History of Wallonia

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

The history of Wallonia, from pre-historic times to the present day, is that of a territory which, since 1970, has approximately coincided with the territory of Wallonia, a federated component which includes the smaller German-speaking Community of Belgium (73,000 inhabitants). Wallonia is the name colloquially given to the Walloon Region. The French word Wallonie comes from the term Wallon, itself coming from Walh. Walh is a very old Germanic word used to refer to a speaker of Celtic or Latin.[1]

Prehistory[edit]

Iguanodon bernissartensis compared in size to a human.
Section of mines at Spiennes

The largest find of Iguanodon remains to date occurred in 1878 in a coal mine at Bernissart, at a depth of 322 m (1056 ft).[2] I. bernissartensis, that lived from the Barremian to the early Aptian (Early Cretaceous) in Europe, between about 130 and 120 million years ago.

The Grotte de Spy (Spy Cave) is located near Spy in the Walloon municipality of Jemeppe-sur-Sambre, in the province of Namur.[3] It has been classified as Wallonia's Major Heritage. It is one of the most important paleolithic sites in Europe. In 1886 a discovery was made that still represents a capital episode in the history of science. The excavation was conducted by inhabitants of Liège, Marcel de Puydt, Max Lohest and Julien Fraipont. They proved the existence of a more antiquated type of human, in other words, the Neanderthal. Julien Fraipont published about Spy in an American Review [4]

Spiennes is another famous Walloon village in the municipality of Mons Province of Hainaut. Its well known neolithic flint mines,[5] are on the list of UNESCO World Heritage Sites. The entry on the list describes them as "the largest and earliest concentration of ancient mines in Europe" and cites the level of human technological development they demonstrate as justification for their inclusion.[6]

Antiquity[edit]

Séquence de sainte Eulalie

'Julius Caesar conquered Gaul. Our ancestors became the Gallo-Romans and were called the "Walha" by their Germanic neighbours. Hence the name Wallonia. The "Walha" abandoned their Celtic dialects and started to speak Vulgar Latin. Already at that time, Wallonia was on the border between the Germanic world and the Latin world. [7] The historians are emphasizing the land of the Walloon people: Leopold Genicot,[8] Francis Dumont etc.[9] For Félix Rousseau, Wallonia has always been a romance land since Gallic Wars and constitutes a Latin avant-garde in Germanic Europe. Félix Rousseau's book La Wallonie, Terre Romane [The Wallonia, Romance Land] begins like :

For centuries, the land of the Walloons has been and has never stopped to be a romance land. That's the capital fact of the history of the Walloons that explains their way to think, to feel, to believe.
Moreover, in the whole romance world, the land of Walloons, stuk between germanic territories, occupies a special position, a position of avant-garde. Indeed, the 300km long border separate those extremi Latini of the Flemish at the North, of the Germans at the East.[10]

The most remarkable of the romance identity of Wallonia is the Sequence of Saint Eulalia (because its traits of Wallooon, Picard, Lorrain), which is possibly located in Wallonia or at least next to Wallonia. Its origin must be located in a region between Tournai and Liège and it was written around 880 [11]

The longue durée event of the language border[edit]

Following Fernand Braudel himself, the most important event of the Walloon history (and of the Belgian history), is the so-called Barbarian invasions. For the great French historian, it is one interesting example of the longue durée event. He wrote that the result of the Germanic invasions - the language border in Belgium - is a contemporary and living trait (see, for instance, Belgium divided into two parts along a language border.[12] This border, separating the Germanic and Roman sprachraums, moved over the centuries which preceded the establishment of the Belgian state over an area between the Ardennes and the more or less straight line going from Aachen to Calais on the one hand and the much less populated frontier from Aachen to Arlon via Malmedy. However this frontier has not much changed since the 18th century.[13]

Flanders is in the North of the red line and Wallonia in the South. The shape of the border between France and Wallonia is easy to recognize (in the light blue blot).

According Kenneth D. McRae, this language border "acquired administrative signifiance for the first time in 1822 with the William I's legislation on the use of Dutch in Flemish communes." [14]

Old Origin of the industry in Wallonia[edit]

L' Ardenne (Wallonian spelling), is an old mountain formed during the Hercynian orogeny as for instance in France the Armorican Massif, the Massif Central and the Vosges. At the bottom of these old mountains, coal, iron, zinc, and other metals are often found in the sub-soil. This geologic fact explains the greatest part of Wallonia's history. In the North and West of the Ardennes lie the valleys of the Sambre and Meuse rivers, forming an arc Sillon industriel going across the most industrial provinces of Wallonia, for example Hainaut, along the river Haine (the etymology of Hainaut) : the Borinage, the Centre and Charleroi along the river Sambre, Liège along the river Meuse. This geological region, this old mountain is at the origin of the economy, the history, and the geography of Wallonia. Wallonia presents a wide range of rocks of various ages. Some geological stages internationally recognized were defined from rock sites located in Wallonia : e.g. Frasnian (Frasnes), Famennian (Famenne), Tournaisian (Tournai), Visean (Visé), Dinantian (Dinant) and Namurian (Namur)[15] The Tournaisian excepted, all these rocks are in the Ardennes viewed as a geological area.

