Indo-European sound laws
As the Proto-Indo-European language (PIE) broke up, its sound system diverged as well, according to various sound laws in the daughter languages.
Especially notable is the palatalization that produced the Satem languages, along with the associated ruki sound law. Other notable changes are Grimm's law and Verner's law in Proto-Germanic; an independent change similar to Grimm's law in Armenian; loss of prevocalic *p- in Proto-Celtic; Brugmann's law in Proto-Indo-Iranian; Winter's law and Hirt's law in Balto-Slavic; and merging of voiced and breathy-voiced stops, and /a/ and /o/, in various "northern" languages. Bartholomae's law in Indo-Iranian, and Sievers' law in Proto-Germanic and (to some extent) various other branches, may or may not have been a common Indo-European feature. A number of innovations, both phonological and morphological, represent areal features common to the Italic and Celtic languages; among them are the development of labiovelars to labial consonants in some Italic and Celtic branches, producing "p-Celtic" and "q-Celtic" languages (likewise "p-Italic" and "q-Italic", although these terms are less used). Another grouping with many shared areal innovations is Greek, Indo-Iranian, and Armenian; among the common phonological innovations are Grassmann's law in Greek and Indo-Iranian, and weakening of pre-vocalic /s/ to /h/ in Greek, Iranian and Armenian.
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This article needs attention from an expert in Linguistics. (November 2008) |
- Note - these draft tables need to be completed, verified, and the allophones explained.
Contents |
Consonants [edit]
| PIE | Skr. | Av. | O.C.S. | Lith. | Alb. | Arm. | Hitt. | Toch. | Greek | Greek+[j] | Latin | Old Irish | Gothic | English |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| *p | p; ph16 | p; f17 | p | h; w1 |
p | pt | p | Ø; ch [x]2 |
f; b [β]3 |
f; v, f8 |
||||
| *sp | normal development of /s/+/p/ | f | normal development of /s/+/p/ | f | sp | |||||||||
| *t | t; th16 | t; θ17 | t | tʿ [tʰ] | t; z [ts]5 |
t; c [c]5 |
t | s; tt/ss1 | t | t; th [θ]8 |
þ [θ]; d [ð];3 t4 |
th; d;3 t4 |
||
| *t+t [tst] | tt; tth16 | st; sθ17? | st | s | s? | zt [tst] | ss? | st | ss | ss or st | ||||
| *st | normal development of /s/+/t/ | sht [ʃt] | normal development of /s/+/t/ | st | ||||||||||
| *ḱ | ś [ɕ] | s | š [ʃ] | th [θ]; k9 |
s | k | k; ś [ɕ]9 |
k | c [k] | c [k]; ch [x]8 |
h; g [ɣ]3 |
h; Ø;8 y3 |
||
| *k | k; c [tʃ];5 kh16 |
k; c [tʃ];5 x17 |
k; č [tʃ];5 c [ts]10 |
