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The Republic of Ireland has been neutral in international relations since the 1930s. The nature of Irish neutrality has varied over time, and has been contested since the 1970s. Historically, the state was a "non-belligerent" in World War II and has never joined NATO, although during the Cold War it was anti-communist and aloof from the Non-Aligned Movement. The compatibility of neutrality with Ireland's membership of the European Union has been a point of debate in EU treaty referendum campaigns since the 1990s. The Seville Declarations on the Treaty of Nice acknowledge Ireland's "traditional policy of military neutrality", reflecting the narrow formulation of successive Irish governments. Others define Irish neutrality more broadly, as having "a strong normative focus, with a commitment to development, United Nations peacekeeping, human rights and disarmament".
- 1 Ireland's concept of neutrality
- 2 History
- 3 Peace-keeping actions as a United Nations contingent
- 4 Current policy
- 5 See also
- 6 References
- 7 External links
- 8 Further reading
Ireland's concept of neutrality
There are notable differences between Irish neutrality and traditional types of neutral states:
- While most neutral states maintain strong defence forces, Ireland has a relatively small defence force of approximately 10,500 personnel
- While most neutral states do not allow any foreign military within their territory, Ireland has a long history of allowing military aircraft of various nations to refuel at Shannon Airport. Under the Air Navigation (Foreign Military Aircraft) Order, 1952, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, exceptionally, could grant permission to foreign military aircraft to overfly or land in the State. Confirmation was required that the aircraft in question be unarmed, carry no arms, ammunition or explosives and that the flights in question would not form part of military exercises or operations.
After the September 11 attacks, these conditions were "waived in respect of aircraft operating in pursuit of the implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1368". Irish governments have always said that allowing aircraft to use Irish soil does not constitute participation in any particular conflict and is compatible with a neutral stance, instancing the transit of German troops between Finland and Norway through neutral Swedish territory during World War II.
A neutral state may also allow its citizens to serve in the armed forces of other, possibly belligerent, nations. Ireland does not restrict its citizens from serving in foreign armies and significant numbers of Irish citizens serve or have served in the British and to a lesser extent United States armies.
Spanish Civil War
The Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Act, 1937 made it an offence to travel from Ireland to Spain to fight for either side in the Spanish Civil War. This applied both to Irish citizens and nationals of many other European countries.
World War II
Taoiseach Éamon de Valera stated in his wartime speeches that small states should stay out of the conflicts of big powers; hence Ireland's policy was officially "neutral", and the country did not publicly declare its support for either side although in practice, while Luftwaffe pilots who crash-landed in Ireland and German sailors were interned, Royal Air Force (RAF), Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF), and United States Army Air Forces (USAAF) pilots who crashed were usually allowed to cross the border into British territory (although some Allied personnel were also interned). The internees were referred to as "guests of the nation". The German embassy had to pay for their keep. If they were on a non-combative mission they were repatriated. While it was easy for Allied pilots to make that claim, it was not realistic for Luftwaffe pilots to make a similar claim. Towards the end of the war, the German embassy was unable to pay, so the internees had to work on local farms. Strict wartime press censorship had the effect of controlling a moral reaction to the war's unfolding events and reiterated the public position that Irish neutrality was morally superior to the stance of any of the combatants.
Allied aircraft were allowed to overfly County Donegal to bases in County Fermanagh. Many of these aircraft were manufactured in the United States, to be flown by the RAF. This was known as the Donegal Corridor. Navigational markings are still, faintly, visible on mountains, such as Slieve League. There were many unfortunate crashes into these mountains. The bodies of dead airmen were handed over at the border. At the border the Guard of Honour performed a drill with reversed arms, a Bugler sounded the Last Post and a Chaplain gave a Blessing. An Allied officer, embarrassed that the coffins' journeys were being continued in open lorries, thanked the Irish for the "honour". The reply was: "Ours is the honour, but yours is the glory".
USAAF aircraft en route to North Africa refuelled at Shannon Airport, flying boats at nearby Foynes. A total of 1,400 aircraft and 15,000 passengers passed through Foynes airport during the war years.
