Institutional racism

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Institutional racism is any system of inequality based on race. It can occur in institutions such as public government bodies, private business corporations (such as media outlets), and universities (public and private). The term was introduced by Black Power activists Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton in the late 1960s.[1] The definition given by William Macpherson within the report looking into the death of Stephen Lawrence was “the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin”.[2]

Classification[edit]

The concept of institutional racism re-emerged in political discourse in the late 1990s after a long hiatus, but has remained a contested concept that has been critiqued by multiple constituencies.[3] Institutional racism is the differential access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society. When the differential access becomes integral to institutions, it becomes common practice, making it difficult to rectify. Eventually, this racism dominates public bodies, private corporations, public and private universities, and is reinforced by the actions of conformists and newcomers. Another difficulty in reducing institutionalized racism is that there is no sole, true identifiable perpetrator. When racism is built into the institution, it emerges as the collective action of the population.

Professor James M. Jones postulates three major types of racism: (i) Personally mediated, (ii) internalized, and (iii) institutionalized.[4] Personally mediated racism includes the specific social attitudes inherent to racially prejudiced action (bigoted differential assumptions about abilities, motives, and the intentions of others according to), discrimination (the differential actions and behaviours towards others according to their race), stereotyping, commission, and omission (disrespect, suspicion, devaluation, and dehumanization). Internalized racism is the acceptance, by members of the racially stigmatized people, of negative perceptions about their own abilities and intrinsic worth, characterized by low self-esteem, and low esteem of others like them. This racism can be manifested through embracing “whiteness” (e.g. stratification by skin colour in non-white communities), self-devaluation (e.g. racial slurs, nicknames, rejection of ancestral culture, etc.), and resignation, helplessness, and hopelessness (e.g. dropping out of school, failing to vote, engaging in health-risk practices, etc.).

Persistent negative stereotypes fuel institutional racism, and influence interpersonal relations. Racial stereotyping contributes to patterns of racial residential segregation, and shape views about crime, crime policy, and welfare policy, especially if the contextual information is stereotype-consistent.[5]

Institutional racism is distinguished from racial bigotry by the existence of institutional systemic policies, practices and economic and political structures which place minority racial and ethnic groups at a disadvantage in relation to an institution’s racial or ethnic majority. One example is public school budgets (including local levies and bonds) and the quality of teachers, which in the U.S. are often correlated with property values: rich neighborhoods are more likely to be more 'white' and to have better teachers and more money for education, even in public schools. Restrictive housing contracts and bank lending policies have also been listed as forms of institutional racism. Other examples sometimes described as institutional racism are racial profiling by security guards and police, use of stereotyped racial caricatures, the under- and mis-representation of certain racial groups in the mass media, and race-based barriers to gainful employment and professional advancement. Additionally, differential access to goods, services, and opportunities of society can be included within the term institutional racism, such as unpaved streets and roads, inherited socio-economic disadvantage, and “standardized” tests (each ethnic group prepared for it differently; many are poorly prepared).

Some sociological[who?] investigators distinguish between institutional racism and "structural racism" (sometimes called structured racialization).[citation needed] The former focuses upon the norms and practices within an institution, the latter upon the interactions among institutions, interactions that produce racialized outcomes against non-white people.[citation needed] An important feature of structural racism is that it cannot be reduced to individual prejudice or to the single function of an institution.

United States[edit]

In housing and loan[edit]

The racial segregation and disparities in wealth between white and black people are legacies of historical policies. In the Social Security Act of 1935, agricultural workers servants, most of whom were black, were excluded because key white southerners did not want governmental assistance to change the agrarian system.[6] In the Wagner Act of 1935, "blacks were blocked by law from challenging the barriers to entry into the newly protected labor unions and securing the right to collective bargaining."[6] In the National Housing Act of 1939, the property appraisal system tied property value and eligibility for government loans to race.[6][7] The 1936 Underwriting Manual used by the Federal Housing Administration to guide residential mortgages gave 20% weight to a neighborhood's protection, for example, zoning ordinances, deed restrictions, high speed traffic arteries, from adverse influences, such as infiltration of inharmonious racial groups.[8] Thus, white-majority neighborhoods received the government's highest property value ratings, and white people were eligible for government loans. Between 1934 and 1962, less than 2 percent of government-subsidized housing went to non-white people.[7]

In 1968, the Fair Housing Act (FHA) was signed into law to eliminate the effects of state-sanctioned racial segregation. But it failed to change the status quo as the United States remained nearly segregated as in the 1960s. A new recent discriminating lending practice was the subprime lending in the 1990s. Lenders targeted high-interest subprime loans to low-income and minority neighborhoods who might be eligible for fair-interest prime loans. Securitization, mortgage brokers and other non-deposit lenders, and legislative deregulation of the mortgage lending industry all played a role in promoting the subpriming lending market.[8]

In health[edit]

