|Part of the French Revolutionary Wars and the Atlantic Revolutions|
Battle at San Domingo., a painting by January Suchodolski depicting a struggle between Polish troops in French service and the Haitian rebels
| French First Republic
|Commanders and leaders|
| Toussaint L'Ouverture
| Napoleon Bonaparte
Charles Leclerc †
Vicomte de Rochambeau
|Regular army: 55,000,
|Regular army: 60,000,
86 warships and frigates
|Casualties and losses|
|Military deaths: unknown
Civilian deaths: 100,000
|Military deaths: 37,000 combat deaths
20,000 yellow fever deaths
Civilian deaths: ~25,000
|Part of a series on the|
|History of Haiti|
|U.S. occupation and Duvalier regime|
|2004 coup d'état|
The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) was a slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, which culminated in the elimination of slavery there and the founding of the Republic of Haiti. The Haitian Revolution was the only slave revolt which led to the founding of a state. Furthermore, it is generally considered the most successful slave rebellion ever to have occurred and as a defining moment in the histories of both Europe and the Americas. The rebellion began with a revolt of black African slaves in August 1791. It ended in November 1803 with the French defeat at the battle of Vertières. Haiti became an independent country on January 1, 1804.
Although an independent government was created in Haiti,the country's society continued to be deeply affected by the patterns established under French colonial rule. Because many planters had provided for their mixed-race children by African women by giving them education and (for men) training and entrée into the French military, the mulatto descendants who along with the wealthy freedmen had been orchestrators of the revolution, became the elite of Haitian society after the war's end. Many of them had used their social capital to acquire wealth, and some already owned land. Some had identified more with the French colonists than the slaves.
Their domination of politics and economics after the revolution created another two-caste society, as most Haitians were rural subsistence farmers. In addition, the nascent state's future was compromised in 1825 when it was forced to pay 150 million gold francs in reparations to French slaveholders, in order to receive French recognition and end the nation's political and economic isolation. Though the amount of the reparations was reduced in 1838, Haiti was unable to finish paying off its debt until 1947, and the payments left the country's government deeply impoverished.
- 1 Background
- 2 Situation in 1789
- 3 Impact of French Revolution
- 4 1791 slave rebellion
- 5 Leadership of L'Ouverture
- 6 Resistance to slavery
- 7 Free republic
- 8 Impact
- 9 The United States and the Haitian Revolution
- 10 The Revolution and the Media
- 11 In popular culture
- 12 See also
- 13 Notes
- 14 References
- 15 External links
Many of the riches of the Caribbean depended on Europeans' taste for sugar, which plantation owners traded for provisions from North America and manufactured goods from European countries. The island also had extensive coffee, cocoa, indigo, and cotton plantations, but these were smaller and less profitable than the wealthy sugar plantations. Starting in the 1730s, French engineers constructed complex irrigation systems to increase sugarcane production. By the 1740s Saint-Domingue, together with Jamaica, had become the main supplier of the world's sugar. Sugar production depended on extensive manual labor provided by enslaved Africans in the harsh Saint-Domingue colonial plantation economy. The white planters who derived their wealth from the sale of sugar knew they were outnumbered by slaves by a factor of more than ten; they lived in fear of slave rebellion. White masters extensively used the threat of physical violence to maintain control and limit this possibility for slave rebellion. When slaves left the plantations or disobeyed their masters, they were subject to whipping, or to more extreme torture such as castration or burning, the punishment being both a personal lesson and a warning for other slaves. Louis XIV, the French King, passed the Code Noir in 1685 in an attempt to regulate such violence and the treatment of slaves in general in the colony, but masters openly and consistently broke the code, and local legislation reversed parts of it throughout the 18th century.
In 1758, the white landowners began passing legislation restricting the rights of other groups of people until a rigid caste system was defined. Most historians have classified the people of the era into three groups. One was the white colonists, or blancs. A second was the free blacks (usually mixed-race, known as mulattoes or gens de couleur libres, free people of color). These gens de couleur tended to be educated and literate and they often served in the army or as administrators on plantations. Many were children of white planters and enslaved mothers. The males often received education or artisan training, sometimes received property from their fathers, and freedom. The third group, outnumbering the others by a ratio of ten to one, was made up of mostly African-born slaves. A high rate of mortality among them meant that planters continually had to import new slaves. This kept their culture more African and separate from other people on the island. Many plantations had large concentrations of slaves from a particular region of Africa, and it was therefore somewhat easier for these groups to maintain elements of their culture, religion, and language. This also separated new slaves from Africa from creoles (slaves born in the colony), who already had kin networks and often had more prestigious roles on plantations and more opportunities for emancipation. Most slaves spoke a patois of French and West African languages known as Creole, which was also used by native mulattoes and whites for communication with the workers.
