Greater Albania or Ethnic Albania (Albanian: Shqipëria Etnike) is an irredentist concept of lands that are considered to form the national homeland by some Albanians, based on claims on the present-day or historical presence of Albanian populations in those areas. In addition to the existing Republic of Albania, the term incorporates claims to regions in the neighbouring states, the areas include Kosovo and the Preševo Valley of Serbia, territories in southern Montenegro, northwestern Greece ( the Greek regional units of Thesprotia and Preveza, referred by Albanians as Chameria), and a part of western Republic of Macedonia.
The unification of an even larger area into a unique territory under Albanian authority had been theoretically conceived by the League of Prizren, an organization of the 19th century whose goal was to unify the Albanian inhabited lands (and other regions) into a single autonomous Albanian Vilayet within the Ottoman Empire. However, the concept of a Greater Albania, as in greater than Albania within its 1913 borders, was only ever implemented de facto and de jure under the Italian and Nazi German occupation of the Balkans during World War II.
In a survey carried out by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), published in March 2007, only 2.5% of the Albanians in Kosovo thought unification with Albania is the best solution for Kosovo. 96% said they wanted Kosovo to become independent within its present borders.
The term 
- Ethnic Albania is a term used primarily by Albanian nationalists to denote the territories claimed as the traditional homeland of the ethnic Albanians. Another term used by Albanians, is "Albanian national reunification" (Albanian: Ribashkimi kombëtar shqiptar).
- Greater Albania is a term used mainly by the Western scholars, politicians, etc.
Under the Ottoman Empire 
Prior to the Balkan wars of the beginning of the 20th century, Albanians were subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian independence movement emerged in 1878 with the League of Prizren (a council based in Kosovo) whose goal was cultural and political autonomy for ethnic Albanians inside the framework of the Ottoman Empire. However, the Ottomans were not prepared to grant The League's demands. Ottoman opposition to the League's cultural goals eventually helped transform it into an Albanian national movement.
World War II 
The Albanian Fascist Party became the ruling party of the Italian Protectorate of Albania in 1939 and the prime minister Shefqet Verlaci approved the possible administrative union of Albania and Italy, because he wanted the Italian support in order to get the union of Kosovo, Chameria and other "Albanian irredentism" into Greater Albania. Indeed, this unification was realized after the Axis occupation of Yugoslavia and Greece from spring 1941. The Albanian fascists claimed in May 1941 that nearly all the Albanian populated territories were united to Albania.
Between May 1941 and September 1943, Benito Mussolini placed nearly all the land inhabited by ethnic Albanians under the jurisdiction of an Albanian quisling government. That included the region of Kosovo, parts of the Republic of Macedonia and some small border areas of Montenegro. In Chameria an Albanian high commissioner, Xhemil Dino, was appointed by the Italians; but the area remained under the control of the Italian military command in Athens and so technically remained a region of Greece.
When the Germans occupied the area and substituted the Italians, they maintained the borders created by Mussolini, but after World War II the Albanian borders were returned by the Allies to the pre-war status.
Political uses of the concept 
The Albanian question in the Balkan peninsula is in part the consequence of the decisions made by Western Powers in late 19th and early 20th century. The Treaty of San Stefano and the 1878 Treaty of Berlin assigned Albanian inhabited territories to other States, hence the reaction of the League of Prizren. One theory posits that the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Austro-Hungary wanted to maintain a brittle balance in Europe in the late 19th century.
The degree to which different groups are working towards, and what efforts such groups are undertaking in order to achieve a Greater Albania is disputed. There seems no evidence that anything more than a few unrepresentative extremist groups are working towards this cause; the vast majority of Albanians want to live in peace with their neighbors. However, they also want the human rights of the Albanian ethnic populations in Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Greece to be respected. An excellent example is the friendly relationship between the Republic of Montenegro and the support towards the integration of the Albanian population in Republic of Macedonia - there is Albanian representation in government, the national parliament, local government, and the business sector, and no evidence of systematic discrimination on an ethnic or religious basis against the Albanian (or indeed any other minority) population.
In 2004, the Vetëvendosje movement was formed in Kosovo which opposes foreign involvement in Kosovan affairs and campaigns for the sovereignty exercised by the people instead, as part of the right of self-determination. Vetëvendosje obtained 12.66% of the votes in an electoral process in December 2010, and the party manifesto calls for a referendum on union with Albania.
In 2012, the Red and Black Alliance (Albanian: Aleanca Kuq e Zi) was established as a political party in Albania, which core of its program is national unification of all Albanians in their native lands.