Institutional racism affects access to health and health care in non-white minority communities, resulting in racial disparities in health status.[9] During 1865-1906 period, racial discrimination in the union army disability pension system adversely affected black veterans' application and access to disability pension.[10] The over-representation of minorities in disease categories (including AIDS), is partly related to racism, according to J. Hutchinson. In a 1992 article, he describes how the federal government’s national response to the AIDS epidemic in minority communities has been slow, showing insensitivity to ethnic diversity in preventive medicine, community health maintenance, and AIDS treatment services.[11]

Institutional racism can impact upon minority health directly through health-related policies, as well as through other factors indirectly. For example, racial segregation disproportionately exposed black communities to chemical substances such as lead paint, respiratory irritants such as diesel fumes, crowding, litter, and noise. Also, black communities were more likely to lack safe recreational spaces and healthy food, and to be targeted for risky behaviors (e.g. alcohol and tobacco advertisement).[9] Racial minority groups who have a disadvantaged status in education and employment are more likely to be uninsured, which significantly impedes them from accessing preventive, diagnostic, or therapeutic health services.[9]

In criminal conviction[edit]

Although approximately two thirds of crack cocaine users are white or Hispanic, a large percentage of people convicted of possession of crack cocaine in federal courts in 1994 were black. In 1994 84.5% of the defendants convicted of crack cocaine possession were black while 10.3% were white and 5.2% were Hispanic. Possession for powder cocaine was more racially mixed with 58% of the offenders being white, 26.7% black, and 15% Hispanic. Within the federal judicial system a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute powder cocaine carries a five-year sentence for quantities of 500 grams or more while a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute crack cocaine faces a five-year sentence for quantities of five grams or more. With the combination of severe and unbalanced drug possession laws along with the rates of conviction in terms of race, the judicial system has created a huge racial disparity.[12]

In 2010 Two Washington state supreme court justices stunned listeners at a court meeting to determine the fate of $25,000 in funding for various boards and commissions. A black lawyer says she was shocked to hear 2 justices, Saunders and Johnson, refer to a former legal aide lawyers’ assertions in a report using the phrase poverty pimp. Shirley Bondon, a state Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC) manager who oversaw court programs critical of barriers in the legal system, said that she told the justices that she believed there was racial “bias in the criminal-justice system, from the bottom up.” The response from Justice Richard B. Sanders was critical of blacks, stating that he didn’t believe the barriers existed, except for poverty because it might restrict the ability to afford an attorney. James M. Johnson, who was noted as the most conservative judge on the court, agreed, noting that African Americans commit them [crimes] against their own communities, to which a social-justice advocate from the Seattle University School of Law and Bondon objected, requesting a closed door meeting with the court. Within, Justice Debra Stephens said she heard Sanders and Johnson make the comments, including Johnson using the words “you all” or “you people” when he stated that African Americans commit crimes in their own communities.[13] James Riehl, a Kitsap County judge present at both meetings, said he was stunned that the term “poverty pimp” would be used in a discussion where the comment didn’t relate to the presentation, and that it was made in front of staff and the Seattle University representative. Bondon later wrote to the Seattle Times- “I know that people in all walks of life hold biases, but it was stunning to hear a Justice of the Supreme Court make these outrageous comments in my presence,”. Johnson’s pimp comment inferred that “poor people have no right to legal representation. Where’s the justice in that?”. The report had detailed ways to improve the effectiveness of boards and commissions set up by the Supreme Court to ensure fair treatment in the courts for minorities and other groups.[14]

Others who attended the meeting say they were offended by the justices’ remarks, saying the comments showed a lack of knowledge and sensitivity.[15] The Kitsap County District Court Judge, James Riehl, who commented to the times, said he was “stunned” because, as a trial judge for 28 years, he was “acutely aware” of barriers to equal treatment in the legal system. In 2010, African Americans represented 4 percent of Washington State’s population but 20 percent of the prison population. Nationwide, similar disparities have been attributed by researchers to sentencing practices,[16] inadequate legal representation,[17] drug-enforcement policies[18] and criminal-enforcement procedures that unfairly affect African Americans.[19]

In short, if a sitting State Supreme Court Justice cannot distinguish code words guaranteed to up the ire of a professional black woman standing in front of him; how then can he distinguish institutional racism when confronted by cases involving the real thing? Some African Americans have come to view such interactions as Bigotry on the part of whites towards persons of color due to such incidents.

In immigration[edit]

The previous sections talk about institutional racism against black people or communities. Many other minorities group also suffer from institutional racism. One example is immigration policies against Chinese. The intensified job competition during the 1870s on the West Coast between Chinese workers and Whites invoked anti-Chinese movement. The first Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was passed to prohibit Chinese immigrating to the United States, resulting in only 10 Chinese immigrants into the U.S. in 1887. The labor shortage after the decline of Chinese immigrant labor proved the fact of White racism.[20] For more information, see History of Chinese Americans.There were other anti-immigration policies in history against France and Ireland in late 1700s(see Oppostion to immigration), Southern Europeans, Eastern Europeans, Jews, Africans, Arabs, East Asians, and Indians (see Immigration Act of 1924). Anti-immigration sentiment can also affect minorities who have been U.S. citizens for several generations (see Internment of Japanese Americans).