White colonists and black slaves frequently had violent conflicts. Many of these conflicts surrounded the slaves who had escaped the plantations. Many of these runaway slaves, called (Maroons), lived on the margins of large plantations and lived off what they could steal from their previous masters. Others fled to towns, to blend in with urban slaves and the freed slaves who often concentrated in those areas. If caught, these runaway slaves would be severely and violently punished. However, some masters tolerated "petit marronages", or short-term absences from plantations. Often, however, larger groups of runaway slaves lived in the woods away from control. They often conducted violent raids on the island's sugar and coffee plantations. Although the numbers in these bands grew large (sometimes into the thousands), they generally lacked the leadership and strategy to accomplish large-scale objectives. The first effective maroon leader to emerge was the charismatic [François Mackandal], who succeeded in unifying the black resistance. A [Haitian Voodoo] priest, Mackandal inspired his people by drawing on African traditions and [Religion in Africa|religions]. He united the maroon bands and also established a network of secret organizations among plantation slaves, leading a rebellion from 1751 through 1757. Although Mackandal was captured by the French and burned at the stake in 1758, large armed maroon bands persisted in raids and harassment after his death.
Situation in 1789
In 1789 Saint-Domingue produced 60% of the world's coffee and 40% of the world's sugar imported by France and Britain. The colony was the most profitable possession of the French Empire. Saint-Domingue was also the wealthiest and most prosperous, for the plantation owners at least, of all of the colonies of any country in the Caribbean. In 1789, whites numbered 32,000; mulattoes and free blacks, 28,000; and black slaves, an estimated 452,000. The lowest class of society was enslaved blacks, who outnumbered whites and free people of color by ten to one. The slave population on the island totaled almost half of the one million slaves in the Caribbean by 1789. Two thirds were African-born, they tended to be less submissive than those born in the Americas. The death rate in the Caribbean exceeded the birth rate, so imports of enslaved Africans were necessary in order to maintain the numbers required to work the plantations. The slave population declined at an annual rate of two to five percent, due to overwork; inadequate food, shelter, clothing and medical care; and an imbalance between the sexes, with more men than women. Some slaves were of a creole elite class of urban slaves and domestics, who worked as cooks, personal servants and artisans around the plantation house. This relatively privileged class was chiefly born in the Americas, while the under-class born in Africa labored hard, more often than not, under abusive and brutal conditions.
Among Saint-Domingue's 40,000 white colonials in 1789, European-born Frenchmen monopolized administrative posts. The sugar planters, the grands blancs, were chiefly minor aristocrats. Most returned to France as soon as possible, hoping to avoid the dreaded yellow fever, which regularly swept the colony. The lower-class whites, petits blancs, included artisans, shopkeepers, slave dealers, overseers, and day laborers.
Saint-Domingue's free people of color, the gens de couleur, numbered more than 28,000 by 1789. Around that time, colonial legislations, concerned with this growing and strengthening population, passed discriminatory laws that visibly differentiated these freedman by dictating their clothing and where they could live. These laws also barred them from occupying many public offices. Many of these freedman were also artisans and overseers, or domestic servants in the big houses. Le Cap Français, a northern port, had a large population of freed slaves, and these men would later become important leaders in the 1791 slave rebellion and later revolution.
The North was the center of shipping and trading, and therefore had the largest French elite population. The Plaine du Nord on the northern shore of Saint-Domingue was the most fertile area with the largest sugar plantations. It was the area of most economic importance, especially as most of the colony's trade went through these ports. The largest and busiest port was Le Cap Français (present-day Le Cap Haïtien), the capital of French Saint-Domingue until 1751, when Port-au-Prince was made the capital. In this northern region, enslaved Africans lived in large groups of workers in relative isolation, separated from the rest of the colony by the high mountain range known as the Massif. These slaves would join with urban slaves from Le Cap to lead the 1791 rebellion, which began in this region. This area was the seat of power of the grands blancs, the rich white colonists who wanted greater autonomy for the colony, especially economically.
The Western Province, however, grew significantly after the capital was relocated to Port-au-Prince in 1751, and the region became increasingly wealthy in the second half of the 18th century when irrigation projects allowed significant sugar plantation growth. The Southern Province lagged in population and wealth because it was geographically separated from the rest of the colony. However, this isolation allowed freed slaves to find profit in trade with British Jamaica, and they gained power and wealth here. In addition to such regional tension, there were conflicts between proponents of independence, those loyal to France, allies of Spain, and allies of Great Britain – who coveted control of the valuable colony.
Impact of French Revolution
In France, the majority of the Estates General, an advisory body to the King, constituted itself as the National Assembly, made radical changes in French laws, and on 26 August 1789, published the Declaration of the Rights of Man, declaring all men free and equal. The French Revolution shaped the course of the conflict in Saint-Domingue and was at first widely welcomed in the island. At first, wealthy whites saw it as an opportunity to gain independence from France, which would allow elite plantation-owners to take control of the island and create trade regulations that would further their own wealth and power. So many were the twists and turns in the leadership in France, and so complex were events in Saint-Domingue, that various classes and parties changed their alignments many times. However, the Haitian Revolution quickly became a test of the ideology of the French Revolution, as it radicalized the slavery question and forced French leaders to recognize the full meaning of their revolution.
