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There have been disputes between Japan and Korea (both North and South) on numerous issues over the years. Japan and Korea have a complex history of cultural exchange, trade, and war, underlying their relations today. During the ancient era, exchange of culture and ideas between Japan and mainland Asia was common through migration via the Korean Peninsula or diplomatic contact and trade between Japan and Korea. Buddhism, Chinese foods, Chinese characters and other technology came to Japan via Korea. After the annexation of Korea to Japan in 1910, Korea was ruled by the Japanese government. (Korea under Japanese rule) South Korea refused to trade or open diplomatic relations with Japan until 1965, after which trade links expanded dramatically. Today, Japan and South Korea are major trading partners, and many students, tourists, entertainers, and business people travel between the two countries, whereas North Korea's political and economic relations with Japan are not developed. North Korea does not recognize Japan as a country.
- 1 Historical issues
- 1.1 Korea under Japanese rule
- 1.2 Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty
- 1.3 Japanese apologies to Korea for colonization
- 1.4 Statements by Japanese politicians on colonial rule
- 1.5 Japanese compensation to Korea for the reign of Japan
- 1.6 Return of Korean remains
- 1.7 Return of Korean cultural artifacts
- 1.8 Comfort women
- 1.9 Japanese prime ministers' visits to Yasukuni Shrine
- 1.10 Nationalist historiography
- 2 Geographic disputes
- 3 Miscellaneous issues
- 4 See also
- 5 References
- 6 Further reading
- 7 External links
Korea under Japanese rule
With the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876, Japan decided the expansion of their settlement, the addition of the market and acquired an enclave in Busan. In the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, Japan defeated the Qing Dynasty, and succeeded in released from the tributary system of the Qing China in Korea by concluding the Treaty of Shimonoseki that compelled Qing to acknowledge Yi Dynasty Korea as an independent country. Japan encouraged the modernization of Korea. However, the Min clan, including the Queen Min, took precautions against Japan of which dominating power was further increasing in Korea. In 1895, Queen Min was assassinated by Japan after seeking to promote Russian influence and oppose reform. In 1897, Joseon was renamed the Korean Empire (1897–1910), affirming its independence, but greatly gravitated closer to Russia, with the King ruling from the Russian legation, and then using Russian guards upon return to his palace. Japan declared war on Russia to drive out Russian influence, and ended the war by imposing the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1905. Korea became a protectorate of Japan, a precursor to its annexation. Ito Hirobumi, who was the first prime minister of Japan and one of the elder statesmen and was Resident-General of Korea opposed to the annexation of Korea. However, the power balance of the Japan domestic grew in favor of the annexation, because an influential statesmen objecting to the early annexation disappeared due to the assassination of Ito Hirobumi by An Jung-geun in 1909, On August 22, 1910, annexing the Korea by signing the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty.
Kim Il-sung led a Korean independence movement, which was active in the border areas of China and Russia, particularly in areas with considerable ethnic Korean populations. Kim founded North Korea, and his descendants have still not signed a peace treaty with Japan. The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, led by (later) South Korea's first president Syngman Rhee, moved from Shanghai to Chongqing. Lee lobbied in the United States and was recognized by the South Korean administrator by Douglas MacArthur. Japanese control of Korea ended on September 9, 1945 when the Governor-General of Korea signed the surrender document of the United States in Seoul.
Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty
In 1910, Japan annexed Korea. The legality of the annexation and the subsequent 35-years of occupation of the Korean Peninsula by Japan are controversial. Both have been criticized as illegal based on the fact that the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1905 was signed under duress, as well as its never having been ratified by Gojong of the Korean Empire. Some Japanese scholars have challenged this view of the treaty as invalid.
