers between 300 to 400 fighters split into combat units of six to 10 men. Each man in the unit is armed with a light weapon, such as an AK-47, and the combat unit as a whole is equipped with an RPG launcher and a light machine gun. Communication inside the battalion unit is carried out by walkie talkie. The FSA battalion units work closely with the local population and defectors typically join units from the region or town that they come. The FSA is closely interlinked with ad hoc activist networks and it works closely with the civilian formed local councils. Around key population centers, such as Damascus, Aleppo, Daraa and Hama, the FSA operates military councils that coordinate operations in the area.
|Abdul Rahman Sheikh Ali||Khalid bin Walid|
|Lt. Abdul Razzaq Tlass||Al-Farouq|
|Abdel Qader Saleh||Al-Tawhid|
|Ahmed Abu Issa||Suqour al-Sham|
|Mahdi Al-Harati (former)||Liwaa Al-Umma|
The army's command and control is exercised through a variety of means, including mobile phones, voice over IP, email, couriers and social media. In November 2011, the army spent $2-million to improve communication links between opposition fighters in Syria. The Bashar al-Assad government captured a number of sophisticated communications devices from opposition fighters, including Thuraya mobile satellite phones, very high and ultra-high frequency (VHF/UHF) devices, and Inmarsat mobile communication satellite systems. In February 2012, Qatar had supplied the army with 3,000 satellite phones. The United States has also provided communication equipment to help create a more structured army.
|Battalions and Location|
Free Syrian Army units specialize in different tasks. Units close to the borders are involved with logistics and the transport of injured soldiers out of the country and also with the transport medical equipment, material supplies and weapons into the country. Other units such as the Farouq Brigades which are based in the city of Homs are involved in protecting civilians and fending off the Syrian army. The Farouq Brigade is one of the more active FSA battalion units. It is led by Lieutenant Abdul-Razzaq Tlass, the nephew of former Defense Minister Mustafa Tlass. Lieutenant Tlass was one of the first defectors and is one of the key figures in the Syrian uprising. His unit of 500–2,000 soldiers has actively engaged the Syrian army in Homs and raided Syrian checkpoints and command centers. As of January 2012[update], the army had around 37 named battalion units, 17–23 of which appeared to be actively engaged in combat.
During the Syrian civil war, numerous operations were conducted by the Free Syrian Army. Operations were modest following its formation in late July 2011, but gradually expanded. The FSA would grow in size, to about 20,000 by December, and to an estimated 40,000 by June 2012.
By October, the FSA would start to receive military support from Turkey, who allowed the rebel army to operate its command and headquarters from the country's southern Hatay province close to the Syrian border, and its field command from inside Syria. The FSA would often launch attacks into Syria’s northern towns and cities, while using the Turkish side of the border as a safe zone and supply route. A year after its formation, the FSA would gain control over many towns close to the Turkish border. FSA fighters would periodically launch attacks across the border at Syria's northern edge. By September 2012, the majority of Syria's northern frontier was under FSA control. As such, the FSA moved its command headquarters from southern Turkey to rebel-controlled territory of northern Syria, where it continued to launch operations against government-controlled towns and bases. The FSA conducted major operations other regions as well, including in and around the cities of Homs and Damascus. By December 2012, the rebels had captured approximately 60 percent of Syria's territory.
The Libyan National Transitional Council announced in November 2011 that it had been in talks with the Syrian National Council and was considering supplying weapons and volunteer fighters of the National Liberation Army to the Free Syrian Army, and that international intervention may only be weeks away. According to people with links to the National Council, the Libyans were offering money, weapons and training forces loyal to the Syrian National Council. At the end of the month, it was reported that at least 600 fighters of the National Liberation Army from Libya had been dispatched to support the Free Syrian Army and had entered Syria through Turkey.
In February 2012, British foreign secretary William Hague said that Britain was prepared to send advanced communications equipment to the FSA to help them coordinate their forces, but did not mention supplying weapons. A week later the Saudi Gazette reported that the Gulf Cooperation Council was thinking of recognising the Free Syrian Army "as the sole and legitimate representative of the Syrian people", citing an unnamed Bahraini official who requested anonymity.
By the end of February 2012, there was extensive talk by Gulf States of arming the Free Syrian Army. The FSA leadership, however, reported in March that it had not yet received any funds, weapons, or equipment from any government despite recent pledges to help support their armed struggle. In an interview with the Wall Street Journal, FSA leader Riad Asaad said that: "There is no practical support from the international community," and that "It's been all talk." The Free Syrian Army for now planned on relying on itself and raids on arms depots, however, it still hoped for outside arms support.