The African population on the island began to hear of the agitation for independence by the rich European planters, the grands blancs, who had resented France's limitations on the island's foreign trade. The Africans mostly allied with the royalists and the British, as they understood that if Saint-Domingue's independence were to be led by white slave masters, it would probably mean even harsher treatment and increased injustice for the African population. The plantation owners would be free to operate slavery as they pleased without minimal accountability to their French peers.
Saint-Domingue's free people of color, most notably Julien Raimond, had been actively appealing to France for full civil equality with whites since the 1780s. Raimond used the French Revolution to make this the major colonial issue before the National Assembly of France. In October 1790, Vincent Ogé, another wealthy free man of color from the colony, returned home from Paris, where he had been working with Raimond. Convinced that a law passed by the French Constituent Assembly gave full civil rights to wealthy men of color, Ogé demanded the right to vote. When the colonial governor refused, Ogé led a brief insurgency in the area around Cap Français. He was captured in early 1791, and brutally executed by being "broken on the wheel" before being beheaded. Ogé was not fighting against slavery, but his treatment was cited by later slave rebels as one of the factors in their decision to rise up in August 1791 and resist treaties with the colonists. The conflict up to this point was between factions of whites, and between whites and free blacks. Enslaved blacks watched from the sidelines.
Leading 18th-century French writer Count Mirabeau had once said the Saint-Domingue whites "slept at the foot of Vesuvius", an indication of the grave threat they faced should the majority of slaves launch a sustained major uprising.
1791 slave rebellion
|Part of a series of articles on...
1526 San Miguel de Gualdape
Enlightened writer Guillaume Raynal attacked slavery in the 1780 edition of his history of European colonization. He also predicted a general slave revolt in the colonies, saying that there were signs of "the impending storm". One such sign was the action of the French revolutionary government to grant citizenship to wealthy free people of color in May 1791. Because white plantation owners refused to comply with this decision, within two months isolated fighting broke out between the former slaves and the whites. This added to the tense climate between slaves and grands blancs.
Raynal's prediction came true on the night of 21 August 1791, when the slaves of Saint Domingue rose in revolt and plunged the colony into civil war. The signal to begin the revolt was given by Dutty Boukman, a high priest of vodou and leader of the Maroon slaves, during a religious ceremony at Bois Caïman on the night of 14 August. Within the next ten days, slaves had taken control of the entire Northern Province in an unprecedented slave revolt. Whites kept control of only a few isolated, fortified camps. The slaves sought revenge on their masters through "pillage, rape, torture, mutilation, and death". Because the plantation owners had long feared such a revolt, they were well armed and prepared to defend themselves. Nonetheless, within weeks, the number of slaves who joined the revolt reached some 100,000. Within the next two months, as the violence escalated, the slaves killed 4,000 whites and burned or destroyed 180 sugar plantations and hundreds of coffee and indigo plantations.
By 1792, slave rebels controlled a third of the island. The success of the slave rebellion caused the newly elected Legislative Assembly in France to realize it was facing an ominous situation. To protect France's economic interests, the Assembly granted civil and political rights to free men of color in the colonies in March 1792. Countries throughout Europe as well as the United States were shocked by the decision, but the Assembly was determined to stop the revolt. Apart from granting rights to the free people of color, the Assembly dispatched 6,000 French soldiers to the island.
Meanwhile, in 1793, France declared war on Great Britain. The white planters in Saint Domingue made agreements with Great Britain to declare British sovereignty over the islands. Spain, who controlled the rest of the island of Hispaniola, would also join the conflict and fight with Great Britain against France. The Spanish forces invaded Saint Domingue and were joined by the slave forces. For most of the conflict, the British and Spanish supplied the rebels with food, ammunition, arms, medicine, naval support, and military advisors. By August 1793, there were only 3,500 French soldiers on the island. To prevent military disaster, and secure the colony for republican France as opposed to Britain, Spain, and French royalists, separately or in combination, the French commissioners Sonthonax and Poverel freed the slaves in St. Domingue.
The decision was confirmed and extended by the National Convention, the first elected Assembly of the First Republic (1792–1804), on the 4th of February 1794, under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre. It abolished slavery by law in France and all its colonies and granted civil and political rights to all black men in the colonies. The French constitutions of 1793 and 1795 both included the abolition of slavery. The constitution of 1793 was never applied, but that of 1795 was implemented and lasted until replaced by the consular and imperial constitutions under Napoleon Bonaparte. Despite racial tensions in Saint Domingue, the French revolutionary government at the time welcomed abolition with a show of idealism and optimism. The emancipation of slaves was viewed as an example of liberty for other countries, much as the American Revolution was meant to serve as the first of many liberation movements. Danton, one of the Frenchmen present at the meeting of the National Convention, expressed this sentiment:
"representatives of the French people, until now our decrees of liberty have been selfish, and only for ourselves. But today we proclaim it to the universe, and generations to come will glory in this decree; we are proclaiming universal liberty...We are working for future generations; let us launch liberty into the colonies; the English are dead, today."