k | k | kʿ [kʰ] | ||||||||
| *kʷ | k; s;5 q [c]10 |
ku | p; t;5 k6 |
qu [kʷ]; c [k]7 |
ƕ [ʍ]; gw, w3 |
wh; w3 |
||||||||
| *sḱ | ćh; ććh1 | s? | sk | š? | h | ?? č`; c`1 | normal dev. of /s/+/ḱ/ | sk; kh;19 skh20 |
sc [sk] | sk | sh [ʃ] | |||
| *sk | normal development of /s/+/k/ | ? | normal development of /s/+/k/ | |||||||||||
| *skʷ | normal development of /s/+/kʷ/ | normal development of /s/+/kʷ/ | squ [skʷ] | sc [sk] | sq | |||||||||
| *b | b; bh16 | b; β18 | b | p | b | pt | b | b [b]; [β]8 |
p | |||||
| *d | d; dh16 | d; δ18 | d | d; dh [ð]8 |
t | ts; ś [ɕ]5 |
d | z [zd > dz > z] | d | d [d]; [ð]8 |
t | |||
| *ǵ | j [dʒ]; h [ɦ]16 |
z | ž [ʒ] | dh [ð]; g9 |
c [ts] | k | k; ś [ɕ]9 |
g | g | g [ɡ]; [ɣ]8 |
k | c / k; ch10 |
||
| *g | g; j [dʒ];5 gh;16 h [ɦ]16,5 |
g; j [dʒ];5 γ18 |
g; ž [ʒ];5 dz10 |
g | g | k | ||||||||
| *gʷ | g; z;5 gj [ɟ]10 |
ku | b; d;5 g6 |
u [w > v]; gu [ɡʷ]15 |
b [b]; [β]8 |
q [kʷ] | qu | |||||||
| *bʰ | bh [bʱ] | b; β18 | b | b; w8 |
p | ph [pʰ] | pt | f;21 b |
b [b]; b [β];8 f13 |
b; v / f24 |
||||
| *dʰ | dh [dʱ] | d; δ18 | d | t | t; c [c]5 |
th [tʰ] | tt/ss | f;21 d; b14 |
d [d]; [ð]8 |
d; d [ð];8 þ13 |
d | |||
| *ǵʰ | h [ɦ] | z | ž [ʒ] | dh [ð]; d9 |
j [dz]; z8 |
k | k; ś [ɕ]5 |
ch [kʰ] | h; h / g9 |
g [ɡ]; [ɣ]8 |
g; g [ɣ];8 g [x]13 |
g; y / w24 |
||
| *gʰ | gh [ɡʱ]; h [ɦ]5 |
g; j [dʒ];5 γ18 |
g; ž [ʒ];5 dz10 |
g | g | g; ǰ [dʒ]5 |
||||||||
| *gʷʰ | g; z;5 gj [ɟ]10 |
ku | ph [pʰ]; th [tʰ];5 ch [kʰ]6 |
f;21 g / u [w];8 gu [ɡʷ]15 |
g; b;21 w;8 gw15 |
g; b;21 w8 |
||||||||
| *s | s | h [h, x]; s2 |
s | sh [ʃ]; gj [ɟ];12 h8 |
h; s;2 Ø8 |
š [s] | s; ṣ [ʂ] |
h;21 s;22, 13 Ø;8 [¯]23 |
i | s; r8 |
s [s]; [h]8 |
s; z3 |
s; r3 |
|
| ṣ [ʂ]11 | š [ʃ]11 | x [x]11 | š [ʃ]11 | |||||||||||
| *m | m | in | m | m [m]; [w̃]8 |
m | |||||||||
| *-m13 | m | ˛ [˜] | n | Ø | n | -- | m | n | Ø | |||||
| *n | n | n; ˛ [˜]13 |
n | n; ñ [ɲ] |
n | in | n | |||||||
| *l | r (dial. l) | r | l | l; ll [ɫ]8 |
l / ɫ [ɫ > ɣ] |
l | il | l | ||||||
| *r | r | r [ɾ]; rr [r]8 |
r | ir | r | |||||||||
| *i̯ | y [j] | j [j] | gj [ɟ]; Ø |
Ø | y [j] | z [zd > dz > z] / h; Ø 8 |
?i | i [j]; Ø 8 |
Ø | j | y | |||
| *u̯ | v [ʋ] | v [w] | v | v [ʋ] | v | g / w | w | w > h / Ø | i | u [w > v] | f; Ø8 |
w | ||
| PIE | Skr. | Av. | O.C.S. | Lith. | Alb. | Arm. | Hitt. | Toch. | Greek | Greek+/j/ | Latin | Old Irish | Gothic | English |
- Notes:
- 1 After a vowel.
- 2 Before a plosive (p, t, k).
- 3 Following an unstressed vowel (Verner's law).
- 4 After a (PIE) stop or s.
- 5 Before a (PIE) front vowel (i, e).