Japanese apologies to Korea for colonization
Although diplomatic relations were established by treaty in 1965, South Korea continues to request an apology and compensation for Korea under Japanese rule. The Japanese government has not apologized officially and many Japanese cabinet members have also not made apologies. In 2012, The South Korean government announced that Emperor Akihito must apologize for Japan’s colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula. Most Japanese Prime Ministers have issued apologies, including Prime Minister Obuchi in the Japan-Republic of Korea Joint Declaration of 1998. While South Koreans welcomed the apologies at the time, many South Koreans now view the statements as insincere, because of continuous misunderstandings between the two nations. In one example in 2005, the Koizumi Cabinet did not participate, but 47 Diet members visited Yasukuni shrine for a memorial service at exactly the same time Prime Minister Koizumi was issuing the apology. This was seen by South Koreans as a contradiction and has caused many South Koreans to distrust Japanese statements of apology.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration of 2002. Koizumi said, "I once again express my feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology, and also express the feelings of mourning for all victims, both at home and abroad, in the war."
Statements by Japanese politicians on colonial rule
Since the 1950s, many prominent politicians and officials in Japan have made statements on Japanese colonial rule in Korea which created outrage and led to diplomatic scandals in Korean-Japanese relations. The statements have led to anti-Japanese sentiments among Koreans, and a widespread perception that Japanese apologies for colonial rule have been insincere.
During the talks between Japan and Korea in 1953, Kanichiro Kubota, one of the Japanese representatives, stated that "Japanese colonial rule was beneficial to Korea...Korea would have been colonized by other countries anyway, which would have led to harsher rules than Japanese rules." Many Koreans consider this remark to be the first reckless statement made by Japanese politicians about colonial rule in Korea.
In 1997, Shinzō Abe, then a member of the House of Representatives and now Prime Minister of Japan, stated that "Many so-called victims of comfort women system are liars...prostitution was ordinary behavior in Korea because the country had many brothels."
On May 31, 2003, Tarō Asō, then the Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications and later Prime Minister, stated that "the change to Japanese name (創氏改名) during Japanese colonial rule was what Koreans wanted."
In 2007, Hakubun Shimomura, then Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary of the Japanese government, stated that "The comfort women system existed, but I believe it was because Korean parents sold their daughters at that time."
On March 27, 2010, on the centennial of Japan-Korean annexation, Yukio Edano, then Japanese Minister of State for Government Revitalization, stated that "The invasion and colonization and China and Korea was historically inevitable...since China and Korea could not modernize themselves."
Japanese compensation to Korea for the reign of Japan
Twenty years after World War II, South Korea and Japan re-established diplomatic relations with the 1965 signing of the Treaty on Basic Relations. In 2005, South Korea disclosed diplomatic documents that detailed the proceedings of the treaty. Kept secret in South Korea for 40 years, the documents revealed that Japan provided 500 million dollars in soft loans and 300 million in grants to South Korea as compensation for the reign of Japan. and that South Korea agreed to demand no more compensation after the treaty, either at a government-to-government level or an individual-to-government level. It was also revealed that the South Korean government assumed the responsibility for compensating individuals on a lump sum basis while rejecting Japan's proposal for direct compensation.
However, the South Korean government used most of the loans for economic development and have failed to provide adequate compensation to victims, paying only 300,000 won per death, with only a total of 2,570 million won to the relatives of 8,552 victims who died in forced labor. As the result, the Korean victims were preparing to file a compensation suit against the South Korean government as of 2005. The treaty does not preclude individual suits against Japanese individuals or corporations but such suits are often constrained by the statute of limitation. Women's International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan's Military Sexual Slavery, a mock trial organised by and supported by Japanese NGO Violence Against Women in War Network Japan, issued a ruling that "states cannot agree by treaty to waive the liability of another state for crimes against humanity."