In Civil Service[edit]

Merit-based hiring to civil service titles are race blind in terms of hiring preferences, in practice however, there are titles that have resisted integration to the present day. Institutions that resist even past the civil right fights of the 50's and 60's resulted in court interventions in the 70's and even up to the last decade. Many of the Consent Decrees that resulted from court intervention came about as a result of the federal government intervening due to E.E.O.C. complaints in hiring or attempts to litigate discrimination that was overt.[21] Until 2007, when the Vulcan Society of the FDNY prevailed in court using the legal theory of Disparate impact many lawsuits resulted in Racial quotas being imposed in hiring. Police and Fire Departments across the country have been slow to change the insular culture that kept them lacking in diversity and open to challenges.

Civil Service, as an institution, was traditionally used to prevent nepotism and the influence of politics in appointments to position. Authorized at the federal level in 1871, it came about due to reforms of the Spoils System in place since the 1830's, and abuses of the post-war Grant-Jacksonian era; when Congress authorized the president to appoint a Civil Service Commission and prescribe regulations for admission to public service. A dis-satisfied office seeker assassinated President Garfield in 1881 and Congress was motivated to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act in 1883 which firmly established civil service. During reconstruction this enabled the federal government to provide jobs for newly freed blacks in the south (primarily The Postal Service) where no other employment opportunities existed for them. Since the inception of the merit system in 1881 the numbers of blacks in federal civil service positions rose from 0.057 to 5.6% by 1910. Since 1883 the majority of federal employees are placed in positions that are classified by civil service designations.[22] (see Also: U.S. Civil Service Reform)

In 1913 with segregation the law of the land, Southern Democrats in Congress under the administration of President Woodrow Wilson had attempted to remove as many minorities as possible from their established position in the federal civil service, especially at the post office.[23] This was accomplished by requiring the race of each applicant to a position be shown by a photograph.[24] This enabled the administration to demote and eliminate the Negro from the positions they held in Civil Service, and also prevented in addition any new appointments, further segregating the federal service. Wilson had campaigned promising to elevate the negro in his administration by matching the patronage offered them by past republican administrations. The negro newspapers based on his inaugural speech supported him but in Congress those Southern Democrats opposed to integration actively rendered him moot, and patronage appointments fell even lower. Claiming 'friction' amongst blacks and whites at the post office, they proposed segregating them. This was taken up by the Postmaster General and the Secretary of the Treasury, and when the cabinet and the president did not oppose the measure, Jim Crow practices in some departments was taken up with a vengance.[25] By 1921 those black postal workers not demoted or fired were behind a wall at the 'Dead Letter Office' in Wash., D.C. or placed behind screens where the other workers did not have to see them.[26] Without any basis in fact or accumulation of complaints to justify segregation, it became un-official policy. Signs appeared restricting toilets and lunchrooms, whole offices were segregated by room and workers were paired off by race. A virtual flood of proposed discriminatory laws were proposed in Congress ranging from 'Jim Crow' streetcars to excluding negroes from military commissions to officer in the Army or Navy and anti-miscegenation bills. There were also bills to restrict negro immigration. This spread to the states where more bills passed restricting blacks. Federal Civil Service did not fare well under Wilson as he held that "it was to their advantage" and "likely to remove many of the difficulties which have surrounded the appointment and advancement of colored men and women", espousing the segregation taking place under his administration.[27]

The next chapter was the Hatch Act of 1939 which prevented state and local civil servants from taking part in political activities or running for office. It was a response to conservative forces in congress who wanted to prevent administration appointments to certain agencies aligned with the WPA and FDR presidential confidante Harry Hopkins, whom they felt were giving jobs to the 'wrong people'. Until the Brown vs. Board of Education Supreme Court decision and the related cases that ushered in the Civil Rights era, Institutional segregation was upheld at the federal level by the Plessy vs. Ferguson U.S. Supreme Court case decision which the court overturned in 1954. Following this, cities consulted with their attorneys and as a result, Integration began. This was replaced in turn by institutional racism, the practice of upholding the letter of the law, but not the spirit, in an effort to prevent minority hires from gaining ground in titles where they were disproportionately underrepresented, such as Police and Fire depts, and in management positions.

Post Integration Period[edit]

Around the country in the 50's, blacks found common cause in challenging employment discrimination, and the colored newspapers took up the cause. Economically, jobs were becoming scarce for minorities during the post war years as returning servicemen reclaimed the manufacturing and factory base. Civil Service looked to be a reasonable alternative to blacks returning from WWII service overseas and black officers leaving the newly de-segregated armed services. In Los Angeles in the 50's, the NAACP fueled an integration campaign in the California Eagle and petitioned the fire commission to provide more jobs in the LAFD. When the Fire Chief Engineer John Alderson attempted to integrate the department, the resistance to integration created so-called 'Hate Houses' and resulted in the formation of The Stentorians as a protective force of guardians to protect minority firefighters. New York had previously experienced their own revelations when the Vulcan Society appeared before the city council and demanded the elimination of 'the black bed' in firehouses for the black firemen. At that hearing in 1944, the NYC council chambers filled with FDNY brass on one side and black firefighters protesting the lack of promotional opportunities and racial harrassment on the other.