- 6 Before or after a (PIE) u.
- 7 Before or after a (PIE) o, u.
- 8 Between vowels.
- 9 Before a sonorant.
- 10 Before secondary (post-PIE) front-vowels.
- 11 After r, u, k, i (Ruki sound law).
- 12 Before a stressed vowel.
- 13 At the end of a word.
- 14 After u, r or before r, l.
- 15 After n.
- 16 Before an original laryngeal.
- 17 Before a consonant or original laryngeal.
- 18 In Younger Avestan, after a vowel.
- 19 After r, l, m, n, t, d, possibly other consonants?
- 20 After (Greek) th.
- 21 At the beginning of a word.
- 22 Before or after an obstruent (p, t, k, etc.; s).
- 23 Before or after a resonant (r, l, m, n).
- 24 Between vowels, or between a vowel and r, l (on either side).
Vowels and syllabic consonants [edit]
| Trad. PIE | Laryng. PIE | Skr. | Av. | O.C.S. | Lith. | Arm. | Alb. | Toch. | Hitt. | Greek | Latin18 | Proto-Celtic | Gothic19 | Old English18 | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| normal | umlauted20 | ||||||||||||||
| *e | *e, *h₁e | a | e | je, ie, e, i; ja12 | ä | e, i | e | i; aí [ɛ]2 | e; eo21 | i; ie21 | |||||
| *a | (*a3), *h₂e | o | a | a | ha, a | ā | ha, a | a | a | æ; a;22 ea21 | e; ie21 | ||||
| *o | *h₃e | o, a | a | a, e | a | o | |||||||||
| *o | a; ā4 | ||||||||||||||
| *ə16 | *h₁16 | i | i, Ø | Ø | a, Ø | ā | a | e | a | a, Ø | |||||
| *h₂16 | h | a | |||||||||||||
| *h₃16 | o | ||||||||||||||
| *- | *h₁-17 | Ø | e (a?) | Ø | a | e (o) | Ø | ||||||||
| *h₂-17 | a | ha | a | ||||||||||||
| *h₃-17 | a, ha | o | |||||||||||||
| *ē | *ē, *eh₁ | ā | ě | ė | i | o, ua | a/e?; ā?8 | e, i | ē | ī | ē | ǣ | |||
| *ā | (*ā3), *eh₂ | a | o [oː] | a | a/o? | a, ah | ā > ē15 | ā | ā | ō | ē | ||||
| *ō | *ō, *eh₃ | uo | u | e | a/ā?; ū?8 | a | ō | ā; ū8 | |||||||
| *i | *i | i | ь | i | i | i; e10 | ä | i | i | i; aí [ɛ]2 | i | ||||
| *ī | *ih₁ | ī | i | y [iː] | i | i | ī | ī | ei [iː] | ī | |||||
| *ih₂ | i or (j)a?7 |
yā | ī or (j)ā?7 | ||||||||||||
| *ih₃ | ī or (j)ō?7 | ||||||||||||||
| *ei | *ei, *h₁ei | ai > ē | ai > ōi, āi > aē4 |
ei; ie5 | i | e | ei | ei | ī | īa; ē6 | |||||
| *oi | *oi, *h₃ei | ě | ai; ie5 | e | e, ai | ay | oi | ū | oe | ái | ā | ǣ | |||
| *ai | (*ai3), *h₂ei | ai | ae | ae | |||||||||||
| *ēi | *ēi | āi; ā8 | āi; ā(i)8 | i | i | ēi | ī? | ei [iː] | ī | ||||||
| *ōi | *ōi (*oei) | y; u8 | ai; ui8 | e, ai | ai | ōi | ō | u8 | ái | ā | ǣ | ||||
| *āi | *eh₂ei | ě | āi > ēi15 | ae | |||||||||||
