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Part of the Cold War and aftermath of the Rhodesian Bush War
Location Zimbabwe
Date 3 February 1984[1] - 22 December 1987[2][3]
Target Ndebele population of Zimbabwe
Attack type
Pogrom, torture, indefinite detention
Deaths 20,000[4][5] - 30,000[6]
Perpetrators Fifth Brigade
Central Intelligence Organisation

The Gukurahundi (Shona: "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains"[7]) was the suppression of Zimbabwean civilians, mostly supporters of Joshua Nkomo, by Zimbabwe's 5th Brigade in the predominantly Ndebele regions of Zimbabwe. A few hundred disgruntled former Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) combatants waged armed banditry against the civilians in Matabeleland, and destroyed government installations.[8] In response, the North-Korean-trained Fifth Brigade executed an estimated 20,000 civilians. The violence ended after the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) reached a unity agreement on 22 December 1987 that merged the two parties to form one party known as ZANU PF, with Mugabe as leader of the party as well as of state and government as the new President of Zimbabwe since 31 December 1987.


Before the Rhodesian Bush War, the main opposition party, ZAPU, split into two groups in 1963, the split-away group being ZANU.[9] Though these groups had a common origin they gradually grew apart, with the split away group, ZANU, recruiting mainly from the Shona regions, while ZAPU recruited mainly from Ndebele-speaking regions in the west.[10]

The armies of these two groups, ZAPU's Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), and ZANU's Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), developed rivalries for the support of the people and would fight each other. When Zimbabwe won independence, the two armies so distrusted each other that it was difficult to integrate them both into the National Army.[10] These problems were only in Matabeleland. For example: former ZIPRA elements attacked civilian areas in Zvishavane, Kadoma and Bulawayo. It seemed ZIPRA had a hidden arms cache. There were major outbreaks of violence carried out by ZIPRA against the civilian population . The first of these was in November 1980, followed by a more serious incident in early 1981. This led to the defection of many ZIPRA members. ZAPU was supporting a new dissident war to improve its position in Zimbabwe. In the elections held in April 1980, ZANU received 57 out of 100 seats and Robert Mugabe became prime minister.[8]

Entumbane uprisings[edit]

In November 1980 Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU would deliver a few blows against them. This preceded the first outbreak of fighting in Entumbane, during which ZIPRA and the Zimbabwe National Army fought a pitched battle for two days.[11]

In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and the Zimbabwean National army units had to come in to stop the fighting.

The government asked Justice Enoch Dumbutshena, the former Chief Justice of Zimbabwe, to hold an inquiry into the uprising – ZIPRA was found to be preparing for war.

Many ZIPRA cadres defected after Entumbane, fearing retribution.


This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were re-detained without trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert," said one dissident.[10]

South African interference[edit]

South African intervention included the systematic supply of disinformation to the Zimbabwe Government. In addition, there were military attacks on the government and on the country's infrastructure. Many ex-members of the Rhodesian armed forces and police became integrated into South Africa's military. Actions by South Africans in Zimbabwe included the destruction of a large arsenal at Inkomo Barracks near Harare in August 1981, an attempt to murder Prime Minister Mugabe in December 1981, and sabotage of the Thornhill Air Base in Gweru in July 1982. South Africa's policy of destabilising Zimbabwe by military means, while blaming ZAPU for the actions of South African agents, helped to escalate the breakdown between ZAPU and ZANU in the early 1980s.[8] Gukurahundi was in truth an operation implicated by psychological warfare in Pretoria and their consultant Ted Sutton Price, the former Minister of Home Affairs of the Rhodesian Government. After independence of Zimbabwe, Sutton Price moved to Pretoria, he also kept his local staff of agents who disrupted the then terrorists on the payroll. Due to the Cold War it was thought correctly so that they could destabilize Zimbabwe it making the mistake of going pro Russia at Independence . Agents were sent into Matabeleland to stir up violence supported by two training camps in Botswana and Mozambique. It was reasoned that Mugabe would not trust his integrated army in Matabeleland and would send in the 5th brigade and as there was bad blood between them and the Matabeles there would be a massacre, assisted by trained forces from the camps. As Mugabe was the commander in chief the news media would blame him and, imn order that the Hague didn't involve itself he would align himself back with Britain and the west. A local lawyer Simon Bull was the paymaster in the largest ever currency deal in Zimbabwe funded by psychological warfare. others involved were Herbert Zhange and Crispin Madondo, in what Sutton Price boasted was the most successful operation of his career describing the deaths of missionaries caught up in the violence as collateral damage. As stated by Jack Straw in the commons the incident was unremarked by the government of that time. Mugabe changed to pro west. Propaganda still today blames Mugabe I personally interviewed Sutton Price and was a state witness in the currency case - with I suspect corruption the criminal case was reduced to fraud and those mentioned with the exception of the lawyer were jailed for seven years - reference was made to psychological warfare on the front page of the Herald, the national paper covering the trial. the " The Peter Mandaza case"