On 1 March, Kuwait's parliament declared support for the FSA. By mid-May, it was reported according to opposition activists and foreign officials that the FSA had started to receive significant financial support from the Persian Gulf nations for the purchase of arms.
The number of foreign Sunni militants active within the FSA is hard to assess. In late May 2012, based on interviews with FSA fighters, it was reported that 300 Lebanese had joined the FSA. The presence of Algerians, Tunisians, Jordanians and fighters from Saudi Arabia was also confirmed. A leader of the FSA told an AFP correspondent that five Libyan combatants have been killed in clashes with the Syrian Army. The same leader, while denying the presence of many foreign fighters, said that there are few of different nationalities. Peter Harling, from the International Crisis Group, told the AFP that the proportion of foreign fighters is currently very small, but might grow after Saudi Arabia and Qatar announced their support for arming the rebels.
Croatian General Marinko Krešić confirmed that there are between 80 and 100 Croat mercenaries between the ages of 40 and 60 helping the Free Syrian Army. They are veterans from the Croatian War of Independence (1991–95) or Bosnian War (1992–95), but also fought as mercenaries in Iraqi War (2003–11), Libyan civil war, Tunisian revolution and Egyptian revolution. Krešić stated that some are serving as security, instructors while others are killing. He also stated that they are very well trained and that "they are the one who will probably kill rather than be killed". Krešić stated that their payment is up to 2,000 US$ a day due to "rich foreign donators". He also added that the majority of the volunteers coming from the Balkans to help the FSA are Serbs. Sources close to the Belgrade military circles confirmed that the former members of the Kosovo Liberation Army are also aiding the FSA. They are mostly instructors who train the rebels mostly for the urban and the guerrilla warfare. A first reported death of a member of the Kosovo Liberation Army was announced on 13 November. Naman Demoli, a former member of the KLA was killed near Syrian-Turkish border.
There are dozens of Kuwait's volunteers entering from Turkey that are fighting in ranks of the FSA. The volunteers are given Syrian IDs as a precautionary measure in case they are arrested, before they are armed and sent to fight in different locations across the troubled country.
On 20 March 2012, Human Rights Watch issues an open letter to the opposition (including the FSA), accusing them of carrying out kidnappings, torture and executions and calling on them to halt these unlawful practices. The United Nations-sponsored "Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic" has documented war crimes in Syria since the start of the civil war. It said that rebels had committed war crimes, but that they "did not reach the gravity, frequency and scale" of those by state forces. Some FSA-aligned groups have also been criticized for their alleged affiliation with Islamists.
War crimes allegations
The FSA has been accused of summarily executing numerous prisoners who it claims are government soldiers or shabiha, and people who it claims are informers. A rebel commander in Damascus said that over the months his unit had executed perhaps 150 people that the "military council" had found to be informers. He explained: "If a man is accused of being an informer, he is judged by the military council. Then he is either executed or released". Nadim Houry, a Middle East researcher for Human Rights Watch argued that "Intentionally killing anyone, even a shabiha, once he is outside of combat is a war crime, regardless of how horrible the person may have been". On 10 August 2012, a report indicated that Human Rights Watch was investigating rebel forces for such killings. The FSA, for its part, stated that they would put those fighters that had conducted the unlawful killings on trial. The investigation was confirmed five days later when UN human rights investigators accused opposition forces of committing war crimes, although not on the scale as government troops.
Witnesses have also reported rebels conducting 'trial by grave' in which an alleged government soldier was given a mock trial next to a pre-made grave and executed on the spot by members of the FSA Amr bin al-Aas brigade. One rebel said: "We took him right to his grave and, after hearing the witnesses' statements, we shot him dead".
The Daoud Battalion, operating in the Jabal-al-Zawiya area, has reportedly used captured soldiers in proxy bombings. This involved tying the captured soldier into a car loaded with explosives and forcing him to drive to an Army checkpoint, where the explosives would be remotely-detonated.
The UN noted some credible allegations that rebel forces, including the FSA, were recruiting children as soldiers, despite stated FSA policy of not recruiting anyone under the age of 17. One rebel commander said that his 16-year-old son had died fighting government troops.
In a video uploaded to the Internet in early August, an FSA representative announced that, in response to international concerns, FSA units would follow the Geneva Convention's guidelines for the treatment of prisoners and would guarantee its captives food, medical attention and holding areas away from combat zones. He also invited Red Cross workers to inspect their detention facilities. On 8 August, FSA commanders distributed an 11-point code of conduct signed by scores of brigade commanders and rebel leaders. It states that all fighters must "respect human rights ... our tolerant religious principles and international human rights law – the same human rights that we are struggling for today".