Return of Korean remains
During the Japanese occupation of Korea (particularly during World War II), Japan mobilized 700,000 laborers from Korea to sustain industrial production, mainly in mining. Some of them eventually returned to Korea after the war, with some dying in Japan during the atomic bombing of Hiroshima. or the other Allied bombing of Japan. The high death toll may also have had other causes in the harsh conditions of the war. Corporations, such as Mitsubishi, Mitsui and others, stated that the culpability should fall on the governments and not on private companies. The government distributed funds to companies for the purposes of worker repatriation. Japanese companies paid out sums at the end of the war to Chinese work leaders intended for Chinese labourers to return home to China, but the money went missing after distribution to the Chinese workers. Later, the People's Republic of China and Korea requested help in finding the dead bodies of kidnapped Chinese and Korean laborers for proper burial. The situation prevented China and Korea from appropriately coordinating their efforts, and they have only identified a few hundred bodies. In addition, Korean workers began demanding their unpaid wages immediately after Japan's surrender and continue to do so today. The issue remains salient in Korea.
Return of Korean cultural artifacts
The Japanese rule of Korea also resulted in the relocation of tens of thousands of cultural artifacts to Japan. The issue over where these articles should be located began during the U.S. occupation of Japan. In 1965, as part of the Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea, Japan returned roughly 1,400 artifacts to Korea, and considered the diplomatic matter to have been resolved. Korean artifacts are retained in the Tokyo National Museum and in the hands of many private collectors.
In 1994, hundreds of books of the Heart Sutra which were donated by the Goryeo Dynasty to Japan in 1486 were stolen from a temple. The following year, three damaged books out of these hundreds were "discovered" in South Korea and registered as National Treasure no. 284. In 2002, thieves stole another medieval gift and a Japanese biography of Prince Shotoku, and donated them to a temple in Korea. None of these artifacts have been returned to Japan. The thieves, when caught, explained that they were "reclaiming" Korean historical artifacts.
According to the South Korean government, there are 75,311 cultural artifacts that were taken from Korea. Japan has 34,369, the United States has 17,803, and France had several hundred, which were seized in the French campaign against Korea and loaned back to Korea in 2010 without an apology. In 2010, Prime Minister of Japan Naoto Kan expressed "deep remorse" for the removal of artifacts, and arranged an initial plan to return the Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty and over 1,200 other books, which was carried out in 2011.
Many in Korea have been demanding compensation for "comfort women", the women who were pressured to work in Imperial Japanese military brothels during World War II. Enlisted to the military stations through force, kidnapping, coercion, and deception, the Korean comfort women, most of them under the age of 18, were forced to have sexual relationships with 30–40 soldiers each day. As the few surviving comfort women continue to strive for acknowledgment and a sincere apology, the Japanese court system has rejected such claims due to the length of time and claiming that there is no evidence.
In November 1990, the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (한국정신대문제대책협의회; 韓國挺身隊問題對策協議會) was established in South Korea. In 1993, the government of Japan officially acknowledged the presence of wartime brothels. As of 2008, a lump sum payment of 43 million Korean won and a monthly payment of 0.8 million won are given to the survivors. The Japanese government has also arranged an organization that gives money and official letters of apology to the victims. Today, many of the surviving comfort women are in their 80s. As of 2007, according to South Korean government, there are 109 survivors in South Korea and 218 in North Korea. The survivors in South Korea protest in front of the Japanese embassy in Seoul, Korea every Wednesday. The protest was held for 1000th time in December, 2011.
In December 2000, The Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sexual Slavery sat in Tokyo, Japan. During the proceedings, the judges of the Tribunal heard hours of testimony by 75 survivors, as well as reviewed affidavits and video interviews by countless others. The Tribunal's Judgment found Emperor Hirohito and other Japanese officials guilty of crimes against humanity and held that Japan bore state responsibility and should pay reparations to the victims.
In July 2007, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a non-binding resolution that Japan apologize for forcing women into sex slavery during World War II. The resolution was sponsored by Mike Honda (D-CA), a third-generation Japanese-American. On December 13, 2007, the European Parliament adopted a resolution that demands the Japanese government to apologize to the survivors of Japan's military sexual slavery system. This resolution was passed with 54 ayes out of 57 parliament members present. It became the fourth foreign country to demand an official apology from Japan to Korea.[not in citation given] .