In 2012, as part of the celebrations for Albania's 100th anniversary of independence, Prime Minister Sali Berisha spoke of "Albanian lands" stretching from Preveza in Greece to Presevo in Serbia, and from the Macedonian capital of Skopje to the Montenegrin capital of Podgorica, angering Albania's neighbors. The comments were also inscribed on a parchment that will be displayed at a museum in the city of Vlore, where the country’s independence from the Ottoman Empire was declared in 1912.
Territories claimed 
(historical center / largest city)
|Area (km²)||Population||Albanian %|
|Republic of Albania
(Republika e Shqipërisë)
|Republic of Albania||Tirana||
(disputed between Republic of Kosovo and Serbia)
(Lugina e Preshevës)
|Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa municipalities||Preševo (Presheva)||
|Western Macedonia (Ilirida)||Republic of Macedonia||Tetovo (Tetovë)||
|South-Eastern Montenegro||Malesija (Malësi) in Podgorica Municipality, Ulcinj (Ulqin), Krajina (Kraja), and Plav||Ulcinj (Ulqin)||
|Chameria (Çamëria)||Thesprotia regional unit, Epirus, Northwestern Greece||Paramythia (Ajdonati)|
Kosovo has an overwhelmingly Albanian majority, estimated to be around 92%.
Montenegro also contains sizeable Albanian populations mostly concentrated in areas such as southern Malësia, the Ulcinj (Ulqini) municipality on the coast, the Tuzi area near Podgorica, and parts of the Plav (Plava) and Rožaje (Rozhajë) municipalities.
According to the 1928 census held by the Greek state, there were around 20,000 Muslim Cams in Thesprotia prefecture. They were forced to seek refuge in Albania at the end of World War II after a large part of them collaborated and committed a number of crimes together with the Nazis during the 1941-1944 period. In the first post-war census (1951), only 123 Muslim Çams were left in the area. Descendants of the exiled Muslim Chams (they claim that they are now up to 170,000, living in Albania) claim that up to 35,000 Muslim Çams were living in southern Epirus before World War II. Many of them are currently trying to pursue legal ways to claim compensation for the properties seized by Greece. For Greece the issue "does not exist".
Republic of Macedonia 
The western part of the Republic of Macedonia is an area with a large ethnic Albanian minority. The Albanian population in Republic of Macedonia make up 25% of the population. Cities with Albanian majorities or large minorities include Tetovo (Tetova), Gostivar (Gostivari), Struga (Struga), Debar (Diber), Kumanovo (Kumanova) and Skopje (Shkup). In 1992 Albanian activists in Struga proclaimed also the founding of the Republic of Illyriad (Albanian: Republika e Iliridës) with the intention of autonomy or federalization inside the Republic of Macedonia. The declaration had only symbolic meaning and the idea of an autonomous State of Illyriad is not officially accepted by the ethnic Albanian politicians in the Republic of Macedonia.
Preševo Valley 
In Central Serbia the municipalities of Preševo (Albanian: Preshevë), Bujanovac (Albanian: Bujanoc) and part of the municipality of Medveđa (Albanian: Medvegjë) include an Albanian population. According to the 2002 census, Preševo contained an overwhelming Albanian ethnic majority of over 90%. Bujanovcac around 54.69% and Medveđa 26.17%. Tense relations between ethnic Serbians and Albanians and also the increased hatred after the Kosovo War, resulted in military actions after the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac (Albanian: Ushtria Çlirimtare e Preshevës, Medvegjës dhe Bujanocit, UÇPMB) was formed. One of UÇPMB's roles entails seceding these specific municipalities from Serbia and annex them to the independent Republic of Kosovo.
International Crisis Group research 
International Crisis Group advised in the report the Albanian and Greek governments to endeavour and settle the long-standing issue of the Chams displaced from Greece in 1945, before it gets hijacked and exploited by extreme nationalists, and the Chams' legitimate grievances get lost in the struggle to further other national causes. Moreover, the ICG findings suggest that Albania is more interested in developing cultural and economic ties with Kosovo, whilst maintaining separate statehood.
See also 
- Albanian nationalism
- Albanian nationalism and independence
- History of Albania
- History of the Balkans
- Kosovo independence precedent
- League of Prizren
- http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/csrc/document-listings/balkan/07%2811%29MD.pdf,"as Albanians continue mobilizing their ethnic presence in a cultural, geographic and economic sense, they further the process of creating a Greater Albania. "
- Poll Reveals Support for 'Greater Albania', Balkan Insight
- Jelavich, Barbara (1983). History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cambridge University Press. pp. 361–65. ISBN 0-521-27458-3.