The following is a timeline of alleged war crimes by FSA-aligned groups:
- On 22 May 2012, an FSA brigade kidnapped 11 Lebanese pilgrims coming from Iran. Four of them were killed in an airstrike by the Syrian Air Force and the rest were released unharmed.
- On 20 July 2012, Iraq's deputy interior minister, Adnan al-Assadi, said that Iraqi border guards had witnessed the FSA take control of a border post, detain a Syrian Army lieutenant colonel, and then cut off his arms and legs before executing 22 Syrian soldiers.
- On 21 July 2012, Turkish truck drivers said that they had their trucks stolen by members of the FSA when it captured a border post. They said that some of the trucks were burnt and others sold back to their drivers after the goods were looted.
- The United Nations report on war crimes states that the FSA's execution of five Alawite soldiers in Latakia, post-July 2012 was a war crime. The report states, "In this instance, the FSA perpetrated the war crime of execution without due process."
- On 13 August 2012, a series of three videos surfaced showing executions of prisoners, apparently by rebel forces, in Aleppo province. In one video, six postal workers were being thrown off the main postal building in Al-Bab to their deaths, purportedly by FSA fighters. The gunmen claimed they were shabiha.
- On 9 September 2012 the FSA exploded a car bomb near al-Hayat Hospital and the Central Hospital in Aleppo. According to Syrian state media, at least 30 people were killed and more than 64 wounded. The FSA claimed that the Army had occupied the hospital buildings and were using them as a base.
- On 10 September 2012 the FSA's Hawks of Syria brigade executed more than 20 Syrian soldiers captured in Hanano military base.
- On 2 November 2012 the FSA's al-Siddiq Battalion kidnapped and executed prominent Syrian actor Mohammed Rafeh. It claimed he was a member of the shabiha and was carrying a gun and military ID.
- In May 2013, a video was posted on the internet showing a rebel cutting the heart from the dead body of a Syrian soldier and putting it in his mouth, "as if he is taking a bite out of it". He called rebels to follow his example and terrorize the Alawite sect, which mostly backs Assad. Humans Rights Watch confirmed the authenticity of the footage, and stated that "The mutilation of the bodies of enemies is a war crime. But the even more serious issue is the very rapid descent into sectarian rhetoric and violence". It said that the rebel appears to be a commander of the "Independent Omar al-Farouq Brigade". The BBC called it an offshoot of the FSA's Farouq Brigades, while Human Rights Watch said "It is not known whether the Independent Omar al-Farouq Brigade operates within the command structure of the Free Syrian Army". The incident was condemned by the FSA's Chief of Staff and the Syrian National Coalition said that the commander would be put on trial.
Relationship with Islamists
As of December 2012[update], some Islamist or jihadist groups are fighting the government in Syria. These groups include al-Nusra Front (with 6,000–10,000 volunteers) and Ahrar al-Sham. They have allegedly fought alongside the secular rebel groups a number of times. Some jihadists have also allegedly joined FSA-aligned groups.
However, some rebels are worried by the extreme beliefs and tactics used by the Islamists. The FSA has consistently condemned al-Nusra Front's use of suicide bombs. There is also unease between the Islamists and other rebel groups. In some parts of Syria, "Jihadist and secular rebel groups watch each other's military bases warily, unclasping the safety catches on their guns as they pass". FSA commanders accuse the Islamists of "hijacking a revolution that began as an uprising to demand a democratic system". Interviews with the FSA suggest that its top commanders see the Islamists as "a threat to stability post regime change". The leader of a rebel group in Idlib Province said "We are not fighting Bashar al-Assad to go from living in an autocratic to a religious prison". Some members of the FSA believe that, after the Assad government has been overthrown, the next war will be between the FSA and the Islamists.
Although FSA leaders have "generally condemned the emergence of jihadi groups", many of its rank-and-file "argue they need all the help they can get". Abu Haidar, a Syrian FSA co-ordinator in Aleppo's Saif al-Dawla district said that the Islamist groups "have experienced fighters who are like the revolution's elite commando troops ... They are not all al-Qaeda, many are just volunteers who want Syria to be freed". In mid-2012, Mohaimen al-Rumaid of the Syrian Rebel Front said the US should cast aside its reticence over arming the opposition due to the involvement of Islamists, since the latter are among the most effective fighters against the government. Sameh al-Hamwi, a prominent activist based on Syria's border with Turkey, said that, while rebel groups were adopting Islamist slogans and making jihadist-style videos, this was only to please their Gulf supporters, and denied that Islamism was the major current within the opposition. One FSA commander has claimed that their fight is an Islamic struggle against a secular government, though qualified that they were fighting for all of Syria's religions and sects: Christian, Muslim, Alawite, Sunni, Druze, Shia.