| *u | *u | u | ъ | u | u | u; y11 | ä | u | u | u | u; o1 | u; aú [ɔ]2 | u; o23 | y | |
| *ū | *uh₁ | ū | y | ū | y; i8 | u | ū | ū | ȳ | ||||||
| *uh₂ | u or (w)a?7 |
wā | ū or (w)ā?7 | ||||||||||||
| *uh₃ | ū or (w)ō?7 | ||||||||||||||
| *eu | *eu, *h₁eu | ō | ə̄u; ao4 | ju | iau | oy | e | u | eu | ū | ūa; ō9 | iu | ēo | īe | |
| *ou | *ou,*h₃eu | u | au | a | o, au | ou | áu | ēa | |||||||
| *au | (*au3), *h₂eu | aw | au | au | |||||||||||
| *ēu | *ēu | āu | u | iau | e | ū? | iu | ēo | |||||||
| *ōu | *ōu | a | ō | áu | ēa | ||||||||||
| *m̥ | *m̥ | a | ę | im̃; um̃14 | am | a | äm | am | a | em | em, am | um | um | ym | |
| *m̥̅ | *mh₁ | ā | ìm; ùm14 | ama | mā | mē | mā | ||||||||
| *mh₂ | mā > mē15 | ||||||||||||||
| *mh₃ | mō | ||||||||||||||
| *m̥m | *m̥m | am | ьm/ъm | im; um14 | am | am | em | am | |||||||
| *n̥ | *n̥ | a | ę | iñ; uñ14 | an | än | an | a | en | en, an | un | un | yn | ||
| *n̥̄ | *nh₁ | ā | ìn; ùn14 | ana | nā | nē | nā | ||||||||
| *nh₂ | nā > nē 15 | ||||||||||||||
| *nh₃ | nō | ||||||||||||||
| *n̥n | *n̥n | an | ьn/ъn | iñ; uñ14 | an | an | en | an | |||||||
| *l̥ | *l̥ | ṛ | ərə | lь/lъ | il̃; ul̃14 | al | il, li; ul, lu | äl | al | la | ol | li | ul | ul; ol23 | yl |
| *l̥̄ | *lh₁ | īr; ūr13 | arə | ìl; ùl14 | ala | al | lā | lē | lā | ||||||
| *lh₂ | lā > lē15 | ||||||||||||||
| *lh₃ | lō | ||||||||||||||
| *l̥l | *l̥l | ir; ur13 | ar | ьl/ъl | il; ul14 | al, la | al | el | al | ||||||
| *r̥ | *r̥ | ṛ | ərə | rь/rъ | ir̃; ur̃14 | ar | ir, ri; ur, ru | är | ar | ra | or | ri | aúr [ɔr] | ur; or23 | yr |
| *r̥̄ | *rh₁ | īr; ūr13 | arə | ìr; ùr14 | ara | ra | rā | rē | rā | ||||||
| *rh₂ | rā > rē15 | ||||||||||||||
| *rh₃ | rō | ||||||||||||||
| *r̥r | *r̥r | ir; ur13 | ar | ьr/ъr | ir; ur14 | ar | ar | ar | ar | ||||||
| Trad. PIE | Laryng. PIE | Skr. | Av. | O.C.S. | Lith. | Arm. | Alb. | Toch. | Hitt. | Greek | Latin18 | Proto-Celtic | Gothic19 | normal | umlauted20 |
| Old English18 | |||||||||||||||
- Notes
- 1 Before wa.
- 2 Before r, h. Gothic, but not other Germanic languages, merges /e/ and /i/.
- 3 The existence of PIE non-allophonic a is disputed.
- 4 In open syllables (Brugmann's law).
- 5 Under stress.
- 6 Before palatal consonants.
- 7 The so-called breaking is disputed (typical examples are *proti-h₃kʷo- > Ved. prátīkam ~ Gk. πρόσωπον; *gʷih₃u̯o- > Ved. jīvá- ~ Arm. keank‘, Gk. ζωός; *duh₂ro- > Ved. dūrá- ~ Arm. erkar, Gk. δηρός)
- 8 In a final syllable.