In the course of the war an estimated 70,000 citizens of neutral Ireland served as volunteers in the British Armed Forces (and another estimated 50,000 from Northern Ireland, and this figure does not include Irish people who were resident in Britain before the war (though many used aliases). Those who had deserted the Irish Army to serve in the British Army, on returning to Ireland were stripped of all pay and pension rights, and banned for seven years from any employment paid for by state or government funds. Some 200,000 Irish migrated to England to participate in the war economy— most of them stayed after the war. Those who went without proper papers were liable to be conscripted. Irish military intelligence (G2) shared information with the British military and even held secret meetings to decide what to do if Germany invaded Ireland to attack Britain, plans which were formulated into Plan W, a plan for joint Irish and British military action should the Germans invade. However the Commander of the Irish Second Division based on the Northern Ireland border General Hugo McNeill had private discussions with the German Ambassador Edouard Hempel about German military assistance in the event of a British invasion from the north. De Valera declined Germany's offer of captured British weapons. The Germans did have a plan to simulate an invasion Ireland called Operation Green similar to the Allies Operation Bodyguard but it was only to be put into operation with the plans to conquer Britain, Operation Sea Lion.
On Easter Tuesday, 15 April 1941, 180 Luftwaffe bombers attacked Belfast. De Valera responded immediately to a request for assistance from Basil Brooke, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. Within two hours, 13 fire tenders from Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk and Dún Laoghaire were on their way to assist their Belfast colleagues. De Valera followed up with his "they are our people" speech and formally protested to Berlin. Joseph Goebbels instructed German radio not to repeat their report of the raid as Adolf Hitler was surprised at the Irish reaction, which might influence Irish Americans to bring the United States into the war. Although there was a later raid on 4 May, it was confined to the docks and shipyards. (See Belfast blitz).
Ireland wanted to maintain a public stance of neutrality and refused to close the German and Japanese embassies. Unlike many other non-combatant countries, Ireland did not declare war on the near-defeated Germany, and therefore did not seize any German assets. Other neutral countries like Sweden and Switzerland expelled German embassy staff at the end of the war, as they no longer represented a state, but the German legation in Dublin was allowed to remain open.
Irish neutrality during the war was threatened from within by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) who sought to provoke a confrontation between Britain and Ireland. This plan collapsed however when IRA chief of staff Seán Russell died in a U-boat off the Irish coast as part of Operation Dove; the Germans also later came to realise they had overestimated the abilities of the IRA. The American Ambassador, David Gray stated that he once asked de Valera, early in the war, what he would do if German paratroopers 'liberated' Derry. According to Gray, de Valera was silent for a time and then replied "I don't know". De Valera viewed the IRA threat to the authority of the state as sufficiently significant to intern 5,000 IRA members without trial at the Curragh Camp for the duration of the war.
At ceremonies for the first Holocaust Memorial Day in Ireland, 26 January 2003, Justice Minister Michael McDowell openly apologised for an Irish wartime policy[dubious ] that was inspired by "a culture of muted anti-semitism in Ireland,"[dubious ] which discouraged the immigration of thousands of Europe's threatened Jews. He said that "at an official level the Irish state was at best coldly polite and behind closed doors antipathetic, hostile and unfeeling toward the Jews".[dubious ]
Many German spies were sent to Ireland, but all were captured quickly as a result of good intelligence and sometimes the ineptitude of the spies. The chief spy of Abwehr was Hermann Görtz. In 1983 RTÉ made Caught in a Free State, a dramatised television series about Görtz and his fellow spies.
As Ireland was neutral, Irish cargo ships continued to sail with full navigation lights. They had large tricolours and the word "EIRE" painted large on their sides and decks. At that time, Allied ships travelled in convoy for protection from the U-boat 'wolfpacks'. If a ship was torpedoed, it was left behind since the other ships could not stop for fear of becoming a target. Irish ships often stopped, and they rescued more than 500 seamen, and some airmen, from many nations. However many Irish ships were attacked by belligerents on both sides. Over 20% of Irish seamen, on clearly marked neutral vessels, lost their lives, in the Irish Mercantile Marine during World War II.