According to the Vatican news agency Agenzia Fides, 90% of the Christian population of Homs, about 10,000 people, were expelled from their homes by members of the FSA's Farouq Brigades. Some local Christian families confirmed that they were expelled from Homs because they were "considered close to the regime". The Catholic charity organization Aid to the Church in Need supported the Agenzia Fides report, stating that Christians feared "ethnic cleansing" by Islamic militants. Jesuits in Homs disputed the cause of the exodus, and said that Christians were not targeted specifically, but fled the city on their own initiative because of the ongoing conflict. According to Christian refugees in Lebanon and members of the Farouq Brigades, interviewed by David Enders of McClatchy Newspapers, Christians had not been targeted because of their religion. Rather, the Farouq Brigades had detained a number of government-affiliated Christians, inducing some Christians fleeing the area.
In mid-June 2012, a report stated that in March an ill-fated "Islamic Emirate of Homs" was declared by a Lebanese Islamist radical, Al-Boustani, who appointed himself the Emir. Al-Boustani reportedly engaged in kidnapping and murder while claiming to wage jihad against the Syrian government. The "Emirate" lasted only a few weeks. Eventually, a local FSA brigade executed Al-Boustani amidst accusations that the jihadist was not only a traitor to the Syrian opposition but also a Syrian government agent. Al-Boustani had formerly been one of the leaders of Fatah al-Islam.
In July 2012, the FSA rescued a British and Dutch photojournalist from their Islamist captors. The journalists, John Cantile and Jeroen Oerlemans, were held hostage for a week by Islamists who accused them of working for the CIA. The FSA stormed the camp, freed the journalists and scolded the hostage-takers. Oerlemans commented: "Where the FSA seems to be fighting for democracy, these foreign fighters don't want anything more than imposing sharia on Syria". In August, the Farouq Brigades killed the leader of the Islamists who had kidnapped the journalists. One Farouq Brigade member said: "Jihadis don't share in fighting against the regime, because they say we are kafirs, and they won't fight with kafirs".
When the United States designated al-Nusra Front as a terror group in December 2012, an FSA leader in Aleppo berated the move and an FSA spokesman in Aleppo said "We might not share the same beliefs as Jabhat al-Nusra, but we are fighting the same enemy".
Although Syrian rebels used to perceive al-Nusra front as allies, in the end of 2012 a strife between FSA and al-Nusra began to grow. Some of the civilians and FSA members feared the strict religious views of al-Nusra and their willingness to impose sharia law. One of FSA commanders reportedly said "We'll fight them on day two after Assad falls", while stopping military cooperation with al-Nusra. He also accused jihadist of robbing factories and other state property, and selling scavenged parts to obtain money for themselves. Others reported that al-Nusra members had demanded young girls as brides in exchange of their work as fighters, and also had destroyed graves on local cemeteries because of "being too pretentious for Islamic traditions".
In early May 2013, one source estimated that about 25% of the FSA's fighting force had defected to the al-Nusra Front.
Relation with the political opposition
National Coalition of Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces
The Free Syrian army supports the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, a coalition of Syrian opposition groups created in November 2012 that includes many SNC members in its council.
Syrian National Council
At the beginning of December 2011, the Free Syrian Army agreed to coordinate its activities with the Syrian National Council (SNC). On 6 February 2012, Riad al-Asaad voiced his concern about the SNC's lack of political and material support for the FSA, and stated that if differences could not be resolved the FSA would break off its relations with the SNC.
In late February 2012, the Syrian National Council established a military bureau to oversee military operations. This initiative was met with criticism by Free Syrian Army leaders who said that they had not been informed. Defected General Mustafa al-Sheikh created a similar discord in the army when he established a rival group called the Higher Military Revolutionary Council which was rejected by the FSA leadership and field units. Earlier the Muslim Brotherhood had also tried to coopt the FSA but the leadership rejected their attempt. Colonel Al Kurdi, the deputy leader of the FSA, dismissed the internal disputes and said that despite disagreements, the opposition remained united against the government and in their call for arms.
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