In nationalistic terms, the abolition of slavery also served as a moral triumph of France over England as seen in the latter half of the above quote. Yet the abolition of slavery did not allow for independence and did not persuade Toussaint L'Ouverture until some time later to stop working with the Spanish army.
It has recently been estimated that the slave rebellion resulted in the death of 350,000 Haitians and 50,000 European troops. According to the Encyclopedia of African American Politics, "Between 1791 and independence in 1804 nearly 200,000 blacks died, as did thousands of mulattoes and as many as 100,000 French and British soldiers."
The author Thomas Carlyle described these events dramatically:
"[describes disorders and shortages in France] ... not so much as Sugar can be had; for good reasons ... With factions, suspicions, want of bread and sugar, it is verily what they call déchiré, torn asunder this poor country: France and all that is French. For, over seas too come bad news. In black Saint-Domingo, before that variegated Glitter in the Champs Elysées was lit for an Accepted Constitution, there had risen, and was burning contemporary with it, quite another variegated Glitter and nocturnal Fulgor, had we known it: of molasses and ardent-spirits; of sugar-boileries, plantations, furniture, cattle and men: skyhigh; the Plain of Cap Français one huge whirl of smoke and flame! What a change here, in these two years; since that first 'Box of Tricolor Cockades' got through the Custom-house, and atrabiliar Creoles too rejoiced that there was a levelling of Bastilles! Levelling is comfortable, as we often say: levelling, yet only down to oneself. Your pale-white Creoles, have their grievances: – and your yellow Quarteroons? And your dark-yellow Mulattoes? And your Slaves soot-black? Quarteroon Ogé, Friend of our Parisian Brissotin Friends of the Blacks, felt, for his share too, that Insurrection was the most sacred of duties. So the tricolor Cockades had fluttered and swashed only some three months on the Creole hat, when Ogé's signal-conflagrations went aloft; with the voice of rage and terror. Repressed, doomed to die, he took black powder or seedgrains in the hollow of his hand, this Ogé; sprinkled a film of white ones on the top, and said to his Judges, "Behold they are white;" – then shook his hand, and said "Where are the Whites, Ou sont les Blancs?" So now, in the Autumn of 1791, looking from the sky-windows of Cap Français, thick clouds of smoke girdle our horizon, smoke in the day, in the night fire; preceded by fugitive shrieking white women, by Terror and Rumour. ..."
Leadership of L'Ouverture
One of the most successful black commanders was Toussaint L'Ouverture, a self-educated former domestic slave. Like Jean François and Biassou, he initially fought for the Spanish crown in this period. After the British had invaded Saint-Domingue, L'Ouverture decided to fight for the French if they would agree to free all the slaves. Sonthonax had proclaimed an end to slavery on 29 August 1793. L'Ouverture worked with a French general, Étienne Laveaux, to ensure that all slaves would be freed. He brought his forces over to the French side in May 1794 and began to fight for the French Republic. Many enslaved Africans were attracted to Toussaint's forces. He insisted on discipline and forbade wholesale slaughter.
Under the military leadership of Toussaint, the forces made up mostly of former slaves succeeded in winning concessions from the British and expelling the Spanish forces. In the end, Toussaint essentially restored control of Saint-Domingue to France. L'Ouverture was very intelligent, organized and articulate. Having made himself master of the island, however, Toussaint did not wish to surrender too much power to France. He began to rule the country as an effectively autonomous entity. L'Ouverture overcame a succession of local rivals (including the Commissioner Sonthonax, a French white man who gained support from many Haitians, angering L'Ouverture; André Rigaud, a free man of color who fought to keep control of the South; and Comte d'Hédouville). Hédouville forced a fatal wedge between Rigaud and L'Ouverture before he escaped to France. Toussaint defeated a British expeditionary force in 1798. In addition, he led an invasion of neighboring Santo Domingo (December 1800), and freed the slaves there on January 3, 1801.
In 1801, L'Ouverture issued a constitution for Saint-Domingue which provided for autonomy and decreed that he would be governor-for-life, calling for black autonomy and a sovereign black state. In response, Napoleon Bonaparte dispatched a large expeditionary force of French soldiers and warships to the island, led by Bonaparte's brother-in-law Charles Leclerc, to restore French rule. They were under secret instructions to restore slavery, at least in the formerly Spanish-held part of the island. The numerous French soldiers were accompanied by mulatto troops led by Alexandre Pétion and André Rigaud, mulatto leaders who had been defeated by Toussaint three years earlier. During the struggles, some of Toussaint's closest allies, including Jean-Jacques Dessalines, defected to Leclerc.