The Ardennes includes the greatest part of the province of Luxembourg (number 4), the south of the province of Namur (number 5) and the province of Liège (number 3), and a very small part of Hainaut (number 2). There were the first furnaces in the four Walloon provinces, using, before the 18th century, charcoal which was made in the Ardennes forest. This industry was also in the extreme South of the Luxembourg, in the region called Gaume. After this century, the most important part of the Walloon steel industry, using then coal, was built around the coal-mines, principally in the region around the cities of Liège, Charleroi, La Louvière, the Borinage, and further in the Walloon Brabant (in Tubize). Wallonia became the second industrial power of the world in proportion to its territory and to its population (see further).

The industrial revolution in the Sillon industriel will include four industrial basins (Borinage, La Louvière - called Centre - Charleroi, Liège) and a semi-industrial basin in Namur:[16]

During ancient times these fourth basin was a major center of iron manufacture and one of the important industrial areas of the Roman Empire. With the fall of the Empire, however, iron was more or less displaced by various types of brass or bronze, and the local centers of medieval metalworking in Belgium moved to Huy and out of the iron regions, on up the Meuse river to the forested areas around Dinant and Chimay. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the iron masters of Liège evolved a method of refining iron ore by the use of a blast furnace. Called the Walloon Method, this development was instrumental in making possible the re-substitution of iron for brass after the fifteenth century. Apart from increasing the industrial importance of Liège, however, it apparently did not otherwise relocate the centers of metal production. There were a few coalmines around Liège, Charleroi, and the Borinage as early as the thirteenth century but their production was small. The main medieval use of coal was neither for household heating nor for metalworking. Rather, it was principally consumed as a fuel by various industries such as breweries, dyeworks, soap and brick factories, and by the important glassmaking industry that sprang up in the Charleroi basin during the fourteenth century. Coal was mined in those days as a kind of rural, part-time enterprise to supplement peasant incomes.[17]

The Walloon Method in the Middle Ages[edit]

During the late Middle Ages, "within the context of the demand for iron for artillery, important technological developments in iron working occurred in Wallonia (...) of particular importance in the County of Namur, County of Hainaut (... and) Principality of Liège", called Walloon method.[18] The Walloon method consisted of making pig iron in a blast furnace, followed by refining it in a finery forge. The process was devised in the Liège region spread[19] into France and thence from the Pays de Bray to England before the end of the 15th century.[20][21] Louis de Geer took it to Roslagen in Sweden in the early 17th century, where he employed Walloon ironmakers.[22] Iron made there by this method was known in England as oregrounds iron.[23][24]

The Beginning of the industrial Revolution[edit]

Peter N.Stearns wrote:

The improvement of the blast furnace and the development of the puddling process, both originating in England during the last half of the eighteenth century, accelerated the substitution of coke for charcoal. The first puddling furnace was not installed in Belgium until 1821, while the first coke-fed blast furnace did not appear until two years later. By 1850, however, there were as many furnaces using coke as charcoal, and by 1870 the extensive use of charcoal in metalworking had been discontinued almost everywhere but in a few small establishments in Luxembourg and Namur provinces. Under the impact of these developments, metal production moved out of the forested areas into the coal-producing vicinities of Charleroi and Liège. It was the perfection of the steam engine, however, which triggered the Industrial revolution in Belgium. In many ways the growth of steam power can serve as an index for the development of that revolution itself, since it was both a major cause and a major effect of its continuance. The earliest kind of steam-operated machine,a Newcomen-type steampump, was in use in mines near Liège as early as 1723 and at Charleroi by 1725. THe first steam engines based on Watt's modifications, appeared on the continent in a cannon foundry at Liège in 1803. The meager four horsepower produced by the two machines installed there grew to 1,400 by 1830, to 30,000 by 1840 and to 100,000 by 1860.[25]

Second Industrial Power of the World[edit]

Peter N. Stearns wrote:

The improvement of the blast furnace and the development of the puddling process, both originating in England during the last half of the eighteenth century, accelerated the substitution of coke for charcoal. The first puddling furnace was not installed in Belgium until 1821, while the first coke-fed blast furnace did not appear until two years later. By 1850, however, there were as many furnaces using coke as charcoal, and by 1870 the extensive use of charcoal in metalworking had been discontinued almost everywhere but in a few small establishments in Luxembourg and Namur provinces. Under the impact of these developments metal production moved out of the forested areas into the coal-producing vicinities of Charleroi and Liège. It was the perfection of the steam engine, however, which triggered the Industrial revolution in Belgium. In many ways the growth of steam power can serve as an index for the development of that revolution itself, since it was both a major cause and a major effect of its continuance. The earliest kind of steam-operated machine, a Newcomen-type steam pump, was in use in mines near Liège as early as 1723 an dat Charleroi by 1725. The first steam engines, based on Watt's modifications, appeared on the continent in a cannon foundry at Liège in 1803. The meager four horsepower produced by the two machines installed there grew to 1,400 by 1830, to 30,000 by 1840 and to 100,000 by 1860.[26]

Jean-Pierre Rioux quoted the following table in his book La révolution industrielle (Industrial revolution). The table is based on several levels of development (i.e. consumption of cotton in the rough state, of cast-iron, cast-steel, coal, the development of the railway network[27]). This table was firstly drawn by Paul Bairoch one of the most important economist after the World War II [28]

Thus, this table is not based on absolute figures (or is not pointing out the absolute ranks), but the hierarchy of the industrial powers is based on their levels of development. And if Wallonia is not pointed out on this table, Wallonia may be used instead of Belgium.

Rank [29] 1810 1840 1860 1880 1900 1910
1 United Kingdom United Kingdom United Kingdom United Kingdom United States United States
2 Belgium Belgium Belgium Belgium United Kingdom United Kingdom
3 United States United States United States United States Belgium Belgium
4 France Switzerland Switzerland Switzerland Switzerland Germany
5 Switzerland France France Germany Germany Switzerland
6 Germany Germany Germany France France France
7 Sweden Sweden Sweden Sweden Sweden Sweden
8 Spain Spain Spain Spain Spain Spain
9 Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy
10 Russia Russia Russia Russia Russia Russia
11 Japan Japan Japan Japan Japan Japan

According to many authors, the word Belgium may be exchanged for Wallonia as for instance Herbert Lüthy, quoted by Maurice Besnard: Belgium and its Walloon part was the first country to become an industrial country after England. Herbert Lüthy did not agree with the theory of Max Weber on the link between capitalism and Protestantism and, on the contrary, underlined the fact that Wallonia was a catholic country[30] Philippe Destatte wrote that Wallonia was the second industrial power of the world, in proportion to its population and its territory.[31] Hervé Hasquin thought that the development of the Walloon industrial regions contributed to make of Belgium one of the main industrial powers in Europa, if not in the world... [32] Philippe Raxhon wrote about the period after 1830,: It was not propaganda but reality that the Walloon regions were becoming the second industrial power all over the world after England [33] Marc Reynebau said the same thing [34] Michel De Coster, Professor at the University of Liège wrote also:The historians and the economists say that Belgium was the second industrial power of the world, in proportion to its population and its territory (...) But this rank is the one of Wallonia where were concentrated the coal-mines, the blast furnaces, the iron and zinc factories, the wool industry, the glass industry, the weapons industry....[35] The Professor is pointing out this possible confusion (Belgium/Wallonia), as a good example of the difficulties of the Walloon identity. There are many other references about that: The Walloon iron and steel industry came to be regarded as an example of the radical evolution of industrial expansion. Thanks to coal (the French word “houille” was coined in Wallonia), the region geared up to become the second industrial power in the world after England. In fact, despite the protectionism of neighbouring states, in 1833 Belgian industry boasted 5 times more steam machines per inhabitant than a country such as France. It also exported them to over 25 countries. [36] The sole industrial centre outside the collieries and blast furnaces of Walloon was the old cloth making town of Ghent. [37]

Depending on Brussels[edit]

Professor Michel Quévit wrote Wallonia has been a prosperous country depending on the financial powers in Brussels.[38] When arriving at the end of the first stage of the industrial revolution, Walloon captains of industry took huge risks because of the large increase of the production. The result was that the High Bank in Brussels took very important financial participation in the Walloon companies. In 1847, it is done. Brussels became the dominating structure of the Belgian space [39]

Mikulas Teich wrote and summarized all the last stages of the contemporary Wallonia as far as the 1970s:

During the first stage of the Belgian industrial Revolution the centre of gravity in the process of structural change was clearly situated in the Walloon part of the country. (...) The real great success of the Walloon heavy industry at that time, however, was not only due to factors on the supply side and to a fortuitous boom of coal to France, but also to other more dynamic factors on the demand side, particularly with respect to the export demand for pig iron, for intermediate finished metallic products, for steam engines, locomotives and other transportation equipment, a demand which was determined to a large extent by the Railway Revolution and the ensuing railway boom. Because at that time Wallonia’s heavy industry had an undeniable technological lead over its French and German counterparts, and because it had a clear locational advantage vis-à-vis British competition, the first industrialization phase of Germany and France became very dependent upon exports from Wallonia. (...) The Antwerp harbor benefited from the maritimization of Wallonia’s exports and from the rising transit trade with Germany and France. At the end of nineteenth century it started to attract autonomous industrial investment, based on her location advantages. But Antwerp’s industrialization was not nearly enough, even together with the steady diffusion of the mechanized textile industry from Ghent to the rest of Flanders, to move the balance of industrial power from south to north. Only after the Second World War was there a clear-cut shift in industrial dynamism. From south to north.

A final remarks concerns the role of the Brussels mixed banks (combining commercial banking with long-term investment), that is, the Société Générale de Belgique, founded in 1822 and the Banque de Belgique, founded in 1835. Why did these two banks play such a dominant role in the industrialization process of Belgium, and why did this specific Belgian system remain so stable and viable afterwards ? Financial intermediaries in Brussels concentrated heavily upon the basic and capital goods industries, which were paramount in Belgian industrialization in the course of the nineteenth century. The industries had a larger need for venture capital to finance their fixed assets. Because of the high capital outlays needed for mechanization, most of the firms active in the above-mentioned industries did not have sufficient reserves at their disposal to finance the transition themselves. (...) This financial structure remained typical in Belgium even in the twentieth century, when in other countries – particularly in the USA – the development of a mass-produced consumer durables sector led to a substitution of financial capitalism by managerial capitalism where the coordinating and controlling functions of the holding company structure were replaced by the more modern organization and control systems of the large industrial corporations. Why did Belgium preserve its nineteenth-century financial structure so long ? First, because income distribution in Belgium remained quite unequal until a recent date ; relative abundance of labour allowed for keeping wages low and services cheap and hindered – together with the small geographical size of the domestic market – the appearance of a mass market for consumer durables. Second, because the building of a large transportation system, not only in Europe but also in the colonial territories, provided scope for a long time for the attention to investment in basic industries and in heavy transportation equipment. Only when after Second World War investment in colonial mining and transportation had ceased and Belgium had become a more affluent society did industrial investment shift towards the new sectors of consumer durables. The traditional Brussels holding companies at the same time were losing their overall grip on Belgian industry to the American multinationals, to the German mixed banks and to some other financial independent European companies. The need for external finds was not decreasing. On the contrary, it was increasing. But the structure of Belgian industry was changing, and the control of the new industrial sectors was no longer in the hands of the traditional Belgian holding companies, but increasingly in the hands of foreign investors.[40]

The Belgian State: Wallonia depending politically on the North[edit]

The language of Belgium's elites, Government, Monarchy, Bourgeoisie was French in 1830. And if Wallonia is now defined as a French-speaking country, the French choice of the elites in 1830 was not a Walloon choice, in favour of this southern part of Belgium and to the northern part. French speaking elites at the head of the companies, the industry, the politics were all coming from both Flanders and Wallonia. It was not an ethnic choice but a social choice.

Quickly, Wallonia found it to its cost:In the history of Belgium, the legislative elections held on 11 June 1884 represent a pivotal point for the total victory of the Catholic Party over Walthère Frère-Orban's liberals opened the way for thirty years of homogeneous governments, thirty years of domination by that party, whose main power was in Flanders. Above all, this 1884 victory had the effect - to quote Robert Demoulin - of shifting the country's political centre of gravity from the South to toward the North.[41]

Government composition, 1884-1911 [42]
Periods and Governments Flemish ministers Ministers from Brussels Walloon Ministers
A. Beernaert  : October 26, 1884/ March 17, 1894 60% 14% 26%
J. de Burlet  : March 26, 1894/ June 25, 1896 75% 9% 16%
P. de Smet de Naeye : June 26, 1896/ January 23, 1899 87% - 13%
J. Vandenpeereboom : January 24, 1899/ July 31, 1899 84% - 16%
Paul de Smet de Naeyer  : August 5, 1899/ April 12, 1907 76% - 24%
J. de Trooz : May 1, 1907/ December 31, 1907 67% 11% 22%
F.Schollaert : January 9, 1908/ June 8, 1911 57% 22% 21%
Ch. de Broqueville : June 18, 1911/ August 4, 1914 42% 22% 36%