With that as backdrop, integration began and segregation was replaced by Institutional Racism, which took form much the same way it did when blacks first got hired before and during WWI. Blacks once appointed to a civil service position, were subjected to isolation, ostracism, outright hostility and separate quarters. After 1956, the first black hires to the LAFD after integration unfairly failed to finish academy training. The Vulcan Society in New York mentored many blacks but progress was slow, with hiring not reflected in mirroring the population of the cities served until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when the numbers of minority hires increased. The Department of Labor in the 70's began enforcing racial quotas during the Nixon administration that mandated black hiring, but it was the lawsuits of the 70's which exploded the imposition of Consent Decrees across the country forcing the diversity of the hard to integrate titles. In 1971 the Vulcan Blazers of the Baltimore, Maryland fire dept filed a ground breaking lawsuit that resulted in the appointment of blacks to positions of officers up to assistant chief when the court ruled there had been discrimination in promotions.[28] Other minority groups followed their lead and also took to the courts. In 2009 the City of Baltimore paid $4.6 Million to settle a case of discrimination filed by minority policemen alleging discrimination. As other recent lawsuits have proved, civil departments have held their heads responsible for cases of institution racism, an example of which is the case in 2007 of the LAFD Chief, William Bamattre,[29][30] who was retired by the mayor of L.A. after being perceived of kow-towing to racial pandering in responding to lawsuits affecting his department. Payout's to blacks and women had topped 7.5 million for cases alleging racism and harassment, and also failure to diversify.[31]

Another impediment to removing barriers to diversity occurred in the 90's when former President George H. W. Bush attempted to eliminate Affirmative Action during his term of office. He ordered the use of quotas, preferences, set-asides on the basis of race, sex, religion or national origin be abolished in hiring. Congress responded with the Civil Rights Act of 1991, which only covered the terms for settling cases where discrimination had previously been confirmed. It had been near impossible to prove a case of institutional discrimination in the courts,[32][33] and many other cases were terminated upon imposition of a consent decree. This fueled the rise in 1996 of the California Proposition 209,[34] a form of institutional racism at the ballot box created by republican strategists to counteract what they deemed ‘Reverse racism’. This is where members of a minority group get preferential treatment over the majority as a remedy for past wrongs, and that voters can be swayed by specious arguments against this to vote the anti-affirmative action measure into law. This closed down the avenues affirmative action initiatives had opened for blacks to have race counted as a factor when accounting for different rates of acceptance to Universities and consequently in employment discrimination lawsuits that sought redress from discriminatory hiring. This is where the arguments for redress for past wrongs under the ‘catchup provisions’ no longer worked in favor of claimants.[35] (This analogy likened affirmative action to a footrace, where one runner was given the ‘go’, and had many turns around the circuit before the other was allowed to enter the race). Proposition 209 has withstood challenges but in 2013 the California Senate passed Amendment #5 - which if implemented would have reversed 209 had it's main sponsor in the senate not flipped-flopped and retracted it before final passage. By 2014 the UCLA board of Regents came out publicly against 209 after reviewing the loss of minorities in university admissions after 209 was implemented.

These ballot initiatives spread around the country primarily in so-called ‘red states’. In 2003 the Supreme Court had ruled on affirmative action programs at the University of Michigan in Gratz v. Bollinger and Grutter v. Bollinger; the rulings found the affirmative action program was unconstitutional for the way it was applied, but ambiguously said it could continue to use affirmative action. This strengthened the campaign against racial preferences and proponents pressed ahead with more ballot initiatives under the theory that affirmative action programs were no longer needed. The tide against further passage of such discriminatory ballot box institutional racism didn’t abate until the 2008 election cycle when efforts by Ward Connerly, the chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute, a national non-profit organization founded to oppose racial and gender preferences,[36] failed to get ballot measures passed in 3 states, were rejected by voters in another, and only in Nebraska got passage to add one last state banning affirmative action as a remedy for past discrimination. His critics condemned Connerly’s reasoning, saying he failed to see the extent of past racism on African Americans and Hispanics; and that contemporary institutionalized racism is pervasive and powerful, and that affirmative action can overcome the residual effects of past institutional racism on people of color. Advocates of Affirmative Action programs denied that these were 'racial quotas' as that was seen as divisive and under 'color of law', but affirmative action goals fell to this onslaught and subsequent reverse discrimination lawsuits ended the practice. Connerly, for his part, stated "a white male is really disadvantaged… Because we have developed this notion of women and minorities being so disadvantaged and we have to help them, that we have, in many cases, twisted the thing so that it's no longer a case of equal opportunity." His multi-racial background caused conservatives to back his cause as he was perceived to be both black and anti-affirmative action.