L'Ouverture was promised his freedom if he agreed to integrate his remaining troops into the French army. L'Ouverture agreed to this in May 1802. He was later deceived, seized by the French and shipped to France. He died months later in prison at Fort-de-Joux in the Jura region.
Resistance to slavery
For a few months, the island was quiet under Napoleonic rule. But when it became apparent that the French intended to re-establish slavery (because they had nearly done so on Guadeloupe), black cultivators revolted in the summer of 1802. Dessalines and Pétion remained allied with France until they switched sides again, in October 1802, and fought against the French. In November Leclerc died of yellow fever, like much of his army.
His successor, the Vicomte de Rochambeau, fought an even more brutal campaign. His atrocities helped rally many former French loyalists to the rebel cause. The French were further weakened by a British naval blockade, and by Napoleon's inability to send the requested massive reinforcements after war with England resumed in the spring of 1803. Having sold the Louisiana Territory to the United States in April 1803, Napoleon began to lose interest in his failing ventures in the Western Hemisphere. He was more concerned about France's European enemies such as Great Britain and Prussia. With that, he withdrew a majority of the French forces in Haiti to counter the possibility of an invasion from Prussia, Britain, and Spain on a weakened France. Dessalines led the rebellion until its completion, when the French forces were finally defeated in 1803.
The last battle of the Haitian Revolution, the Battle of Vertières, occurred on 18 November 1803, near Cap-Haïtien. It was fought between Haitian rebels led by Jean-Jacques Dessalines and the French colonial army under the Viscount of Rochambeau. On January 1, 1804, he won and, from the city of Gonaïves, Dessalines officially declared the former colony's independence, renaming it "Haiti" after the indigenous Arawak name. Although he lasted from 1804–1806 several changes began taking place in Haiti. The independence of Haiti was a major blow to France and its colonial empire, but the French state would take several decades to recognize the loss of the colony.
On 1 January 1804, Dessalines, the new leader under the dictatorial 1801 constitution, declared Haiti a free republic in the name of the Haitian people, which was followed by the massacre of the remaining whites. Dessalines' secretary Boisrond-Tonnerre stated, "For our declaration of independence, we should have the skin of a white man for parchment, his skull for an inkwell, his blood for ink, and a bayonet for a pen!" Haiti was the first independent nation in Latin America, the first post-colonial independent black-led nation in the world, and the only nation whose independence was gained as part of a successful slave rebellion. The country was crippled by years of war, its agriculture devastated, its formal commerce nonexistent. The country therefore had to be rebuilt. In order to realise this goal Dessalines adopted the economic organisation of serfdom. He proclaimed that every citizen would belong to one of two categories, laborer or soldier. Furthermore, he proclaimed the mastery of the state over the individual and consequently ordered that all laborers were to be bound to a plantation. In order to avoid the appearance of slavery, however, the ultimate symbol of slavery, the whip, was abolished. Likewise, the working day was shortened by a third. Dessalines chief motivator nonetheless was production and to this aim he granted much freedom to the plantations overseers. Barred from using the whip, many instead turned to lianes, which were thick vines abundant throughout the island, to persuade the laborers to keep working. Dessalines effectively sent the Haitian people back into slavery. Nevertheless, he succeeded in rebuilding much of the countryside and in raising production levels.
Fearing a return of French forces, Dessalines first expanded and maintained a significant military force. During his reign, nearly 10% of able-bodied men were in active service. Furthermore, Dessalines ordered the construction of massive fortifications throughout the island, like the Citadelle Laferrière. Many commentators believe that this overmilitarization contributed to many of Haiti's future problems. In fact, because young fit men were the most likely to be drafted into the army, the plantations were thus deprived of the workforce needed to function properly.
Under the presidency of Jean Pierre Boyer, Haiti made reparations to French slaveholders in 1825 in the amount of 150 million francs, reduced in 1838 to 60 million francs, in exchange for French recognition of its independence. Boyer believed that the constant threat of a French invasion was stymieing the Haitian economy and thus felt the need to settle the matter once and for all. The negotiations for the indemnity were rather one sided however as French warships were anchored off the coast. The resulting indemnity bankrupted the Haitian treasury. Haiti was therefore forced to take out a loan from French banks, who provided the funds for the large first installment, severely affecting Haiti's ability to be prosperous. Haitian forces, led by Boyer, invaded neighboring Dominican Republic in February 1822. This was the beginning of a 22-year occupation by Haitian forces.
The end of the Haitian Revolution in 1804 marked the end of colonialism on the island. However, the social conflict that was cultivated under slavery continued to affect the population for years to come. The revolution left in place the affranchi élite which continued to rule Haiti, while the formidable Haitian army kept them in power. France continued the slavery system in French Guiana, Martinique and Guadeloupe.