Fifth Brigade[edit]

Robert Mugabe, then Prime Minister, had signed an agreement with North Korean President Kim Il Sung in October 1980 to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents." Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should "watch out," announcing the brigade would be called "Gukurahundi."[7] This brigade was named the Fifth Brigade. The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the ZANLA general. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister Sekeramayi announced training was complete.

The first Commander of the Fifth Brigade was Colonel Perence Shiri. The Fifth Brigade was different from all other Zimbabwean army units in that it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister office, and not integrated to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets.[10]


Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing was on 5 March 1983, when 62 young men and women were shot on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane.[12] Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade used to kill large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random. The Zimbabwe government repudiated these allegations and accused the hostile foreign press of fabricating stories. The government characterised such allegations as irresponsible, contrived propaganda because it failed to give proper weight to the violence by dissidents.[13]

The dissidents targeted ZANU officials. It is estimated that 700–800 people were murdered by dissident gangs in rural regions.[8] In August 1985, dissidents massacred 22 Shona civilians in Mwenezi. On a mission farm in Matobo, dissidents massacred 16 people.[14]

Unity Accord of 1987[edit]

Robert Mugabe and ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo signed the Unity Accord on 22 December 1987.[15] This effectively dissolved ZAPU into ZANU, renamed Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). On 18 April 1988, Mugabe announced an amnesty for all dissidents, and Nkomo called on them to lay down their arms. A general ordinance was issued saying all those who surrendered before 31 May would get a full pardon. This was extended not just to dissidents but to criminals of various types serving jail terms. Over the next few weeks, 122 dissidents surrendered.

In June the amnesty was extended to include all members of the security forces who had committed human rights violations.

In the 1990s the disturbances were finally at an end. This brought relief nation-wide, but in parts of the country it has left behind many problems that remain unsolved to this day. These include poor health, poverty, practical and legal problems and a deep-rooted suspicion of Government officials.


Some of the material here is drawn from a report compiled by the Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJP) entitled Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1989.


  1. ^ Stiff, Peter (June 2000). Cry Zimbabwe: Independence – Twenty Years On. Johannesburg: Galago Publishing. ISBN 978-1919854021. 
  2. ^ Turmoil and tenacity: the road to the unity accord
  3. ^ The 1987 Zimbabwe Unity Accord and its aftermath
  4. ^ Gukurahundi victims remembered in SA
  5. ^ Zimbabwe: Commemorating Gukurahundi
  6. ^ Smith, Ian (1997). The Great Betrayal. London: Blake Publishing Ltd. pp. 381–383. ISBN 1-85782-176-9. 
  7. ^ a b Nyarota, Geoffrey. Against the Grain. Page 134.
  8. ^ a b c d Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace, Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe
  9. ^ [1] "Zimbabwe African National Union," Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2008, accessed 30 June 2008. Archived 31 October 2009.
  10. ^ a b c d "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1989"
  11. ^ NYAROTA SPEAKS : The Zimbabwe Times
  12. ^ AfricaFiles | The Matabeleland Report: A lot to hide
  13. ^ Collier's Yearbook, 1982, 1983, New York: MacMillan
  14. ^ E.P Makambe, Marginalising the Human Rights Campaign: The Dissident Factor and the Politics of Violence in Zimbabwe, 1980–1987, Institute of Southern African Studies, National University of Lesotho
  15. ^ "Landmarks in Robert Mugabe's life" The Independent


Martin Rupiah Lecturer, "Demobilisation and Integration: 'Operation Merger' and the Zimbabwe National defence Forces, 1980–1987", African Security Review, Vol 4, No 3, 1995


  • Documentary Film: Finding Mercy (director: Robyn Paterson, 2012) includes interviews with Zimbabwean civilians and refugees about Gukurahundi and the policy of Mugabe


Zimbabwean author Christopher Mlalazi has written a novel on the Gukurahundi killings from a child's perspective, "Running with Mother" (2012).

External links[edit]