In education[edit]

Standardized testing has also been considered a form of institutional racism, because it is believed to be biased in favor of people from particular socio-cultural backgrounds. Some minorities have consistently tested worse than whites on virtually all standardized tests, even after controlling for socioeconomic status. The achievement gap between white and black students mirrors the gap between the two groups in a variety of IQ tests, many of which are designed to be culturally neutral.[37] The cause of the achievement gap between black, Hispanic, and white students has yet to be fully elucidated.

In higher education[edit]

In the 1960s, students of color started attending colleges and universities in record numbers after the passage of the Civil Rights and Higher Education Acts. However, the obstacles of integration in predominantly white institutions of higher education led to unforeseen obstacles for faculty and students of color working and studying in such environments. "Few colleges and universities were prepared for the inherent challenges in educating such a diverse population of college students. As a result, the history of intergroup relations is marked by periods of campus unrest and heated, if not violent, exchanges between diverse groups of students" [38]

The 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education decision was the beginning of the process of desegregation and the elimination of de jure discrimination. However, it was hard to determine the challenges that the process would present and the obstacles that would continue to this day. If anything, “evidence in the post-Brown era points to increases in bias-related incidents, ranging from verbal and physical intimidation to the use of degrading and insensitive stereotypes,”.[38] The increase of racial tension and racial incidents in institutes of higher education are said to be due to the “lack of knowledge, experience, and contact with diverse peers; peer-group influence; increased competition and stress; the influence of off-campus groups and the media; alcohol use; changing values; fear of diversity; and the perception of unfair treatment".[38] Institutionalized racism in higher education has received little national attention, even though it is a relevant issue affecting many colleges and universities.

Impact on faculty[edit]

Faculty of color face racism within institutions of higher education as they challenge widely held beliefs regarding race relations in America. Structural inequality may be ignored under the assumption that racism will disappear within its own time.[39] Racism is manifest in a variety of ways, including but not limited to, undervaluation of research, unwritten rules and policies regarding the tenure process, and a lack of mentorship for faculty of color.[40] Women of color faculty are often caught within a double bind as they face discrimination based on both race and gender.[41] Faculty members at institutions of higher education are predominately white, with faculty of color constituting roughly 17% of total faculty, with 7.5% Asian, 5.5% Black, 3.5% Latino, and 0.5% American Indian (see chart).[40] Failure to fully implement Affirmative Action is identified as another contributing factor to low numbers of representation.[40]

2005 Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, cited in: Turner, C. S. V.; González, J. C.; Wood, J. L. (2008). "Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of literature tells us.". Journal of Diversity in Higher Education 1 (3): 139–168. doi:10.1037/a0012837. 

Faculty members of color often engage in research regarding issues of diversity, which is frequently deemed “risky” by white faculty members.[41] Widespread beliefs founded on the concept of meritocracy, where success is based solely on individual effort, put into question research revealing structural issues that contribute to success.[39] Political undertones of research within the social sciences are used to put the validity and scientific nature of the findings into question, despite the fact that research in these fields is conducted in the same manner as research in less politically contentious areas of interest.[39] Research methodologies long accepted in other disciplines are called into question depending on the implications of findings, particularly when these findings may reveal racial inequities in the general population and/or the institution itself.[39] “Thus, research appearing to be neutral and scholarly, has important political manifestations, including the justification for racial inequalities that are replicated within the student and alumni bodies of institutions that formally state that they value diversity even as all of their internal mechanisms reproduce exclusionary dominance for some racial groups”.[39]

This concern is especially glaring in private institutions, where concerns regarding the reception of said research by alumni, corporate interests, and other potential donors play into acceptance of research by faculty.[39] In one case study, race- and diversity-related research deemed valid by the highest level of national disciplinary associations was rejected by faculty and administrators, alluding to the existence and enforcement of unwritten rules regarding research acceptance.[39] The rejection of research by faculty of color is a contributing factor to difficulty attaining tenure, with a higher performance bar set for those whose findings may contradict widely accepted beliefs regarding race relations.[39]

Faculty members of color also face barriers as they work to include topics of diversity in their courses, as White students often resist the inclusion of multicultural perspectives.[41] Challenges in the classroom appear to be connected to issues of gender and age as well as race. For example, African American women faculty aged 35 and younger are challenged more by White female students in their 20s, while those 40 and older face more challenges from students in nontraditional age groups.[41]

Impact on students[edit]

The racial demographics of institutions of higher education in the United States are quickly changing. Institutions of higher education were often traditionally known as Predominantly White Institutions (PWI's).[42] These institutions are now challenged to improve their diversity efforts and create policies that address the root cause of negative racial climate on PWI campuses. It is estimated that by 2010, 40% of high school graduates would be non-white.[43] While racial homogeneity in high schools increased, institutions of higher education were becoming more racially diverse.[43] Due to racial homogeneity in high schools, a lot of college students find themselves having their first interracial contact in college[citation needed]. Universities and colleges that have identified diversity as one of their priorities should plan how to strategically and in a sensitive manner create a campus climate in which all students, in particular students of color in a PWI, do not have to risk feeling unsafe, discriminated against, marginalized or tokenized to obtain a post-secondary degree.