Irish neutrality during World War II had broad support, with only one vote against it in Dáil Éireann that of James Dillon, a Fine Gael TD that demanded Ireland side with the Allies. However, as noted earlier, tens of thousands of Irish citizens fought in the Allied armies against the Nazis, mostly in the British army.
Winston Churchill, the British wartime Prime Minister, made an attack on the Irish Government and in particular Éamon de Valera in his radio broadcast on VE Day. Churchill maintained that the British government displayed restraint on the Irish state while the de Valera government were allowed to "frolic with the Germans". Churchill maintained that the British could have invaded the Irish state but displayed "considerable restraint" in not doing so. De Valera replied to Churchill in a radio broadcast:
Mr. Churchill makes it clear that in certain circumstances he would have violated our neutrality and that he would justify his action by Britain's necessity. It seems strange to me that Mr. Churchill does not see that this, if accepted, would mean that Britain's necessity would become a moral code and that when this necessity became sufficiently great, other people's rights were not to count….this same code is precisely why we have the disastrous succession of wars… shall it be world war number three?
Ireland applied to join the United Nations in 1945, but this was blocked by an objection in the security council. Sean MacBride considered that the UN boycott of Ireland was originally agreed at the 1945 Yalta Conference by Churchill and Joseph Stalin.
The Cold War
During the Cold War, Ireland maintained its policy of neutrality. It did not align itself officially with NATO – or the Warsaw Pact either. It refused to join NATO because Northern Ireland was still a part of the United Kingdom.[dubious ] Ireland offered to set up a separate alliance with the USA but this was refused. This offer was linked in part to the $133 million received from the Marshall Aid Plan.
However, secret transmission of information from the government to the CIA started in 1955. The link was established by Liam Cosgrave via a Mr Cram and the Irish embassy in London, and was not revealed until December 2007. In 1962–63, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, Seán Lemass authorised searches of aircraft that stopped over at Shannon en route between Warsaw Pact countries, and Cuba, for "warlike material".
Peace-keeping actions as a United Nations contingent
Irish Defence Forces have seen active service as part of United Nations peacekeeping activities – initially in the early 1960s Congo Crisis, and subsequently in Cyprus (UNFICYP) and the Lebanon (UNIFIL).
In February 2006, the Minister for Defence Willie O'Dea announced that the Irish government would open talks on joining the European Union battle groups. O'Dea said that joining the battlegroups would not affect Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality, and that a UN mandate would be required for all battlegroup operations with Irish participation. Green Party foreign affairs spokesperson John Gormley condemned the decision, saying that the government was "discarding the remnants of Irish neutrality".
However the opinion of Finnish Prime Minister Matti Vanhanen is that his country is no longer neutral due to EU membership and its Common Foreign and Security Policy. It is unknown to what extent other EU states such as Ireland agree with this analysis.
2001–present Afghanistan War
Despite its policy of neutrality, Ireland has supplied the NATO-led ISAF mission in the 2001–present Afghanistan War with a running total of 120 Irish troops as trainers. The troops are provided under United Nations mandate. As at 8 June 2011, there were seven personnel there.
2003 invasion of Iraq
The Irish government did not take a position on the 2003 invasion of Iraq. United States Air Force planes were allowed to refuel at Shannon Airport during the conflict. As a member of the UN Security Council, Ireland voted yes to Resolution 1441 which threatened "serious consequences" if Iraq did not comply with weapons inspectors.
A 2004 report by Forfás noted that the policy of neutrality is a factor in Ireland's lack of an arms industry and strict export controls on weapons. The latter are currently enforced by the Control of Exports (Goods and Technology) Order 2009, a statutory instrument made under the Control of Exports Act 1983. The 2004 report noted concerns about dual-use technology and the use as weapons components of products from major Irish export industries such as chemicals, telecommunications equipment, computer chips and software. The state is also bound by EU regulations and international arms control treaties.