- 9 Before velars and unstressed
- 10 Before ā in the following syllable.
- 11 Before i in the following syllable.
- 12 In a closed syllable.
- 13 In the neighbourhood of labials.
- 14 In the neighbourhood of labiovelars.
- 15 ā > ē in Attic and Ionic dialects only.
- 16 Between consonants, or at the end of a word after a consonant.
- 17 At the beginning of a word, followed by a consonant.
- 18 In initial syllables only.
- 19 In non-final syllables only.
- 20 Before i, ī, or /j/ in the next syllable in Proto-Germanic (i-umlaut).
- 21 Before h, w, or before r, l plus a consonant ("breaking").
- 22 Before a back vowel in the next syllable (a restoration).
- 23 Before a non-high vowel in the next syllable (a-mutation).
Examples [edit]
See the list of Proto-Indo-European roots hosted at Wiktionary.
*p [edit]
- Vedic Sanskrit: pád-
- Avestan: pâdha
- Slovenian: pòd, "floor"
- Lithuanian: pėda, "foot bottom"
- Armenian: otn
- Tocharian: A pe, B pai
- Luwian: pa-da-, pa-ta-
- Greek: poús, podós
- Latin: pēs, pedis
- Scottish Gaelic: edh, "pace"
- Gothic: fotus (*p -> f by Grimm's Law)
*t [edit]
- Vedic Sanskrit: tráyas
- OCS: trьje
- Lithuanian: trỹs
- Albanian: tre
- Greek: treĩs
- Latin: trēs
- Irish: tri
- Old Norse: þrir (*t -> þ by Grimm's Law)
*ḱ [edit]
*ḱm̥tóm, "hundred" (from earlier *dk̂m̥tóm)[3]
- Vedic Sanskrit: śatám
- Later Avestan: satəm
- OCS: sьto
- Lithuanian: šimtas
- Tocharian: A känt, B känte
- Greek: hekatón
- Latin: centum (i.e., kentum)
- Welsh: cant
- Gothic: hund- (from proto-Germanic *xund)[4]
*k [edit]
*kreuh₂, "raw flesh" [5]
- Vedic Sanskrit: kravíṣ-, "raw meat"
- Lithuanian: kraûjas, "blood"
- OCS: krьvь, "blood"
- Greek: kréas, "meat"
- Latin: cruor, "raw blood"
- Irish: cró, "blood, gore"
- Old English: hrō, "raw"
Sound laws within PIE [edit]
A few phonological laws can be reconstructed that may have been effective prior to the final breakup of PIE by internal reconstruction.
- Sievers' law (Edgerton's law, Lindeman's option)
- Bartholomae's law
- Szemerényi's law
- Stang's law
- Siebs' law
References [edit]
- ^ Meier-Brügger (2003), p. 128
- ^ Meier-Brügger (2003), p. 127
- ^ Meier-Brügger (2003), pp. 101-102
- ^ Hock, Hans Heinrich (1986). Principles of historical linguistics. Berlin; New York: Walter de Gruyter. p. 132. ISBN 3-11-010600-0.
- ^ Meier-Brügger (2003), p. 131
Bibliography [edit]
- Meier-Brügger, Michael; Matthias Fritz, Manfred Mayrhofer, Charles Gertmenian (trans.) (2003). Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin; New York: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-017433-2.
- Collinge, N. E. (1985). The Laws of Indo-European. ISBN 978-0915027750.
See also [edit]
- Centum-Satem isogloss
- Balto-Slavic languages
- Italo-Celtic
- Proto-Indo-Iranian language
- Proto-Iranian
- Proto-Greek language
- Proto-Celtic
- Proto-Germanic
- Proto-Indo-European language
- Proto-Indo-Europeans
- Kurgan hypothesis
- Indo-European languages
- List of Indo-European languages
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