Jules Destrée, an important socialist leader of Charleroi reacted against this situation in writing the Lettre au roi sur la séparation de la Wallonie et de la Flandre.[43] Even the President of the POB, Emile Vandervelde said that 'The walloon populations are tired to be dominated by an artificial majority formed by the Flemish part of the country.' [44]

1960-1961 Winter General Strike[edit]

Tony Cliff wrote:

Belgium has a long tradition of mass industrial strikes. In 1886 a great series of strikes broke out, first in the neighbourhood of Charleroi, then in Liege and over a large part of the Walloon provinces. The main demand was universal suffrage; but there were economic demands as well in some places. Then in May, 1891, a mass strike of some 125,000 workers put forward a demand for changes in the electoral system. In April, 1893, another strike, embracing about a quarter of a million workers, broke out for a similar demand. The outcome was universal, but unequal, franchise, the votes of the rich and “cultured” counting for two or three times those of workers and peasants. The workers, dissatisfied, carried out another mass strike nine years later, demanding a complete revision of the Constitution.An even bigger strike – in which 450,000 workers took part – was called by the Socialist Party and trade unions to achieve electoral reform in 1902, and again in 1913. Another general strike took place in 1936 which wrested from the capitalists a forty-hour week and paid holidays. In 1950 a general strike led to the abdication of King Leopold. In 1958-9 the coal-miners of the Borinage spontaneously began a general strike not merely for wage demands but for the nationalisation of the mining industry.[45]

Major and general strikes took place along this sillon in 1886 (Walloon Jacquerie of 1886, 1893 (Belgian general strike of 1893) for universal suffrage), 1902, 1913, 1932, 1936, 1950 (against King Leopold III (General strike against Leopold III of Belgium) because of his relationship with the Germans during the World War II). Wallonia was never dominating Belgium. Belgium was dominated by a Francophone elite from Brussels, Flanders and Wallonia. The historian Philippe Destatte wrote: It is true that the Walloon movement, which has never stopped affirming that Wallonia is part of the French cultural area, has never made this cultural struggle a priority, being more concerned to struggle against its status as a political minority and the economic decline which was only a corollary to it. [46] Jules Destrée fought against this situation which it is not rather known : the Wallonian people were always a minority in Belgium, firstly dominated by the Frenchspeaking elite and afterward by the Dutchspeaking elite. André Renard fought against this economic decline when he became the leader 1960-1961 Winter General Strike, a struggle for a self-governing Wallonia, a renardist strike.

Walloon Decline versus Reconversion[edit]

The two world wars curbed the continuous expansion that Wallonia had enjoyed up till that time. Then everything changed dramatically in 1958. The factories of Wallonia were by then antiquated, the coal was running out and the cost of extracting coal was constantly rising. It was the end of an era, and Wallonia had to redefine itself as a dynamic industrial heartland. The key to the region's future was state-of-the-art technology. [47] In December 1960, a strike gripped the country, but it succeeded only in Wallonia. The movement became a renardist strike. Renée Fox explained all the affair in a few words:

At the beginning of the 1960s (...), a major reversal in the relationship between Flanders and Wallony was taking place. Flanders had entered a vigorous, post-World War II period of industialization, and a significant percentage of the foreign capital (particularly from the United States), coming into Belgium to support new industries was being invested in Flanders. In contrast, Wallony's coal mines and time-worn steel plants and factories were in crisis. The region had lost thousands of jobs and much investment capital. A new Dutch-speaking, upwardly mobile "populist bourgeoisie" was not only becoming visible and vocal in Flemish movements but also in both the local and national policy [The strike of December 1960 against the austerity law of Gaston Eyskens ] was replaced by a collective expression of the frustrations, anxieties, and grievances that Wallony was experiencing in response to its altered situation, and by the demands of the newly formed Mouvement populaire wallon for (...) regional autonomy for Wallony....[48]

Now, Wallonia is managing interregional cooperation with its neighbours,[49] centres of excellence and-state-of-the-art technologies [50] and business parks.[51] The Region is not yet at the level of Flanders and is suffering many difficulties.

Nevertheless forty Walloon companies are number one in Wallonia and worldwide following the Union Wallonne des Entreprises,[52] for instance: in glass production [53] lime and limestone production [54] Cyclotrons [55] aviation industry [56] etc.