Data has shown that students of color and White students have different perceptions of campus racial climates. In a survey of 433 undergraduate students at one institution found that, in comparison to White students, students of color felt differently about campus policies. White students were more often to describe their campus racial climate as positive, while students of African descent rated it as negative. Findings indicate that students of color experience harassment that is, “offensive, hostile, or intimidating” at higher rates than White students, which interferes with their learning. Further, “students of color perceived the climate as more racist and less accepting than did White students, even though White students recognized racial harassment at similar rates as students of color”.[43] In addition, many African American students have a hard time to fit in a white predominant colleges because of the fear of "becoming white."[44]

White students also felt more positive about their classroom experience and the way professors presented various viewpoints in the curriculum, about institutional policies as well as recruitment and retention of student of color. Students of African descent and other students of color felt the campus environment was not friendly and that they had been targets of racism. In another study of 5,000 first year students at 93 institutions, White students were more likely to agree with the statement that “racial discrimination is no longer a problem” than students of color.[43] White students were also more likely to feel that the campus climate is improving in comparison to students of color. White students felt the campus climate was non-racist, friendly, and respectful while students of color felt that it was racist, hostile, and disrespectful.[43] Research has shown that racial diversification in colleges and universities, without intentional education about systematic racism and the history of race in the United States, can lead to creating a racial campus climate that is oppressive towards students of color. There needs to be, “intentional education interventions related to the changing racial composition of college students [which] would likely influence how the climate of an environment changes”.[43]

If institutional racism is to be addressed in institutes of higher education, different types of interventions need to be created, in particular interventions created specifically for the academy. Rankin and Reason’s research concluded that for intervention to be effective, faculty would need to be used as socializing agents on campus, in particular because, intellectual and behavioral norms on most campuses are set by faculty and, these norms have a heavy impact on campus climate.[43] An example of students trying to change racial campus climate is the Being Black at the University of Michigan #BBUM moment. The Black Student Union is organizing and collaborating with organizations to bring attention to the racial climate at the University of Michigan and how it is affecting all students.[45] It order to create interventions that lead to sustainable learning about race, institutions of higher education need to equally value the histories and experiences of students of color and White students. One example of this is required coursework through the departments of African/African-American Studies, Xicano studies, Arab American studies, and Native American studies alongside the History department. Research has shown that curricular diversity is positively associated with intergroup attitudes, decreased racial prejudice and intergroup understanding, and attitudes toward campus diversity.[46]

Canada[edit]

Exclusionary anti-Chinese immigration laws[edit]

The Canadian government passed The Chinese Immigration Act, 1885 levying a $50 head tax upon all Chinese immigrating to Canada. When the 1885 act failed to deter Chinese immigration, the Canadian government then passed The Chinese Immigration Act, 1900, increasing the head tax to $100, and, upon that act failing, passed The Chinese Immigration Act, 1904 increasing the head tax (landing fee) to $500, equivalent to $8000 in 2003[47] — when compared to the head tax — Right of Landing Fee and Right of Permanent Residence Fee — of $975 per person, paid by new immigrants in 1995–2005 decade, which then was reduced to $490 in 2006.[48]

The Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, better known as the "Chinese Exclusion Act", replaced prohibitive fees with a ban on Chinese immigration to Canada — excepting merchants, diplomats, students, and "special circumstance" cases. The Chinese who entered Canada before 1923 had to register with the local authorities, and could leave Canada only for two years or less. Since the Exclusion Act went into effect on 1 July 1923, Chinese-Canadians referred to Canada Day (Dominion Day) as "Humiliation Day", refusing to celebrate it until the Act’s repeal in 1947.[citation needed]

Malaysia[edit]

Further information: Bumiputera (Malaysia)

The Malaysian Chinese and Indian-Malaysians - who are significant ethnic minorities in Malaysia - were granted citizenship by the Malaysian Constitution but this implied a social contract that left them at a disadvantage in other ways, as Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia refers to the special "position" of the Malay people,

In 1970 the Malaysian New Economic Policy a program of Affirmative action aimed at increasing the share of the economy held by the Malay population, introduced quotas for Malays in areas such as public education, access to housing, vehicle imports, government contracts and share ownership.

Since Article 160 defines a Malay as "professing the religion of Islam", those eligible to benefit from laws assisting bumiputra are, in theory, subject to religious law enforced by the parallel Syariah Court system.