The Haitian Revolution was influential in slave rebellions in the United States and British colonies. According to Haitian writer Michael J. Dash, the U.S. government feared that a successful slave revolt in Haiti would inspire a similar revolt in the United States. The revolution likely inspired a temporary increase in slave rebellions in the US, and this scared Southern plantation owners concerned about their own slaves rebelling. After the Haitian Revolution, the US banned slave owners from bringing Haitians over as slaves in order to avoid trouble, although some slave owners ignored this ban. This in turn led to the biggest slave revolt in US history, the 1811 German Coast Uprising in Louisiana. This slave revolt was put down and the punishment the slaves received were severe to the point there is no media references to it in existence. This fear resulted in a growing conservatism in US political culture, and leaders began to turn against the ideology of the French Revolution when they saw its influence in the Caribbean. The neighboring revolution brought the slavery question to the forefront of US politics, and the resulting intensification of racial divides and sectional politics ended the idealism of the Revolutionary period.
Beginning during the slave insurrections of 1791, white refugees from Saint-Domingue fled to the United States, particularly Philadelphia, Baltimore, New York and Charleston. The immigration intensified after the journée (crisis) of June 20, 1793, and soon American families began to raise money and open up their homes in order to aid the exiles in what became the United States' first refugee crisis. While some white refugees blamed the French Revolutionary government for sparking the violence in Haiti, many supported the Republican regime and openly expressed their support of the Jacobins  There is also some historical evidence suggesting that displaying solidarity with the French Revolution was the easiest way for the refugees to earn the support and sympathy of the Americans, who had just recently lived through their own revolution. American slaveholders, in particular, commiserated with the French planters who had been forcibly removed from their plantations in Saint-Domingue. While most of the exiles found themselves in a relatively peaceful situation in the United States—safe from the violence raging in both France and Haiti—their presence complicated the already precarious diplomatic relations between Great Britain, France and the United States.
Many of the white and free people of color who left Saint-Domingue for the United States settled in Southern Louisiana, adding many new members to its French-speaking, mixed-raced, and African populations. The exiles causing the greatest amount of alarm were the African slaves who came with their refugee owners. Southern planters grew concerned that the presence of these slaves who had witnessed the revolution in Haiti would incite similar revolts in the United States, and therefore went to significant lengths to prevent the widespread trade of these persons.
In 1807 Haiti was divided into two parts, the Republic of Haiti and the Kingdom of Haiti in the North. Land could not be privately owned as it was reverted to the state through Biens Nationaux (national bonds), and no French whites could own any land. The remaining French settlers were forced to leave the island. Those who refused were slaughtered. The Haitian State owned up to 90% of the land and the other 10% was leased in 5-year intervals.
Because Napoleon was unable to regain control over Haiti, he gave up hope of rebuilding a French New World empire. The loss of revenues from Saint-Domingue's sugar plantations made maintenance of Louisiana impractical. Similarly, as a result of debts incurred fighting the slave revolt, Napoleon chose to sell to the American government the Louisiana territory which had just recently been acquired from Spain. When, a generation later, French imperial ambitions revived, Africa, Mexico, China and Indochina would be the main targets, as also the business motivating forces, which has driven the production of the prerevolutionary domain, were auxiliary.
While such a large-scale slave rebellion was never again repeated, the Haitian Revolution stood as a model for achieving emancipation for slaves in the rest of the Atlantic World. In 1807, Britain permanently abolished the slave trade, although slavery was not abolished in the British Empire as it existed in 1834. Napoleon reversed the French abolition of slavery in law, constitution and practice which occurred between 1793 and 1801, and reinstated slavery in the French colonies in 1801-1803, which lasted until 1848. Slavery in the United States officially ended after the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in late 1865.
In 2004, Haiti celebrated the bicentennial of its independence from France.
The United States and the Haitian Revolution
The Haitian Revolution provoked mixed reactions in the United States. Southern Slaveholders feared that the slave revolution might spread from the island of Hispaniola to the slave plantations of the Southern United States. They believed that the African people who they enslaved would be inspired by the Haitian Revolution. This concern was shared by many in the federal government, which sent tax money to help plantation owners trying to suppress the revolution. American merchants conducted a substantial trade with the plantations on Hispaniola (aka the French colony of Saint Domingue or Haiti).
However, there were anti-slavery advocates in northern cities who believed that consistency with the principles of the American Revolution — life, liberty and equality for all — demanded that the U.S. support the slave insurgents.
The Revolution and the Media
The revolution of African slaves brought many fears to colonies surrounding Haiti and the Caribbean. Among these fears were that of prominent, wealthy American slave owners, who in reading about the revolution, also read about speculation of what was to come to their own colonies. However, papers like the Colombian Centinel took the extra steps to support the revolution, in the sense that it was based on the foundations of the American Revolution. The French media also played an important role in the Haitian Revolution, with contributions that made many French upstarts quite interested in the young, passionate Toussaint's writings of freedom.
