General American

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General American (GA), also known as Standard American English (SAE), is a major accent of American English. The accent is not restricted to the United States, as it can also be heard among some Canadian speakers of English. Furthermore, General American is a widely taught form of English in non-Anglophone nations.[dubious ][citation needed] Within American English, General American and accents approximating it are contrasted with Southern American English, several Northeastern accents, and other distinct regional accents and social group accents like African-American Vernacular English.

General American in the media[edit]

General American, like British Received Pronunciation (RP) and most standard language varieties of many other societies, has never been the accent of the entire nation. However, it has become widely spoken in many American films, TV series, national news, commercial ads, and American radio broadcasts.[citation needed]

The General American accent is most closely related to a generalized Midwestern accent and is spoken particularly by many newscasters. It is thought to have evolved from the English spoken by colonials in the Mid-Atlantic states, evolved and moved west. Walter Cronkite is a good example of a broadcaster using this accent.[citation needed] This has led the accent to sometimes be referred to as a "newscaster accent" or "television English". General American is sometimes promoted as preferable to other regional accents.[citation needed] In the United States, classes promising "accent reduction","accent modification" and "accent neutralization" generally attempt to teach speech patterns similar to this accent. The well-known television journalist Linda Ellerbee, who worked hard early in her career to eliminate a Texas accent, stated, "in television you are not supposed to sound like you're from anywhere";[1] political comedian Stephen Colbert worked hard as a child to reduce his South Carolina accent because of the common portrayal of Southerners as stupid on American television.[2][3] General American is also the accent typically taught to people learning English as a second language in the United States, as well as outside the country to anyone who wishes to learn "American English". In much of Asia and some other places ESL teachers are strongly encouraged to teach American English no matter their own origins or accents.[citation needed]

Regional home of General American[edit]

It is commonly believed that General American English evolved as a result of an aggregation of rural and suburban Midwestern dialects, though the English of the Upper Midwest can deviate quite dramatically from what would be considered a "regular" American Accent.[citation needed] The local accent often gets more distinct the farther north one goes within the Midwest, and the more rural the area, with the Northern Midwest featuring its own dialect North Central American English. The fact that a Midwestern dialect became the basis of what is General American English is often attributed to the mass migration of Midwestern farmers to California and the Pacific Northwest from where it spread.

The area of the United States where the local accent is most similar to General American

The Telsur Project[4] (of William Labov and others) examines a number of phonetic properties by which regional accents of the U.S. may be identified. The area with Midwestern regional properties is indicated on the map: eastern Nebraska (including Omaha and Lincoln); northwestern, southern, and central Iowa (including Des Moines, Sioux City and the Iowa-side Quad Cities), with an adjacent narrow strip of northern Missouri; and western and central Illinois (including Peoria, the Illinois-side Quad Cities, and Bloomington-Normal). Notably, this section of Illinois does not include the Chicago area).

According to Matthew J. Gordon, a sociolinguistics and American dialectology researcher:

The fact that the NCS is well established in Michigan is particularly interesting in light of the dominant beliefs about local speech. As research by Dennis Preston has shown, Michiganders believe they are “blessed” with a high degree of linguistic security; when surveyed, they rate their own speech as more correct and more pleasant than that of even their fellow Mid-westerners. By contrast Indianans tend to rate the speech of their state on par with that of Illinois, Ohio, and Michigan. Indeed, it is not uncommon to find Michiganders who will claim that the speech of national broadcasters is modeled on their dialect. Even a cursory comparison of the speech of the network news anchors with that of the local news anchors in Detroit will reveal the fallacy of such claims.

Nevertheless, the Michiganders′ faith that they speak an accentless variety is just an extreme version of the general stereotype of Midwestern English.[5]

Particularly important in setting standards was John Kenyon, the pronunciation editor of the second edition of Webster's New International Dictionary.[6]

Phonology[edit]

Consonants[edit]

A table containing the consonant phonemes is given below:

Consonant phonemes
Labial Dental Alveolar Post-
alveolar
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ŋ
Plosive p b t d k ɡ
Affricate
Fricative f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ h
Approximant ɹ j (ʍ) w
Lateral l
  • Wine–whine merger: largely in effect; the phoneme /ʍ/ is present only in varieties that have not undergone the merger. /ʍ/ is often analyzed as a consonant cluster of /hw/.
  • /ɹ/: many Americans realize the phoneme /ɹ/ (often transcribed as /r/) as postalveolar, with some possible retroflexion (perhaps, even as [ɻ]).[7]
  • T-glottalization and intervocalic alveolar flapping: /t/ undergoes t-glottalization in particular contexts, producing a glottal stop [ʔ] before a syllabic nasal or in absolute final position, in words like mutton and sit [ʔ]. Otherwise, intervocalic /t/ (and /d/) generally become [ɾ] through intervocalic alveolar flapping when between a stressed syllable and an unstressed one.
  • L-velarization: the typical English distinction between a "clear L" (i.e. [l]) and a "dark L" (i.e. [ɫ] or sometimes even [ʟ]) is much less noticeable in General American compared to other English dialects; it may even be altogether absent.[8] Instead, General American speakers pronounce even the "clear" variant as more or less "dark", meaning with some degree of velarization.[9]

Vowels[edit]

Monophthongs of Midwestern American English, the closest dialect to GA.[10]
Diphthongs of Midwestern American English.[11]

General American has sixteen or seventeen vowel sounds that can be used in stressed syllables as well as two that can be used only in unstressed syllables. Most of the vowel sounds are monophthongs. The monophthongs of General American are shown in the table below:

Monophthongs
Front Central Back
plain rhotacized
Close i     u
Near-close ɪ     ʊ
Close-mid e*     o*
Mid   ə ɚ  
Open-mid ɛ ʌ** ɝ ɔ~ɒ
Near Open æ***     ɑ

^* For most speakers, what are often transcribed as /e, o/ are realized as [eɪ, oʊ], especially in open syllables.

^** The vowel of strut may be more near-open (usually [ɐ]) than open-mid, depending on the speaker. For example, speakers from Ohio realize this vowel as an open-mid central unrounded vowel ([ɜ]).[12] It however remains a back vowel before [ɫ], and often even merges with it so that /ʌl/ becomes [ɫ̩].

^*** For most speakers, what is transcribed as /æ/ is always raised and sometimes diphthongized when appearing before a nasal consonant (that is, before /m/, /n/ and, for some, /ŋ/). This may be narrowly transcribed as [æ̝ˑ], [æ̝ə] or, based on specific dialect, variously as [ɛə], [eə] or [ɪə] (see Æ-tensing in General American).

Depending on one's analysis, people who merge the vowels of cot and caught to /ɑ/ either have no phoneme /ɔ/ at all or have the [ɔ] only before /r/. Words like north and horse are usually transcribed /nɔɹθ/ and /hɔɹs/, but because all accents with cot and caught merged to /kɑt/ have also undergone the horse–hoarse merger, it may be preferable to transcribe north and horse /noɹθ/ and /hoɹs/.[13] Thus, in these cases, the [ɔ] before /ɹ/ can be analyzed as an allophone of /o/. [ɝ] and [ɚ] are often analyzed as sequences of /ʌr, ər/, respectively.[citation needed] /ə/ is an indeterminate vowel that occurs only in unstressed syllables.

Among speakers who distinguish between /ɑ/ and /ɔ/, the vowel of cot (usually transcribed /ɑ/), is sometimes more of a central vowel which may vary from [a̠] to [ɑ̟], while /ɔ/ is phonetically lower, closer to [ɒ].[14] Among cot-caught merged speakers, /ɑ/ usually remains a back vowel, [ɑ], sometimes showing lip rounding as [ɑʷ] or [ɒ], and, because these speakers do not distinguish between /ɑ/ and /ɔ/, their retracted allophones for /ɑ/ may be identical to the lowered allophones of /ɔ/ among speakers who preserve the contrast.

The diphthongs of General American are shown in the next table:

Diphthongs
Offglide is a front vowel Offglide is a back vowel
Opener component is unrounded
Opener component is rounded ɔɪ

Characteristics[edit]

While there is no single formal definition of General American, various features are considered to be part of it, including rhotic pronunciation, which maintains the coda [ɹ] in words like pearl, car, and court.[citation needed] Unlike RP, General American is characterized by the merger of the vowels of words like father and bother, flapping, and the reduction of vowel contrasts before [ɹ].[citation needed] General American also generally has yod-dropping after alveolar consonants.[citation needed] Other phonemic mergers, including the cot–caught merger, the pin–pen merger, the Mary–marry–merry merger and the wine–whine merger, may be found optionally at least in informal and semiformal varieties.[citation needed]