- Swedish neutrality
- History of Ireland
- History of Northern Ireland
- Irish Shipping Limited
- Seville Declarations on the Treaty of Nice
- Tonra, Ben; Kennedy, Michael; Doyle, John; Dorr, Noel (13 April 2012). Irish Foreign Policy. Gill & MacMillan. ISBN 9780717152643.
- Tonra et al. 2012, Preface: The Study of Irish Foreign Policy p.xix
- Seville Declarations on the Nice Treaty
- Military.ie – FAQ
- "Irish Statute Book, Statutory Instruments, S.I. No. 74/1952 – Air Navigation (Foreign Military Aircraft) Order, 1952". Irish Statute Book. Irishstatutebook.ie. Retrieved 26 October 2008.
- Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dail Debate 17 December 2002
- "Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Act, 1937". Irish Statute Book. Retrieved 31 August 2010.
- "S.I. No. 35/1937 – Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Act, 1937 (Appointed Countries) Order, 1937.". Irish Statute Book. Retrieved 31 August 2010.
- Matthew McNamara, Matthew (2008). "The Challenge of the Irish Volunteers of World War II". K-Lines Internment Camp 1940–44. Retrieved 19 March 2010.
- Roberts, Geoffrey (2004). "The Challenge of the Irish Volunteers of World War II". Reform Movement. Retrieved 6 September 2008.
- The Donegal Corridor and Irish Neutrality during World War Two. A Talk given by Joe O'Loughlin, Local Historian, of Fermanagh, Northern Ireland.
- Waite, John (27 December 2011). "Why Irish soldiers who fought Hitler hide their medals". BBC News. Retrieved 20 July 2012.
- Ireland in the War Years 1939 – 1940 – T.J. Carroll pg 117
- Carroll, (1975). Ireland in the War Years, page 176.
- See Duggan p.180 Duggan, John P. Herr Hempel at the German Legation in Dublin 1937–1945 (Irish Academic Press) 2003 ISBN 0-7165-2746-4
- Manning, G. Airliners of the 1960s, AirLife Publishing, Shrewsbury, UK, p.16
- "Politics.ie – The Irish Politics Website". Politics.ie. Retrieved 26 October 2008.
- MacBride statement, March 1955.
- "Ex Trinity student was CIA's Irish link, records show". Irish Times. 28 December 2007. Retrieved 6 September 2008.
- Collins, Stephan (28 December 2007). "Lemass authorised aircraft searches during Cuban crisis". Front Page. Irish Times. Retrieved 6 September 2008.
- O'Farrell, Michael (10 February 2006). "Legislation imminent for EU battle group role". Ireland. Irish Examiner. Retrieved 4 November 2008.
- "Mr Pflüger described Finland as neutral. I must correct him on that: Finland is a member of the EU. We were at one time a politically neutral country, during the time of the Iron Curtain. Now we are a member of the Union, part of this community of values, which has a common policy and, moreover, a common foreign policy." – Presentation of the programme of the Finnish presidency (debate) 5 July 2006, European Parliament Strasbourg
- "€3m spent on deploying Irish troops to Afghanistan". Irish Times. 8 June 2011. Retrieved 1 November 2011.
- "Irish Involvement in the Afghanistan War Has Cost Three Million Euros". Irish Examiner USA. 14 June 2011. Retrieved 1 November 2011.
- Forfás; Fitzpatrick Associates; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (May 2004). "Export Licensing of Military and Dual-Use Goods in Ireland". Interdepartmental Group on Export Licensing of Military and Dual-Use Goods in Ireland. p. §§2.4.1, 3.1.4, 6.3.1. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
- "S.I. No. 305/2009 – Control of Exports (Goods and Technology) Order 2009". Irish Statute Book. Dublin: Attorney General. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
- "Control of Exports Act, 1983". Irish Statute Book. Dublin: Attorney General. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
- Forfás 2004, §§2.2.6, 3.10.3, 6.5.6
- Forfás 2004, pp.17–18
- Irish Peace and Neutrality Alliance
- Campaign for Irish Neutrality and Democracy
- Fine Gael "Beyond Neutrality" Document (pdf)
- Beyond Neutrality Questions and Answers
- Second World War online resource for NI