Sri Lanka[edit]

There are four main ethnic groups on the island of Sri Lanka: the Sinhalese who made up 69% of the population in 1946, Indian Tamils (12%), Sri Lankan Tamils (11%) and Sri Lankan Moors (6%).[49] The discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamil minority by the Sinhalese controlled Sri Lankan state was one of the main causes of the 26 year Sri Lankan Civil War which killed between 80,000 and 100,000 people.[50][51][52]

Immediately after independence the Sinhalese dominated government of Ceylon introduced the Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1948 which deliberately discriminated against the Indian Tamil ethnic minority by making it virtually impossible for them to obtain citizenship of Ceylon.[53] Approximately 700,000 Indian Tamils were made stateless.[54] Over the next three decades more than 300,000 Indian Tamils were deported back to India.[53] It wasn't until 2003, 55 years after independence, that all Indian Tamils living in Sri Lanka were granted citizenship but by this time they only made up 5% of the island's population.[49][53]

In 1956 the Ceylon government introduced the Sinhala Only Act, replacing English with Sinhala as the official language of Ceylon. The Act was a deliberate attempt to correct the perceived disproportionately high number of Sri Lankan Tamils working in the Ceylon Civil Service and other public services.[55] However, the Tamil language speaking minorities of the Ceylon (Sri Lankan Tamils, Indian Tamils and Sri Lankan Moors) viewed the Act as linguistic, cultural and economic discrimination against them.[56] Many Tamil speaking civil servants/public servants were forced to resign because they weren't fluent in Sinhala.[57] The detrimental impact of the Act on the civil/public services forced the government to relax the language laws: in 1977 Tamil was made a 'national language' and in 1987 it was made an official language.[58]

The 1971 Universities Act introduced a policy of standardization to correct disproportionately high number of Sri Lankan Tamils students entering universities. Officially the policy was meant to discriminate in favour of students from rural areas but in reality the policy discriminated against Sri Lankan Tamil students who were in effect required gain more marks than Sinhalese students to gain admission to universities.[55][56] The number of Sri Lankan Tamil students entering universities fell dramatically. The policy was abandoned in 1977.[58]

Other forms of official discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamils included the state-sponsored colonisation of traditional Tamil areas by Sinhalese peasants, the banning of the import of Tamil-language media and the precedence given by the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka to Buddhism, the main religion followed by the Sinhalese.[55][56]

The Sri Lankan Tamils reacted to the discrimination by calling for political devolution (federalism) and staging peaceful protests but were met with violence and ethnic riots.[56] This in turn resulted in moderate Tamils calling for self determination but some young Tamils reacted by forming a number of militant groups, the most prominent being the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). By 1983 full-scale civil war had erupted between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government. The civil war ended in May 2009 with the defeat of the LTTE but many independent/international observers recognised that the continued discrimination against the Tamils would leave the ethnic conflict unresolved. The United Nations Human Rights Council has urged the Sri Lankan government "to combat discrimination against persons belonging to ethnic minorities".[59]

United Kingdom[edit]

In the Metropolitan Police Service[edit]

Further information: Murder of Stephen Lawrence

In the United Kingdom, the inquiry about the murder of the black Briton Stephen Lawrence concluded that the investigating police force was institutionally racist. Sir William Macpherson used the term as a description of "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin", which "can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes, and behaviour, which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping, which disadvantages minority ethnic people".[60] Sir William’s definition is almost identical to Stokely Carmichael’s original definition some forty years earlier. Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton 1967 were black power activists and first used the term 'institutional racism' to describe the consequences of a societal structure that was stratified into a racial hierarchy that resulted in layers of discrimination and inequality for minority ethnic people in housing, income, employment, education and health (Garner 2004:22).

The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report, and the public’s response to it, were among the major factors that forced the Metropolitan Police to address its treatment of ethnic minorities. More recently, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Ian Blair said that the British news media are institutionally racist,[61] a comment that offended journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the National Black Police Association welcoming Sir Ian’s assessment.[62]

In psychiatry[edit]

According to the Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, scholars have drawn on a 1979 work by social psychologist Michael Billig - "Psychology, Racism, and Fascism" - that identified links between the Institute of Psychiatry and racist/eugenic theories, notably in regard to race and intelligence, as for example promoted by IOP psychologist Hans Eysenck and in a highly publicised talk in August 1970 at the IOP by American psychologist Arthur Jensen. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally.[63] More recently in 2007, the BBC reported that a "race row" had broken out in the wake of an official inquiry that identified institutional racism in British psychiatry, with psychiatrists, including from the IOP/Maudsley, arguing against the claim,[64] while the heads of the Mental Health Act Commission accused them of misunderstanding the concept of institutional racism and dismissing the legitimate concerns of the Black community in Britain.[65] Campaigns by voluntary groups seek to address the higher rates of sectioning, over-medication, misdiagnosis and forcible restraint on members of minority groups.[66]

South Africa[edit]

In South Africa, during Apartheid, institutional racism has been a powerful means of excluding from resources and power any person not categorized or marked as white. Those marked as black were further discriminated against differentially, with Africans facing more extreme forms of exclusion and exploitation than those marked as coloured or Indian. One such example of institutional racism in South Africa is Natives Land Act, 1913, which reserved 90% of land for white use and the Native Urban Areas Act of 1923 controlled access to urban areas, which suited commercial farmers who were keen to hold labour on their land. Africans, who formed the majority of the population, were relegated to barren rural reserves, which later became homelands.[67]

