Jeremy Griffith

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Jeremy Griffith (born 1945) is an Australian biologist and author on the subject of the human condition. He first became known to the general public for his comprehensive search for the Tasmanian Tiger or Thylacine conducted from 1967 to 1973.[1] His search is considered the most intensive ever carried out,[2] and included exhaustive surveys along Tasmania's west coast;[1] installation of automatic camera stations; prompt investigations of claimed sightings;[3] and in 1972 the creation of the Thylacine Expeditionary Research Team with Dr Bob Brown, which concluded without finding any evidence of the thylacine's existence.[2]

Griffith was educated at Tudor House School in New South Wales and the Geelong Grammar School in Victoria. Griffith described his schooling at Geelong Grammar, under the headmastership of the renowned Australian educator James Darling, as one of the important formative influences in his life.[4] A biology graduate of the University of Sydney, Griffith began writing on the human condition in 1975, publishing the first of his six books on the subject in 1988.[5] The best known of his publications, A Species In Denial (2003), became a bestseller in Australia and New Zealand.[6] Each of Griffith’s published works is grounded in his grand narrative explanation of human nature. His work is multi-disciplinary, drawing from the physical sciences, biology, anthropology and primatology together with philosophy, psychology and psychiatry. He cites thinkers drawn from varied backgrounds and eras, from Socrates, Plato and Christ, through to more contemporary philosophers and scientists such as Charles Darwin, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, Eugene Marais, Louis Leakey, Laurens van der Post and R.D. Laing.[4][7]

His biological works on the origins of human nature have generated interest and debate in both scientific and general communities for more than two decades.[8] The Templeton Prize winner and biologist Charles Birch, the New Zealand zoologist Professor John Edward Morton, the former President of the Canadian Psychiatric Association Professor Harry Prosen and the Australian Everest mountaineer Tim Macartney-Snape have been among the long standing proponents of Griffith’s ideas. Professor John Edward Morton publicly defended Griffith when he and his ideas were attacked in the mid-1990s.[9]

The World Transformation Movement[edit]

The World Transformation Movement was founded by Griffith in 1983, as the Centre for Humanity’s Adulthood, an organisation dedicated to developing and promoting understanding of the human condition. It was incorporated in 1990 with Griffith and his colleague Tim Macartney-Snape among its founding directors and became a registered charity in New South Wales in 1991 known as the Foundation for Humanity’s Adulthood. In 2009, the organisation became the World Transformation Movement.[10]

In 1995, Griffith, Macartney-Snape and the Foundation for Humanity’s Adulthood (as the World Transformation Movement was then known) were the subject of an Australian Broadcasting Corporation Four Corners program[11] and a Sydney Morning Herald newspaper article. The publications became the subject of long running defamation actions in the NSW Supreme Court and were found to be defamatory.[12][13] In 2007, the ABC was ordered to pay Macartney-Snape almost $500,000 in damages, and with costs the payout was expected to exceed $1 million.[13] The proceedings against the Herald were resolved when it published an apology to the Foundation for Humanity’s Adulthood (World Transformation Movement) in 2009.[14] Although Griffith was not awarded damages in relation to the Four Corners broadcast, on appeal in 2010 the NSW Court of Appeal found what was said of Griffith was untrue.[15]

Anthropology[edit]

Griffth's position[edit]

Jeremy Griffith’s theory of the human condition holds that humans’ instinctive heritage is cooperative and selfless.[16] This view is contrary to the more commonly held position in the anthropological community that humans have a competitive, selfish past;[17] although recent discoveries of 4.4 million year old Ardipithecus fossils support Griffith’s view of a cooperative heritage.[18] Griffith holds that our current competitive and aggressive state is primarily a psychological, rather than genetic, condition, being the product of a tragic but unavoidable internal battle that broke out some 2 million years ago when our emerging consciousness began to challenge our pre-existing instinctive orientation for the management of our lives.[19]

Thinkers such as Arthur Koestler,[20] Eugene Marais,[21] Julian Jaynes,[22] Erich Neumann[23] and Paul MacLean[24] have identified a conflict between the instinctive self and conscious self as being the underlying cause of the human condition, however they have not identified the precise nature and mechanics of that dilemma or how it arose. In Griffith’s explanation, he argues that because instincts are only genetic orientations to the world and not understandings of it, when the fully conscious, self-managing mind emerged it would, in order to find the understandings it needed to effectively manage events, have had to challenge those instinctive orientations, which would have led to a psychologically “upsetting” clash with our instinctive self.[25] Griffith holds that in the absence of this understanding, the conscious mind became ever more angry, alienated and egocentric in response to the instincts’ opposition to its experiments in self-management.[26]