With the number of surviving comfort women rapidly declining, and tensions between the two nations continuously escalating, a peaceful resolution has never been more necessary nor urgent. However, untangling an issue so ensconced in history and pain is neither simple nor easy. The key to resolving such tensions lies in participant’s ability to transcend nationalism and extend the issue’s longevity by pursuing other modes of discussion besides nationalist narratives. If parties continue to narrowly focus resolution efforts on immediate compensation for the comfort women, or demand countless apologies from Japan for their wrongdoings and damages to South Korean nationalism, relief efforts will either die with the last surviving comfort women or stagnate, trapped in emotions. South Korea needs to find an alternate lens to examine the issue, be it through feminism or human rights violations, to extend and transcend the issue beyond its national borders 
Japanese prime ministers' visits to Yasukuni Shrine
Yasukuni Shrine is a Shinto shrine which memorializes Japanese armed forces members killed in wartime. It was constructed as a memorial during the Meiji era to house the remains of those who died for Japan, similar to other famous graveyards in other countries. The shrine houses the remains of Tojo Hideki (東条英機), the Prime Minister and Army Minister of Japan during much of World War II, between 1941 and 1944, and 13 other Class-A war criminals. Yasukuni shrine has been a subject of controversy, containing a memorial for 1,043 Japanese and 23 Korean B and C war criminals who were executed, as well as 14 Japanese A-class war criminals. The presence of these war criminals among the dead honoured at Yasukuni shrine has meant that visits to Yasukuni have been seen by Chinese and Koreans as apologism for the wartime era.
Yasuhiro Nakasone and Ryutaro Hashimoto visited Yasukuni shrine and paid respects as Prime Minister of Japan in 1986 and 1996 respectively, which drew intense opposition from Korea and China. Junichiro Koizumi visited the Shrine and paid respects 6 times during his term as Prime Minister of Japan, starting on August 13, 2001, stating that he was "paying homage to the servicemen who died for defense of Japan." These visits drew strong condemnation and protests from Japan's neighbors again, mainly China and South Korea. As a result, the heads of the two countries refused to meet with Koizumi, and there were no mutual visits between Chinese and Japanese leaders after October 2001 and between South Korean and Japanese leaders after June 2005. President of South Korea Roh Moo-hyun had suspended all summit talks between South Korea and Japan, until 2008 when he resigned from office. Koizumi's successors have not visited Yasukuni shrine, but offered tributary gifts as Prime Minister of Japan – Shinzō Abe in 2007 and Tarō Asō in 2008 and 2009.
Most anthropologists and historians acknowledge that Japan has historically been actively engaged with its neighbors China and Korea, as well as Southeast Asia. Among these neighbors, Chinese culture came to Japan from the Three Kingdoms of Korea. Japanese and Korean peoples share closely linked ethnic, cultural and anthropological histories; a point of controversy between nationalist scholars in Japan and Korea rests on which culture came first, and can thus be considered the forebear of the other.
Modern historiography is also a seat of discord. In South Korea, popular debates about "cleansing history" (Hangul: 내역(과거)청산; RR: gwageo cheongsan; MR: kwagŏ ch'ŏngsan) focus on finding and recriminating "collaborators" with Japanese colonial authorities. In North Korea, the songbun system of ascribed status is used to punish citizens with collaborating relatives or ancestors.
On the other hand, Japan's Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) reviews and approves the content of school history textbooks available for selection by Japanese schools. Foreign scholars, as well as many Japanese historians, have criticized the political slant and factual errors in some approved textbooks. After a textbook by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (JSHTR) passed inspection in April 2001, the South Korean government, 59 NGOs from Korea and Japan, and some Japanese teachers' unions, registered objections to certain passages' omission of Japanese war crimes including comfort women and the Nanking Massacre. Although Tsukurukai's textbook has sold six hundred thousand copies in the general market, it has been adopted by less than 0.39% of Japanese schools. In 2010, another textbook by the JSHTR passed inspection and was published by Jiyusha (自由社).