However, all was not simple in the press. A top critic who significantly drove Toussaint into fear of backlash from France was Sonthonax, who was responsible for many outlooks of Haiti in the French newspapers. Yet, Sonthonax was one of the few contenders who truly pushed for the independence of the African slaves and became a major factor in Toussaint's decision of declaring independence from France.
In popular culture
- Cuban writer Alejo Carpentier's second novel, The Kingdom of this World (1949), (translated into English 1957), explores the Haitian Revolution in depth. It is one of the novels that inaugurated the Latin American renaissance in fiction beginning in the mid-20th century.
- Madison Smartt Bell has written a trilogy called All Souls' Rising (1995) about the life of Toussaint Louverture and the slave uprising.
- Though not referred to by name, Haiti is the backdrop for the 1990 Broadway musical Once on This Island by Lynn Ahrens and Stephen Flaherty. The musical, based on the novel My Love, My Love by Rosa Guy, describes the social stratification of the island and contains one song which briefly outlines the history of the Haitian Revolution.
- In 2004 an exhibition of paintings entitled Caribbean Passion: Haiti 1804, by artist Kimathi Donkor, was held in London to celebrate the bicentenary of Haiti's revolution.
- In 2010, author Isabel Allende wrote a historical novel entitled The Island Beneath the Sea which documents the Haitian Revolution through the eyes of a slave woman living on the island.
- William Dietrich set his 2012 novel, The Emerald Storm during the Haitian Revolution.
- Lamour Desrances
- Polish Legions (Napoleonic period)
- U.S. Reaction to the Haitian Revolution
- United States and the Haitian Revolution
- An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President
- The Crime of Napoleon
- *Please note that the URL in a footnote whose link is followed by an asterisk may occasionally require special attention.
- Anne Greene (1988-98). "Chapter 6 – "Haiti: Historical Setting", in A Country Study: Haiti". *Federal Research Service of Library of Congress.
- "A Country Study: Haiti – Boyer: Expansion and Decline". * Library of Congress. 200a. Retrieved 30 August 2007.
- Thomas E. Weil, Jan Knippers Black, Howard I. Blustein, Kathryn T. Johnston, David S. McMorris, Frederick P. Munson, Haiti: A Country Study. (Washington, D.C.: The American University Foreign Area Handbook Series 1985).
- Rogozinski, Jan (1999). A Brief History of the Caribbean (Revised ed.). New York: Facts on File. pp. 85, 116–117, 164–165. ISBN 0-8160-3811-2.
- Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press 2004).
- "Haiti – French Colonialism". Retrieved 27 November 2006.
- "The Slave Rebellion of 1791". Retrieved 27 November 2006.
- Bonham C. Richardson (1992). "The Caribbean in the Wider World, 1492-1992: A Regional Geography". Cambridge University Press. p.166. ISBN 0-521-35977-5
- Herbert Klein, Transatlantic Slave Trade, Pg. 32–33
- CLR James, The Black Jacobins, p. 17
- Tim Matthewson, A Pro-Slavery Foreign Policy: Haitian-American Relations During the Early Republic, (Praeger: Westport, Connecticut. and London: 2003) p. 3
- C.L.R. James, Black Jacobins (Vintage, 1989) p. 29
- Robert Heinl, Written in Blood: The History of the Haitian People, New York: Lanham, 1996, p. 45
- Laurent Dubois, Avengers pf the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press 2004).
- Knight, Franklin W. (1990). The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 204–208. ISBN 0-19-505441-5.
- Blakburn, Robin. "The Force of Example". The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World. Ed. David P. Geggus. (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press 2001).
- France and the History of Haiti by Gearóid Ó Colmáin, Global Research, 22 January 2010
- Hochschild, Adam Bury the Chains: The British Struggle to Abolish Slavery (2006)
- Center and Hunt, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, 119.
- Blackburn, "Haiti's Slavery in the Age of the Democratic Revolution", William and Mary Quarterly 63.4, 633–644 (2006).
- Censer and Hunt, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, 123. Dutty Boukman, Haitianite.com 
- Censer and Hunt, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,p. 124.
- Blackpast.com , Haitian Revolution 1791–1804
- Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus, "Slave Revolution in the Caribbean: 1789-1804". Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2006. Document 26.
- Scheina, Robert L. (2003). Latin America's Wars, Vol. 1: The Age of the Caudillo, 1791-1899. Washington, DC: Brassey's. p. 18.
- Robert C. Smith (2003). Encyclopedia of African American Politics. Infobase Publishing. p.166. ISBN 1-4381-3019-8
- Thomas Carlyle, The French Revolution: A History, Chapter 2.5.IV. "No Sugar" 
- "Review of Haitian Revolution Part II". Retrieved 27 November 2006.