Griffith argues that the relative innocence (the degree to which a person or race is psychologically unaware of the upsetting effects of the human condition) of so-called ‘primitive’ races, such as the !Kung Bushmen and the Australian Aborigines, is evidence of a totally innocent, selfless past prior to 2 million years ago, before the emergence of consciousness and with it the human condition.[27] Writers and anthropologists such as Loren Marshall,[28] Sir Laurens van der Post[29] and Elizabeth Marshall Thomas,[30] who have lived with the Bushmen in their natural state, have born witness to their relatively peaceful, relatively innocent nature.

It has been asserted in the section below that Griffith idealises so-called ‘primitive’ races by viewing them through a lens of primal innocence, however this is a misrepresentation of Griffith’s position, which is that primitive races are only relatively innocent, because, like all current members of Homo sapiens sapiens, they contain the accumulated 'upset' of 2 million years.[31]

It has also been erroneously stated in the section below that Griffith’s position regarding the relative innocence of primitive races is discredited by field studies that show that rates of violence in primitive tribes are higher than in modern societies.[32] In fact, Griffith’s theory contends that more upset races may exhibit lower levels of violence than more innocent races due to their greater levels of civility and self-restraint.[33] Griffith argues that levels of restraint increased dramatically following the advent of agriculture and herding some 11,000 years ago i.e. after the hunter-gatherer state of the Bushman and the Australian Aborigines.[34]

Griffith refers to the Bushmen as ‘Christ-like’ with respect to their level of innocence.[35] Again, it has erroneously been stated in the section below that data on levels of violence in primitive peoples makes this comparison untenable, however, such criticism fails to take into account Griffith’s explanation of how more upset, modern races employ greater levels of self-restraint than primitive races. Griffith writes that while Christ and the Bushmen may share similar levels of innocence, Christ, being a member of a more modern, upset-adapted race, would have possessed a genetic ‘toughness’ that the Bushmen do not possess, such toughness being accompanied by greater levels of self-restraint.[36] Descriptions by Griffith of the Bushmen as ‘Christ-like’ are made within this context.

Counter to Griffith's Above Position[edit]

Griffith cites ethnographies about the Bushmen by Sir Laurens van der Post, Loren Marshall, and Elizabeth Marshall Thomas as having born witness to the Bushmen’s relatively peaceful, relatively innocent nature. However, these earlier enthographies did not take adequate account of male homicide committed when marriage arrangements were being made. The !Kung are generally peaceful but males are often killed during these periods of intense emotional negotiation, and executions and blood-feuds often follow in their wake when violent and lethal disputes over women arise.[37] It was this observation that led Knauft to question earlier ethnographies such as that of Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, who claimed the !Kung were a harmless people in her book of that name.[38]

In comparing the innocence levels of Christ and the Bushmen, Griffith must contend with the high homicide levels of primitive peoples such as the Bushmen. He does this by suggesting that Christ, coming from a more modern, upset adapted race, had higher levels of restraint than the Bushmen. This position however avoids the central problem of why a people who Griffith describes as Christ-like commit homicide at all, let alone at the rates suggested by Knauft.[38]

Counter to 'Counter to Griffith's Above Position'[edit]

It has been suggested above that descriptions of the Bushmen by writers and anthropologists such as Sir Laurens van der Post, Loren Marshall, and Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, did not take adequate account of male homicide rates or their cause. However Loren Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall Thomas for example, lived with the Bushmen during the 1950s for two years,[39] and must have witnessed many of the marriage ceremonies and apparent ‘blood feuds’ referred to above. Despite this they chose to not depict the Bushman as violent, but as quite the opposite, presumably because that was their overall impression from their years of experience with the Bushmen. Indeed, summarising both her and her mother’s observations about the Bushmen, Marshall Thomas wrote that "we both emphasized the absence of violence and competition. Indeed, we were struck by it…The relatively few outbreaks of violence seemed isolated and were discussed over and over, since they caused such distress".[40]