The Liancourt Rocks, called Dokdo (독도, 獨島; "solitary island") in Korean and Takeshima (竹島; "bamboo island"), are a group of islets in the Sea of Japan whose ownership is disputed between South Korea and Japan. There are valuable fishing grounds around the islets and potentially large reserves of methane clathrate.
The territorial dispute is a major source of nationalist tensions. Since the South Korean government bases its legitimacy partly on the notion that it defends South Korea from North Korea in the North and from Japan from the south, nationalism has been stoked over this issue. Korean tourists visit the remote, inhospitable island, in order to show national solidarity. In Japan, schoolchildren are instructed that the islands belong rightfully to Japan.
On Aug 10, 1951, a secret correspondence currently known as the Rusk documents was sent to South Korea communicating the then U.S. position on issues of territorial sovereignty in the Peace Treaty explaining why the US believed Liancourt Rocks were Japanese territory: "This normally uninhabited rock formation was according to our information never treated as part of Korea and, since about 1905, has been under the jurisdiction of the Oki Islands Branch Office of Shimane Prefecture of Japan. The island does not appear ever before to have been claimed by Korea." In September 1954 and March 1962, Japan proposed to South Korea that the dispute be referred to the International Court of Justice, but South Korea rejected the proposals. Japan again proposed bringing the dispute to the International Court of Justice in August 2012, which was also officially rejected by South Korea on August 30, 2012.
In 2005, members of the nearby Japanese prefecture of Shimane declared "Takeshima Day", to highlight their territorial claim to the islands.
Although the Liancourt Rocks are claimed by both Japan and (both) Koreas, the islets are occupied by the Republic of Korea (South Korea), which has its Korean Coast Guard stationed there, as well as two elderly Korean residents.[unreliable source?]
A small minority of Koreans claim this island as belonging to Korea, although the South Korean government does not make this claim. Called "Tsushima" in Japanese and "Daemado" in Korean, this island was recorded on the Chinese history book as a territory of Japan from ancient times. This island, as Tsushima Province, has been ruled by Japanese governments since the Nara period. According to Homer Hulbert, this island was a dependency to Silla, one of the Three Kingdoms of Korea. However, according to the Korean history book Samguk Sagi written in 1145, Tsushima is ruled by the Japanese from CE 400.
In 1948, the South Korean government formally demanded that the island be ceded to South Korea based on "historical claims." However, the claim was rejected by SCAP in 1949. On July 19, 1951, the South Korean government agreed that the earlier demand for Tsushima had been dropped by the Korean government with regards to the Japanese peace treaty negotiations.
In 2010, a group of 37 members of the South Korean congress formed a forum to study Korea's territorial claims to Tsushima and make outreach efforts to the public. They said that Tsushima was a part of Korean history and that the people on the island are closely related to Koreans. Yasunari Takarabe, incumbent Mayor of Tsushima rejects the Korean territorial claim: "Tsushima has always been Japan. I want them to retract their wrong historical perception. It was mentioned in the Gishiwajinden (ja:魏志倭人伝?) as part of Wa (Japan). It has never been and cannot be a South Korean territory."
Sea of Japan naming dispute
There is dispute over the international name for this body of water. Japan points out that the name "Sea of Japan" (Japanese: 日本海) was used in a number of European maps from the late 18th century to the early 19th century, and that many maps today retain this naming. However, both the North and South Korean governments have protested that Japan encouraged the usage of the name "Sea of Japan" while Korea lost effective control over its foreign policy under Japanese imperial expansion. South Korea argues that the name "East Sea" (Hangul: 동해; hanja: 東海), which was one of the most common names found on old European maps of this sea, should be the name instead of (or at least used concurrently with) "Sea of Japan."