- Philippe Girard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoleon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence (University of Alabama Press, 2011). ISBN 0817317325
- Haitian Declaration of Independence: Liberty or Death: Indigent Army, by the General in Chief Dessalines, in the name of the Haitian people. Held in the British National Archives: 
- Philippe Girard, “Jean-Jacques Dessalines and the Atlantic System: A Reappraisal,” William and Mary Quarterly (July 2012).
- Independent Haiti, Library of Congress Country Studies.
- "Independent Haiti". Retrieved 27 November 2006.
- James Leyburn, The Haitian People, Yale University Press, 1961, 34
- James Leyburn, The Haitian People, Yale University Press, 1961, 37
- James Leyburn, The Haitian People, Yale University Press, 1961, 70
- James Leyburn, The Haitian People, Yale University Press, 1961, 70
- "Dominican Republic – Haiti and Santo Domingo". Country Studies. Library of Congress; Federal Research Division.
- Rasmussen, Daniel (2011). American Uprising: The Untold Story of America's Largest Slave Revolt. HarperCollins. p. 288.
- Newman, Simon P. "American Political Culture and the French and Haitian Revolutions: Nathaniel Cutting and the Jeffersonian Republicans." The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World. Ed. David P. Geggus. (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press 2001).
- Sonsnowski, Thomas. "Revolutionary Emigres and Exiles in the United States: Problems of Economic Survival in a New Republican Society" (unpublished paper)
- Popkin, Jeremy D. 'You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
- Popkin, page 298.
- Davis, David Brion. "Impact of the French and Haitian Revolutions." The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World. Ed. David P. Geggus. (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press 2001).
- William Doyle (23 August 2001). The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. pp. 69–. ISBN 978-0-19-157837-3. Retrieved 10 July 2013.
- Matthewson, Tim, 1996 Jefferson and the Nonrecognition of Haiti, p. 30
- Jenson, The Sonthonax Drama: Toussaint as Political Dramaturge, p. 70
- Web pages for FRD Country Studies are subject to changes of URL. If a page linked from a footnote that cites the Haiti study bears a title different from that cited next to the link, consult A Country Study: Haiti for the revised URL.
|Library resources about
- Blackburn, Robin. "Haiti, Slavery, and the Age of the Democratic Revolution", William and Mary Quarterly 63.4, 633–674 (2006)
- Censer, Jack & Lynn Hunt. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution. University Park, Pennsylvania.: Pennsylvania State University Press (2001) ISBN 0-271-02088-1.
- Dubois, Laurent. Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University (2005) ISBN 0-674-01826-5.
- Dubois, Laurent & Garrigus, John D. Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789–1804: A Brief History with Documents. Bedford/St. Martin's Press (2006) ISBN 0-312-41501-X.
- Fick,Carolyne "The Haitian revolution and the limit of freedom: deﬁning citizenship in the revolutionary era".Social History, Vol 32. No 4, November 2007
- Garrigus, John D. Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in Saint-Domingue. Palgrave-Macmillan, (2006) ISBN 1-4039-7140-4.
- Geggus, David P. Haitian Revolutionary Studies. University of South Carolina Press, (2002) ISBN 1-57003-416-8.
- Girard, Philippe. “Black Talleyrand: Toussaint Louverture’s Secret Diplomacy with England and the United States,” William and Mary Quarterly 66:1 (Jan. 2009), 87-124.
- Girard, Philippe. “Napoléon Bonaparte and the Emancipation Issue in Saint-Domingue, 1799-1803,” French Historical Studies 32:4 (Fall 2009), 587-618.
- Girard, Philippe. The Slaves Who Defeated Napoleon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence (University of Alabama Press, 2011). ISBN 0817317325
- Girard, Philippe. “Jean-Jacques Dessalines and the Atlantic System: A Reappraisal,” William and Mary Quarterly (July 2012).
- James, C.L.R. The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution. Vintage, 2nd edition, (1989) ISBN 0-679-72467-2.
- Joseph, Celucien L. Race, Religion, and The Haitian Revolution: Essays on Faith, Freedom, and Decolonization (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012)
- Joseph, Celucien L. From Toussaint to Price-Mars: Rhetoric, Race, and Religion in Haitian Thought (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013)
- Ott, Thomas O. The Haitian Revolution, 1789–1804. University of Tennessee Press, 1973.
- Peyre-Ferry, Joseph Elysée. Journal des opérations militaires de l'armée française à Saint-Domingue,1802–1803 (2006), ISBN 2-84621-052-7.
- Popkin, Jeremy D., You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010)
- Haiti: Revolutionary War 1791 – 1803
- The Louverture Project, a wiki about the history of Haiti
- Haitian Constitution of 1801 (English)
- Haiti Archives
- "Égalité for All: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian Revolution". Noland Walker. PBS documentary. 2009
- France Urged to Pay $40 Billion to Haiti in Reparations for "Independence Debt" – video report by Democracy Now!
- The Other Revolution: Haiti, 1789 - 1804 digital exhibition from Brown University