Griffith’s thesis holds that since the advent of the corrupting battle of human condition some 2 million years ago, all humans have lived in an upset state where any reminder of our lost innocence was unbearably confronting,[41] and he therefore suggests that most anthropologists have had a subconscious agenda to emphasise any violence in so-called ‘primitive’ races.[42] This is not to argue that such violence does not occur, however Griffith argues that the testimonies to the Bushmen’s relative innocence, such as those of Sir Laurens van der Post, Loren Marshall, and Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, are incredibly precious, because they bear witness to the greater truth about these races which is that they are relatively innocent when compared to more modern races.[43]

It has also been suggested above that it is not possible to equate Christ’s level of innocence with the level of innocence of any race of people who commit homicide. However as pointed out in ‘Griffith’s position’ above, Griffith argues that all living humans, including primitive races, carry within them the accumulated upset of 2 million years of living under the duress of the human condition.[31] Therefore despite being relatively innocent it is inevitable that any person or race in recent times will be to some extent upset. As is also pointed out above, more modern races have adopted greater levels of restraint than so-called ‘primitive’ races.[44] Combining these two fundamental elements, Griffith uses the straightforward example of children of different ages, and the levels of restraint they exercise, to demonstrate that it is possible to be both relatively innocent and occasionally violent. For example, Griffith writes, ‘As any mother will attest, a nine-year-old child is more innocent than an adult, and yet during the ‘naughty nines’ phase, they will lash out at the world in a way that a more restrained or ‘civilised’ adult would not.’ [45]

Revised Representations of !Kung Social Life[edit]

The work of anthropologists such as Elisabeth Thomas Marshall were undertaken after 1950, a period during which lethal violence is believed to have decreased amongst the !Kung. As Richard Lee suggests in The Dobe Ju/'hoansi from this point on the presence of governments and anthropologists resulted in a decrease in lethal violence among the !Kung. [46] As one author states in his discussion of Richard Lee's research, starting ‘around 1955, the intrusion of anthropologists and the extra resources they brought caused deadly conflicts to become non-existent until the 1970s.’ [47] The data cited by Lee extends back to the 1920s and is based on government records of !Kung violence and homicide. As Lee notes, from 1920 to 1955 among the Dobe !Kung there were fifteen cases of non-fatal fights using poison tipped weapons and 22 cases of homicide[48]

The problem with Elisabeth Marshall Thomas’s book The Harmless People[49] (and consequently Griffith's assertions based on her work) is her field work was limited to only a few years from between 1950 and 1956. Male homicide associated with conflict over females, according to Lee’s data, were higher in the period prior to Marshall’s field work. The “blood-feuds” associated with marriage arrangements are not frequent but when they do erupt they are intense and result in numerous deaths. Marshall, over her two years of field work, would not have witnessed many of these incidents as they are infrequent. Not having obtained longitudinal data over a number of decades nor having data prior to the period of ‘pacification’ during the 1950s, Marshal unwittingly minimised the severity and incidence of lethal violence among the !Kung. The more extensive data discussed by Lee and Knauft are a corrective to her limited data base. Marshall’s field work and her claims of the !Kung Bushman being a peaceful, harmless people have consequently been questioned by this more extensive research, the current consensus being her work is an inaccurate portrayal of !Kung social life. Consequently, the aspects of Griffith’s work based on the data obtained by Marshall are misleading.


Violence in Hunter-Gatherer Societies[edit]

Griffith takes as his main source of anthropological data on the !Kung, or the people known as the Kalahari Bushmen, the work of the novelist Sir Laurans Van Der Post. The Bushmen for both Van der Post and Griffith are thought to provide a model for humanity's hunter-gatherer past. This is a legitimate approach adopted by many evolutionary theorists and anthropologists. But the problem here is that Van der Post's representation of Bushman social life is contradicted by the data published by professional anthropologists.[50]