Japan claims that Western countries named it the "Sea of Japan" prior to 1860, before the growth of Japanese influence over Korean foreign policy after the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894. Further, Japan claims that the primary naming occurred during the period of Sakoku, when Japan had very little foreign contact, and thus Japan could not have influenced the naming decisions. It was in 1928, when the International Hydrographic Organization's Limits of Oceans and Seas officially took the name Sea of Japan, which eventually influenced other official international documents such as the United Nations. South Korea claims that Korea was occupied by the Japanese and effectively had no international voice to protest in 1928.
Censorship of Japanese media in South Korea
After the end of Japanese Occupation, Japanese cultural products such as music, film, and books were banned in both North and South Korea. The boycott was lifted in South Korea starting in 1998. Some Japanese cultural items, including but not limited to manga, anime and music, have been introduced into South Korea even while they were banned (the Korean public was not informed of their Japanese origin, though people mostly knew that they were).
The Japanese anime Hetalia: Axis Powers, a satire series that personifies various nations created by Hidekaz Himaruya, was banned from airing on the Japanese TV Station, Kid Station after many protests arrived from South Korea about how the character that represents South Korea was a disgrace and did not represent Koreans correctly. This is in spite of the fact that a Korean character does not appear in any episode of the animated series, though it appears on web comic versions. The animation continues to see distribution through mobile networks and internet streaming.
Kidnapping of Japanese citizens by North Korea
A 13-year-old junior high school student from Niigata, Megumi Yokota, was kidnapped by North Korea on November 15, 1977. In addition to her, many other Japanese citizens were kidnapped by North Korean agents. In 2002, North Korea admitted to kidnapping 13 Japanese citizens during the 1970s and 1980s, in order to train spies to infiltrate U.S. military installations in Japan. Five people have been released, but the North Korean government claimed that there were eight dead. Japan has pressed for the return of the bodies. However, the Japanese government believes that there are still kidnapped Japanese citizens being held captive in North Korea. North Korea's official statement is that the issue has been settled. Because of the overwhelming number of South Koreans also kidnapped by North Korea, there have been some joint efforts by South Korea and Japan to retrieve their citizens. The issue remains unresolved, however Japan has insisted on an explanation of what happened to their citizens as a precondition for normalizing relations with North Korea.
Origin of Japanese culture
In brief, the Korean points are that through a long history of contact, several important Chinese innovations in culture and technology were transferred to Japan. Several linguistic theories make similar points. In these theories, practices like wet-rice farming, a new style of pottery, and metallurgy, and writing were introduced from China. Buddhism was first introduced to Japan from Baekje in Korea, but the subsequent development of Japanese Buddhism was primarily influenced by China.
The New York Times writes that Japanese national treasures such as the Kōryū-ji sculptures, which are "a symbol of Japan itself and an embodiment of qualities often used to define Japanese-ness in art", are in actuality based on Korean prototypes and probably carved in Korea. In 1976, Japan stopped all foreign archaeologists from studying the Gosashi tomb in Nara Prefecture, which is the supposed resting place of Empress Jingu (of 200 BCE). In 2008, Japan allowed controlled, limited access to foreign archaeologists, but the international community still has many unanswered questions. National Geographic News reported that Japan "the agency has kept access to the tombs restricted, prompting rumors that officials fear excavation would reveal bloodline links between the "pure" imperial family and Korea—or that some tombs hold no royal remains at all.".
Plagiarism of Japanese products
Korea has been accused of plagiarizing Japanese products. In 2007, a K-pop singer Ivy was accused of copying a scene from the Japanese video game movie adaptation Final Fantasy VII: Advent Children in one of her music videos. The court ordered that the video be banned from airing on television, stating that "most of the clip is noticeably similar to scenes from the film."
Koreans are the second largest group of foreign nationals living in Japan, before the Chinese, Filipinos, and after the Brazilians and Peruvians. Ethnicity censuses are not available in Japan, what leaves naturalized citizens that are part of these and other immigrant populations, as well historical groups with their own identity such as the Ryukyuans, the Ainu and the mixed-race Japanese invisible, so figures giving Yamato people an amount of about 98.5% of the Japanese population are very likely exaggerated.