One phenomenon apparently unique to General American is the behavior of words that in RP have /ɒrV/ where /V/ stands for any vowel (usually /ə/ or /ɨ/). These words are treated differently in different North American accents: in New York–New Jersey English, the Philadelphia dialect, and the Carolinas they are all pronounced with /-ɑr-/ and in Canadian English they are all pronounced with /-ɔr-/ (thus an American's sorry sounds like sar-ee to a Canadian). But in General American there is a split: the majority of these words have /-ɔr-/, like Canadian English, but the last four words of the list below have /-ɑr-/, like New York-New Jersey English, for many speakers.[15] Words of this class include, among others:

RP NY/NJ, Philadelphia, and the Carolinas GA Can.
orange [ˈɒɹɪndʒ] [ˈɑɹɪndʒ] [ˈɔɹɪndʒ]
origin [ˈɒɹɪdʒɪn] [ˈɑɹɪdʒɪn] [ˈɔɹɪdʒɪn]
Florida [ˈflɒɹɪdə] [ˈflɑɹɪdə] [ˈflɔɹɪdə]
horrible [ˈhɒɹɪbɫ̩] [ˈhɑɹəbɫ̩] [ˈhɔɹəbɫ̩]
quarrel [ˈkʰwɒɹəɫ] [ˈkʰwɑɹəɫ] [ˈkʰwɔɹəɫ]
warren [ˈwɒɹən] [ˈwɑɹən] [ˈwɔɹən]
borrow [ˈbɒɹəʊ] [ˈbɑɹoʊ] [ˈbɔɹoʊ]
tomorrow [tʰəˈmɒɹəʊ] [tʰəˈmɑɹoʊ] [tʰəˈmɔɹoʊ]
sorry [ˈsɒɹi] [ˈsɑɹi] [ˈsɔɹi]
sorrow [ˈsɒɹəʊ] [ˈsɑɹoʊ] [ˈsɔɹoʊ]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

References[edit]

  • Boyce, S.; Espy-Wilson, C. (1997), "Coarticulatory stability in American English /r/", Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 101 (6): 3741–3753, doi:10.1121/1.418333, PMID 9193061 
  • Delattre, P.; Freeman, D.C. (1968), "A dialect study of American R's by x-ray motion picture", Linguistics 44: 29–68 
  • Hallé, Pierre A.; Best, Catherine T.; Levitt, Andrea (1999), "Phonetic vs. phonological influences on French listeners' perception of American English approximants", Journal of Phonetics 27 (3): 281–306, doi:10.1006/jpho.1999.0097 
  • Jones, Daniel; Roach, Peter; Hartman, James (2006), Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (17 ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 
  • Labov, William; Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006), The Atlas of North American English, Berlin: Mouton-de Gruyter, pp. 187–208, ISBN 3-11-016746-8 
  • Mannell, R.; Cox, F.; Harrington, J. (2009a), An Introduction to Phonetics and Phonology, Macquarie University 
  • Mannell, R.; Cox, F.; Harrington, J. (2009b), An Introduction to Phonetics and Phonology, Macquarie University 
  • Roca, Iggy; Johnson, Wyn (1999), Course in Phonology, Blackwell Publishing 
  • Seabrook, John (May 19, 2005), "The Academy: Talking the Tawk", The New Yorker, retrieved 2008-05-14 
  • Shitara, Yuko (1993), "A survey of American pronunciation preferences", Speech Hearing and Language 7: 201–232 
  • Silverstein, Bernard (1994), NTC's Dictionary of American English Pronunciation, Lincolnwood, Illinois: NTC Publishing Group, ISBN 0-8442-0726-8 
  • Thomas, Erik R. (2001), An acoustic analysis of vowel variation in New World English, Publication of the American Dialect Society 85, Duke University Press for the American Dialect Society, ISSN 0002-8207 
  • Wells, John C. (1982a), Accents of English 1, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-22919-7 
  • Wells, John C. (1982b), Accents of English 2, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-24224-X 
  • Wells, John C. (1982c), Accents of English 3, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-24225-8 
  • Wells, John C. (2000), Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (2nd ed.), Harlow: Longman, ISBN 0-582-36468-X 
  • Zawadzki, P.A.; Kuehn, D.P. (1980), "A cineradiographic study of static and dynamic aspects of American English /r/", Phonetica 37 (4): 253–266, doi:10.1159/000259995, PMID 7443796 

External links[edit]