- Zolo Danilo. Invoking humanity: war, law, and global order. Continuum International Publishing Group, 2002. ISBN 978-0-8264-5655-7, p. 24: "It was under the Italian and German occupation of 1939-1944 that the project of Greater Albania... was conceived."
- Gallup Balkan Monitor, 2010
- Balkan Insight Poll Reveals Support for 'Greater Albania' , 17 Nov 2010 
- UNDP: Early Warning Report. March 2007, p. 16 (Online text)
- wikisource:Executive Order 13219
- Bogdani, Mirela; John Loughlin (2007). Albania and the European Union: the tumultuous journey towards integration. IB Taurus. p. 230. Retrieved 2010-05-28.
- "Alternativat e ribashkimit kombëtar të shqiptarëve dhe të Shqipërisë Etnike..!". Gazeta Ditore (in Albanian). 10 December 2012. Retrieved 1 January 2013.
- see map
- Jelavich, p.361
- "Albright warns Albania against expansion". BBC News. 19 February 2000.
- "Lëvizja Vetëvendosje". Lëvizja Vetëvendosje. Retrieved 1 January 2013.
- "Aleanca Kuq e Zi". Retrieved 1 January 2013.
- Albania celebrates 100 years of independence, yet angers half its neighbors Associated Press, November 28,2012.
- CIA. "The World Factbook". Retrieved 27 July 2010.
- Hermann Frank Meyer. [Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 702
- http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/csrc/document-listings/balkan/07%2801%29MV.pdf Despite the Cham-induced controversy, during a visit to Albania in mid-October 2004, Greek President Konstantinos Stephanopoulos stated at a news conference that the Cham issue did not exist for Greece and that claims for the restoration of property presented by both the Cham people and the Greek minority in Albania belonged to a past historical period which he considered closed. "I don't know if it is necessary to find a solution to the Cham issue, as in my opinion it does not need to be solved,” he said. “There have been claims from both sides, but we should not return to these matters. The question of the Cham properties does not exist," he said. When speaking of claims from both sides, Stephanopoulos was referring (also) to the Greek claims over Northern Epirus, which include a considerable part of southern Albania.
- "2002 Census of Republic of Macedonia". Retrieved 14 May 2010.
- Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization, Yearbook 1995 Page 41 By Mary Kate Simmons ISBN 90-411-0223-X
- Whose Democracy? Nationalism, Religion, and the Doctrine of Collective rights in post-1989 eastern Europe Page 80 By Sabrina P. Ramet (1997) ISBN 0-8476-8324-9
- Ethnic Politics in Eastern Europe Page 116 By Janusz Bugajski (1995) ISBN 1-56324-282-6
- Macedonia: Authorities Allege Existence Of New Albanian Rebel Group
- http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/csrc/document-listings/balkan/07%2801%29MV.pdf "Cham demonstrators was enough to galvanise Greece into defensive mode. The country embarked upon a series of military and diplomatic initiatives, which suggested a fear of Pan-Albanian expansion towards north-western Greece. Serbian and Macedonian media reports were claiming that new Pan-Albanian organisations were planning to expand their operations into north-western Greece to include Meanwhile, Chameria in their plans for the unification of “all Albanian territories.” international observers were concerned that Kosovo politicians might start speculating with the Cham issue. The report observed that the "notions of pan-Albanianism are far more layered and complex than the usual broad brush characterisations of ethnic Albanians simply bent on achieving a greater Albania or a greater Kosovo." Furthermore, the report stated that amongst Albanians "violence in the cause of a greater Albania, or of any shift of borders, is neither politically popular nor morally justified."
- Pan-Albanianism: How Big a Threat to Balkan Stability?, Europe Report N°153, 25 February 2004
- Canak, Jovan M. Greater Albania: concepts and possibile [sic] consequences. Belgrade: Institute of Geopolitical Studies, 1998.
- Jaksic G. and Vuckovic V. Spoljna politika srbije za vlade. Kneza Mihaila, Belgrade, 1963.
- Dimitrios Triantaphyllou. The Albanian Factor. ELIAMEP, Athens, 2000.
- Kola, Paulin The search for Greater Albania 2003 416 pages
- Mandelbaum, Michael (1998). The new European diasporas: national minorities and conflict in Eastern Europe. Council on Foreign Relations Press, New York.
- Bogdani, Mirela; Loughlin, John (2007). Albania and the European Union: the tumultuous journey towards integration. IB Taurus.
- Jelavich, Barbara (1983). History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cambridge University Press.
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