Zainichi (在日?, resident of Japan) Korean refers to ethnic Koreans currently residing in Japan. Most of them are second-, third-, or fourth-generation Koreans who have not applied for Japanese citizenship. Japanese law asserts that, to be a citizen of Japan, one must abdicate of every other citizenship. Some were either forced to relocate to or willingly immigrated to Japan during the Japanese occupation of Korea, while others entered Japan illegally in order to escape the Korean War that took place after the Japanese occupation. They lost their Japanese citizenship after the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, which officially ended the Japanese annexation of Korea and their country of origin, Korea, no longer existed when South Korea and North Korea became separate states. Zainichi communities are split based upon affiliation with North or South Korea (Chongryon and Mindan). It is claimed that two or three of the leaders of the smaller organized crime syndicates found on a list of more than twenty such groups as specified by the National Police Agency in Japan may be ethnic Koreans.
More positively speaking, Masayoshi Son (Son Jeong-ui), a businessman and CEO of Japanese telecom giant SoftBank, is of Zainichi background. In addition, some of Japan's baseball players and martial artists were of Zainichi Korean background, including Rikidōzan (Kim Sin-rak), Mas Oyama (Choi Yeong-eui), Isao Harimoto (Jang Hun), and Masaichi Kaneda (Kim Kyung-hong). To avoid discrimination, some Zainichi Koreans have adopted Japanese names. Today, however, as the relationship between Japan and Korea has improved, there also exist many Zainichi Koreans or former Zainichi Koreans with Japanese nationality who do not hide their origin and are in full activity, such as Yu Miri, an Akutagawa Prize-winning playwright and Tadanari Lee (Lee Chung-Sung), a Japanese football player of Korean origin.
In the 1990s, a dispute arose regarding the marketing of kimchi, considered to be a traditional Korean dish. Kimchi was growing in popularity, and its consumption and production were expanding. Korean manufacturers, however, argued that Japanese kimchi is fundamentally different, in that Japanese manufacturers often skip fermentation and mimic the flavors through the use of additives. Korean producers argued that this made the product fundamentally different from kimchi, while Japanese producers[who?] argued they were simply altering the product to fit local tastes. In 2000, Korea began lobbying the makers of the Codex Alimentarius, an international food-standards maker which provides voluntary advice to national food agencies, to designate kimchi as only that which is produced in the traditional Korean style. In 2001, the Codex Alimentarius published a voluntary standard defining kimchi as "a fermented food that uses salted napa cabbages as its main ingredient mixed with seasonings, and goes through a lactic acid production process at a low temperature," but which did not specify a minimum amount of fermentation or forbid the use of additives.
- History of Japan–Korea relations
- Japan–North Korea relations
- Japan–South Korea relations
- Anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea
- Anti-Korean sentiment in Japan
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전민족운동이었던 3·1운동에 의해 수립된 임시정부...대내적으로는 독립운동의 통할기구로서의 구실을 가지고 탄생...상해에 있던 시기(1919∼1932)에는 국내외동포사회에 통할조직을 확대하면서 외교활동이나 독립전쟁 등을 지도, 통할하는 데 주력하였다. 초기의 독립전쟁은 만주와 연해주(沿海州)의 독립군단체에 일임...이 시기에 가장 주목할 성과는 광복군(光復軍)을 창설.. (trans. It was a provisional government established by the March 1st Movement that excised the whole nation..It was founded with the purpose as the united organ to excise the Korean liberation movement both outside and inside of Korea...During the period based in Shanghai (1919–1932), it expanded the supervising organization to the Korean society inside and aboard, it focused on leading and supervising diplomatic activities and liberation movement. The earlier liberation war was entrusted to independence groups in Manchuria and Primorsky Krai..The most notable achievement in the period was to establish the Independence Army...
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