More modern forms of institutional racism in South Africa are centered around interracial relationships. Opposition to interracial intimate relationships may be indicative of underlying racism, and that conversely acceptance and support of these relationships may be indicative of a stance against racism.[68] Even though the prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act was repealed in 1985, the term "mixed" continued to exists, thus carrying forth the inherent stigmatization of "mixed" relationships and race. Consequently, discourse is a framework that realizes language can produce institutional structures and relations. However, language constitute who we are, interact with others and understand ourselves. So discourse is viewed as inextricable link to power and necessarily more than a medium utilized to transmit information.[68]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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  3. ^ PHILLIPS, CORETTA. "Institutional Racism And Ethnic Inequalities: An Expanded Multilevel Framework." Journal Of Social Policy 40.1 (2011): 173-192. Academic Search Premier. Web. 28 February 2012.
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Footnotes[edit]

Bibliographies[edit]

  • PHILLIPS, CORETTA. "Institutional Racism And Ethnic Inequalities: An Expanded Multilevel Framework." Journal Of Social Policy 40.1 (2011): 173-192. Academic Search Premier. Web. 28 February 2012.
  • "The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, Report of an inquiry by Sir William MacPherson of Cluny". The Stationery Office. February 1999. 
  • Stokes, DaShanne. (In Press) Legalized Segregation and the Denial of Religious Freedom[dead link]
  • Griffith, Derek, Childs, Erica L., Eng, Eugenia, and Jefferies, Vanessa. "Racism in organizations: The case of a county public health department.." Journal of Community Psychology 35.3Apr 2007 287-302. 6 November 2008
  • Fitzgibbon, Diana. "Institutional racism, pre-emptive criminalisation and risk analysis." Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 46(2)(2007): 128-144.
  • Green, David G, (Editor), Institutional Racism and the Police: Fact or Fiction, published by The Institute for the Study of Civil Society 2000, ISBN 1-903386-06-3
  • Dennis, Norman; Erdos, George; Al-Shahi, Ahmed; Racist Murder and Pressure Group Politics: The Macpherson Report and the Police, published by The Institute for the Study of Civil Society 2000, ISBN 1-903386-05-5
  • The Sentencing Project. Crack Cocaine Sentencing Policy: Unjustified and Unreasonable. http://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/sp/1003.pdf. 514 10th Street NW, Suite 1000, Washington, DC.
  • Mass Imprisonment and the Life Course: Race and Class Inequality in U.S. Incarceration Author(s): Becky Pettit and Bruce Western Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 69, No. 2 (Apr., 2004), pp. 151–169 Published by: American Sociological Association
  • Howell, B. (2009). Exploring race and space: Concentrated subprime lending as housing discrimination. In Dalmage, H. & Rothman, B. K. (eds). Race in an Era of Change: A Reader. New York: Oxford.
  • Christopher Brown II, M., & Elon Dancy II, T. (2010). Predominantly white institutions. In K. Lomotey (Ed.), Encyclopedia of African American education. (pp. 524–527). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. doi:10.4135/9781412971966.n193
  • Denson, N.; Chang, M. J. (2009). "Racial diversity matters: The impact of diversity-related student engagement and institutional context". American Educational Research Journal 46 (2): 322–353. doi:10.3102/0002831208323278. 
  • Duster, T. (2011). The "Morphing" Properties of Whiteness. In Dalmage, H. & Rothman, B. K. (eds). Race in an Era of Change: A Reader. New York: Oxford.
  • Engberg, M. E. (2004). "Improving Intergroup Relations in Higher Education: A Critical Examination of the Influence of Educational Interventions on Racial Bias". American Educational Research Association 74 (4): 473–524. doi:10.3102/00346543074004473. 
  • Fenelon, J (2003). "Race, Research, and Tenure Institutional Credibility and the Incorporation of African, Latino, and American Indian Faculty". Journal of Black Studies 34 (1): 87–100. doi:10.1177/0021934703253661. 
  • Rankin, S. R.; Reason, R. D. (2005). "Differing Perceptions:How Students of Color and White Students Perceive Campus Climate for Underrepresented Groups". Journal of College Student Development 46 (1): 43–61. doi:10.1353/csd.2005.0008. 
  • Stanley, C. A. (2006). "Coloring the academic landscape: Faculty of color breaking the silence in predominantly White colleges and universities". American educational research journal 43 (4): 701–736. doi:10.3102/00028312043004701. 
  • Turner, C. S. V.; González, J. C.; Wood, J. L. (2008). "Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of literature tells us". Journal of Diversity in Higher Education 1 (3): 139–168. doi:10.1037/a0012837. 
  • Vega, T. (2014, February 24). Colorblind Notion Aside, Colleges Grapple With Racial Tension. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/25/us/colorblind-notion-aside-colleges-grapple-with-racial-tension.html?_r=0

External links[edit]