Culture[edit]

The Manifesto for Walloon culture published in 1983 is also an important event of the Walloon History.

Bibliography[edit]

  • Ramon Arango, Leopold III and the Belgian Royal Question, The John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1961.
  • Leopold Genicot (editor), Histoire de la Wallonie, Privat, Toulouse, 1973.
  • Hervé Hasquin (directeur), La Wallonie, le pays et les hommes. Histoire. Écomonie; Sociétés, Tome I et Tome II, La Renaissance du Livre, Bruxelles, 1975 et 1980.
  • Rita Lejeune et Jacques Stiennon (directeurs), La Wallonie, le Pays et les Hommes. Lettres. Arts. Culture., Tome I, II, III, IV, La Renaissance du Livre, Bruxelles, 1978, 1979, 1980, 1981.
  • Kenneth D. McRae Conflict and Compromise in Multilingual Societies: Belgium, Wilfrid Laurier University Press (1 January 1986), ISBN 978-0-88920-195-8
  • Renée C. Fox, In the Belgian Château, Ivan R.Dee, Chicago, page 13, 1994 ISBN 978-1-56663-057-3
  • Jan Velaers & Herman Van Goethem, Leopold III, de Koning, het Land, de Oorlog,Lannoo, Tielt,1994, ISBN 978-90-209-2387-2
  • Philippe Destatte, L'identité wallonne, Institut Destrée, Charleroi, 1997. ISBN 978-2-87035-000-3
  • Carl Strikwerda, A house divided: Catholics, Socialists, and Flemish nationalists in nineteenth-century Belgium, Rowman & Littlefield, Laham, Oxford, 1997, p. 109, ISBN 978-0-8476-8526-4
  • Astrid Von Busekist, "Politique des langues et construction de l'État", Éd. Duculot, Gembloux, 1998. ISBN 978-2-8011-1179-6
  • Louis Vos, Nationalism in Belgium, MACMILAN Press, London, 1998, ISBN 978-0-333-65737-9, ST.MARTIN'S PRESS, New York, 1998, ISBN 978-0-312-21249-0.
  • Alan S. Milward, The European rescue of the nation-state, Routledge, London, 2000, p. 41 ISBN 978-0-415-21628-9
  • Paul Delforge (directeur) Encyclopédie du Mouvement wallon, Tome I, II et III, Institut Destrée, Charleroi, 2000 et 2001.
  • Robert Halleux, Cockerill, Deux siècles de technologie, éditions du Perron, Liège 2002.
  • Luc Courtois et Jean Pirottte, De fer et de feu, l'émigration walllonne vers la Suède, Fondation Humblet, Louvain-la-neuve, 2003.
  • Bruno Demoulin et Jean-Louis Kupper (directeurs), Histoire de la Wallonie de la préhistoire au XXIe siècle, Privat, Toulouse, 2004.
  • Pierre Tilly, André Renard, Far et Le Cri, Bruxelles, Liège, 2005.ISBN 978-2-87106-378-0
  • Yves Quairiaux, L'image du Flamand en Wallonie, Labor, Bruxelles, 2006.
  • Michel De Coster, Les enjeux des conflits linguistiques, L'Harmattan, Paris, 2007, ISBN 978229603398.
  • Luc Courtois, Jean-Pierre Delville, Françoise Rosart & Guy Zélis (directeurs), Images et paysages mentaux des xixe siècle et xxe siècle siècles de la Wallonie à l'Outre-Mer - Hommage au professeur Jean Pirotte à l'occasion de son éméritat, Academia Bruylant, Presses Universitaires de l'UCL, Louvain-la-Neuve, 2007.ISBN 978-2-87416-014-1
  • Paul Delforge, La Wallonie et la première guerre mondiale. Pour une histoire de la séparation administrative, Institut Jules Destrée, Namur, 2009.
  • Marnix Beyen & Philippe Destatte, ’’Un autre Pays’’ Le Cri, Bruxelles, 2009, ISBN 978-2-87106-502-9
  • Els Witte, Jan Craeybeckx, Alain Meynen, Political History of Belgium: From 1830 Onwards, Academic and Scientific Publishers, Brussels, 2009, p. 240. ISBN 978-90-5487-517-8 .
  • Pascal Verbeken, La terre promise. Flamands en Wallonie, Le castor astral, Bruxelles, 2010.
  • Michel Quévit, Flandre-Wallonie. Quelle solidarité? De la création de l'Etat belge à l'Europe des Régions, Charleroi, 2010. ISBN 978-2-87003-536-8

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Tolkien, John Ronald Reuel (1963), English and Welsh in Angles and Britons: O'Donnell Lectures, University of Cardiff Press. read online
  2. ^ Norman, David B. (1985). "To Study a Dinosaur". The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Dinosaurs: An Original and Compelling Insight into Life in the Dinosaur Kingdom. New York: Crescent Books. pp. 24–33. ISBN 978-0-517-46890-6. 
  3. ^ "Accéder". La grotte de Spy: le sommaire. (in French). Retrieved 2007-03-15. 
  4. ^ La race humaine de Neanderthal ou de Canstadt en Belgique: Recherches ethnographiques sur des ossements d'une grotte à Spy et détermination de leur âge géologique in American Anthropologist, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Jul., 1888), pp. 286-287 (review consists of 2 pages)
  5. ^ "Neolithic Flint Mines of Petit-Spiennes : Official web site". Retrieved 2007-12-16. 
  6. ^ "Neolithic Flint Mines at Spiennes (Mons)". World Heritage List. UNESCO. 2000. Retrieved 2007-03-16. 
  7. ^ [Official website of Wallonia http://www.wallonie.be/en/discover-wallonia/history/a-young-region-with-a-long-history-from-57bc-to-1831/index.html]
  8. ^ Léopold Genicot (editor), Histoire de la Wallonie, Privat, Toulouse,1973, spoke in revue Toudi n° 1, 1987, p. of an enclave in the area of the germanic languages, an avant-garde
  9. ^ Francis Dumont, quoted by Hervé Hasquin Historiographie et politique en Belgique, IJD et ULB, Bruxelles, 1995, describes the Walloon territory as a kind of isthmus (p.218) connecting old France and old Germany
  10. ^ (French) Depuis des siècles, la terre des Wallons est une terre romane et n'a cessé de l'être. Voilà le fait capital de l'histoire des Wallons qui explique leur façon de penser, de sentir, de croire. D'autre part, dans l'ensemble du monde roman, la terre des Wallons, coincée entre des territoires germaniques, occupe une position spéciale, une position d'avant-garde. En effet, une frontière de près de trois cents kilomètres sépare ces extremi Latini des Flamands au Nord, des Allemands à l'Est. Félix Rousseau, La Wallonie, Terre romane, Institut Jules Destrée, Charleroi, 1962, 3rd ed., p. 9.
  11. ^ Leopold Genicot, Histoire de Wallonie, Privat Toulouse, 1973, image and comment in front of p. 160.
  12. ^ Fernand Braudel, L'identité de la France, Tome I, Arthaud-Flammarion, Paris, 1986, p. 14, ISBN 978-2-7003-0411-4 French le dépassement du Rhin au Ve siècle par des peuplades germaniques [...constitue] à des siècles et des siècles de distance, un trait contemporain vivant (voyez par exemple la Belgique coupée linguistiquement en deux)
  13. ^ Roland Willemyns, Vrije Universiteit Brussel (2002). "The Dutch-French Language Border in Belgium". Journal of multilingual and multicultural development. Retrieved 2008-07-23. "For almost a century (and in spite of the deficient methodology) there were (with the exception of Brussels) no significant differences from one census to another (Martens, 1975), a fact demonstrating the remarkable stability of Belgium’s linguistic communities." 
  14. ^ Kenneth D. McRae, Conflict and Compromise in Multilingual Societies: Belgium, Wilfrid Laurier University Press (1 january 1986), p. 18. ISBN 978-0-88920-195-8
  15. ^ The origin of the geological terms are indicated by the editor Most beautiful rocks of Wallonia
  16. ^ Or more accurately Between-Sambre-and-Meuse see the bibliography (in several languages) Production et Travail du Fer en Gaule du Nord et en Rhénanie à l’époque romaine: le rôle des établissements ruraux
  17. ^ Peter N.Stearns, The Revolutionary Period of the Industrial Revolution: pp. 129-130.
  18. ^ Awty, Brian G. 'The Development and Dissemination of the Walloon Method of Ironworking' Technology and Culture Volume 48, Number 4, October 2007, pp. 783-803
  19. ^ Peter N.Stearns, Op. cit., p.130
  20. ^ B. G. Awty, ‘The continental origins of Wealden ironworkers’ Economic History Review Ser. II, 34 (1981), 524-39.
  21. ^ B. G. Awty, ‘The origin of the blast furnace: evidence from the frankophone areas’ Historical Metallurgy 21(2) (1987), 96-9.
  22. ^ M. Nisser, 'Bergslagen' in B. Holtze and others (eds.), The Engelsberg ironworks (Stockholm 1975), 29-36.
  23. ^ P. W. King, 'The Cartel in Oregrounds Iron: trading relationships in the raw material for steel' Journal of Industrial History 6(1) (2003), 25-48.
  24. ^ Robert Halleux, Anne-Catherine Bernès, Luc Étienne, 'L'évolution des sciences et des techniques en Wallonie', in Atouts et références d’une région, Institut Destrée, Charleroi, 1995 Atouts et références d’une région
  25. ^ ¨Peter N.Stearns, op. cit., p. 131
  26. ^ ¨Peter N. Stearns, op. cit., p. 131
  27. ^ Jean-Pierre Rioux, La révolution industrielle, Seuil, Paris, 1989, Collection Points ISBN 978-2-02-000651-4
  28. ^ P. BAIROCH, Niveaux de développement économique de 1810 à 1910, dans Annales, Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, novembre-décembre 1965, p. 1110
  29. ^ J.P.Rioux, op. cit., p. 105)
  30. ^ Philipppe Besnard, Protestantisme et capîtalisme. la controverse post-wébérienne. Armand Collin, Paris, 1970, pages 27-31
  31. ^ Philippe Desttate, L'identité wallonne, Institut Destrée, Charleroi, 1997, pages 49-50) ISBN 978-2-87035-000-3
  32. ^ Hervé Hasquin, La Wallonie, son histoire, Pire, Bruxelles, 1999, page 172 ISBN 978-2-930240-18-3
  33. ^ Philippe Raxhon, Le siècle des forges ou la Wallonie dans le creuset belge (1794-1914), in B.Demoulin and JL Kupper (editors), Histoire de la Wallonie, Privat, Toulouse, 2004, pages 233-276, p. 246 ISBN 978-2-7089-4779-5
  34. ^ Histoire belge, 1830-2005, Translated from the Dutch by S.Delsart, Racine, Bruxelles, 2005, p. 48
  35. ^ Michel De Coster, Les enjeux des conflits linguistiques, L'Harmattan, Paris, 2007, ISBN 978229603398 , pages 122-123
  36. ^ Wallonia Foreign Trade and Investment Agency.
  37. ^ European Route of Industrial Heritage
  38. ^ Michel Quévit, Les causes du déclin wallon, EVO, Bruxelles, 1978, passim
  39. ^ Philippe Destatte, L'identité wallonne, Institut Destrée, Charleroi, 1997, p.51
  40. ^ Mikulas Teich, Roy Porter,The industrial Revolution in national context: Europe and the USA, Cambridhge University Press, 1996,pp. 72-74. ISBN 978-0-521-40940-7
  41. ^ Philippe Destatte, Some Questions regarding the Birth of federalist Demands in Wallonia in L'idée fédéraliste dans les Etats-Nations, Presses universitaires européennes et Institut Destrée, Bruxelles, 1999, pages, 13-35. ISBN 978-2-87035-010-2
  42. ^ Yves Quairiaux (2006 (664 pages)). L'Image du Flamand en Wallonie (in French). Labor, Brussels. p. 30. ISBN 978-2-8040-2174-0. 
  43. ^ "Belgium may separate" (PDF). New York Times. 1912-08-09. Retrieved 2008-06-11. 
  44. ^ French 'Les populations wallonnes sont lasses de se voir écrasées par une majorité artificielle formée par la partie flamande du pays.' in Rapport officiel du Congrès extraordinaire tenu le 30 juin 1912 à La Maison du peuple de Bruxelles, 1912, p. 23. Quoted by Claude Renard in La conquête du suffrage universel en Belgique, Editions de la Fondation Jacquemotte, Bruxelles, 1966, p.246.
  45. ^ Tony Cliff The Belgian General Strike (February 1961) First published in Socialist Review, February 1961.Re-published in A Socialist Review, London 1965, pp.316-26.
  46. ^ Philippe Destatte, Wallonia today - The search for an identity without nationalist mania
  47. ^ History of the Walloon economy - Portal Wallonia
  48. ^ Renée C. Fox, In the Belgian Château, Ivan R.Dee, Chicago, page 13, 1994 ISBN 978-1-56663-057-3
  49. ^ Cross-border and interregional cooperation - Portal Wallonia
  50. ^ Centres of excellence and state-of-the-art technologies - Portal Wallonia
  51. ^ Walloon incentives - Portal Wallonia
  52. ^ Dynamisme wallon Dynamisme wallon, décembre 2007 French and English after the words lire l'article
  53. ^ AFC Flat Glass
  54. ^ Carmeuse
  55. ^ IBA
  56. ^ SONACA