Griffith's main source of ethnographic data comes from Van der Post's The Lost World of the Kalahari and Heart of the Hunter. By his own admission Van der Post only had a "short acquaintance" with the Bushman [51] - being less than a week. What he wrote about the Bushmen was constructed from this brief encounter, the works of previous authors and his own sensitive imaginative sympathy with Bushman spiritual life. Van der Post fits the Bushman into his own pre-conceptions of the Edenic nature of tribal life; for example they are `without sin'.[52] What aggression and violence does exist Van der Post accounts for as a response to conflict with other African peoples and Europeans and that as he writes `there is ample evidence from the past that the Bushman were not always so aggressive'.[53] Yet as sustained field data has shown the Bushman have homicide rates higher than those evident in modern urban centres; and most cases of murder are between male Bushman fighting over women not conflict between Bushman and other cultures or conflict provoked by outside peoples. For example in his The !Kung Richard Lee reports between 1920–1968 15 serious woundings and 22 homicides resulting from violent encounters.[54] Given this is in the context of a small band of hunting people of less than 500 people this is a very high homicide rate - higher than in any modern urban centres with the exception of the more violent Afro-American ghettoes in the U.S. In other words it is statistically safer to live in New York, Sydney, London or Paris, than it is to live in a Bushman tribe. This puts into doubt Van der Post's assertion that the Bushman are a peaceful people 'without sin'.

In his biography of Van der Post A Teller of Many Tales D.F. Jones emphasised the fact that Van der Post romanticised Bushmen life.[50] It is widely accepted by experts with a solid grounding in anthropology that Van der Post's depiction of Bushman life is romanticised and reflects more his abiding philosophical concerns more than the people themselves and how they actually live.[55] In his essay 'Ethnographic Romanticism and the Idea of Human Nature', Melvin Konner, one of the pioneers of !Kung ethnography, writes of the projection of Western philosophical concerns onto other cultures, a problem particularly evident in the work of Van der Post and Griffith. As he writes when discussing "the use of ethnological description as a sort of projective test"

...in which the investigator’s fundamental pessimism or optimism about the human condition leads to a specific distortion of the complexities of life in a given society. These simplifications – a sort of philosophical reductionism as opposed to the more usual scientific kind – can abolish at one blow not only the creative variety of generations of a culture but also the individuality of its members[56]

It is this process of projection and consequent distortion that are fundamental problems throughout Van der Post's writings - and consequently Griffith's. The strengths of Van der Post's writing is that he had a great sense of sympathy with Bushman religious life and mythology, partly a result of being nursed as a child by a Bushman women who would tell him the myths of her ancestors.[57] In this sense Van der Post's works evoke the riches of Bushman mythology and religious life and the sense of affinity with the natural world that is intrinsic to their culture. But in terms of accurate ethnographies of Bushman social life and behaviour they are misleading and inaccurate.

The problem is Griffith seems to be unaware of the problematic nature of Van der Post's works and that they are explicitly contradicted by data obtained by anthropologists over decades of sustained field work. This is most evident in A Species in Denial in which Griffith attempts to defend the veracity of Van der Post's writings against criticisms from the anthropological establishment. In a circular fashion he rejects the anthropological community's criticism of Van der Post's work as resulting from the psychological defence mechanisms of anthropologists themselves; that in other words they cannot confront the truths about Bushmen life Van der Post revealed and therefore they are compelled to persecute him and denigrate his work.[58] Griffith's critique attempts to deflect the issue away from the actual content of Van der Post's work to the supposed sinister motivation of anthropologists.[59] Even assuming anthropologists do find Van der Post's writings confronting and are thus motivated by a desire to silence these disturbing "truths" the question still remains as to whether his books are a faithful and accurate portrayal of Bushman social life. The major ethnographies by Richard Lee, Irven DeVore and Melvin Konner should be considered as an antidote to Van der Post's and Griffth's work.[60] These works suggest that Jones was correct to claim van der Post romanticised Bushman life - independent of whether he (or anthropologists) have sinister motivations for doing so or not. Griffith's discussion of Van der Post's work avoids the central issue of the ethnographic veracity of his writings (and by implication his own) - which is what anthropologists have rightly and legitimately questioned. This makes A Species Denial a poorly argued book that does not engage seriously with the extant anthropological literature.

Throughout A Species in Denial Van der Post is quoted supporting the supposed benign nature of tribal life, with a quote from Bruce Chatwin's Songlines on the Bushman and Australian Aboriginals providing supposed evidence regarding our Edenic, Hesiodic hunter-gatherer past.[61] Elsewhere, in his "Freedom Book 1", again echoing Van der Post's sentiment, Griffith states that the "Bushman are Christ-like themselves." [62] This however is an unsustainable assertion. It is illogical to assert that a people who committ homicide are "Christ-like".

What Griffith does throughout his writings is contrast the violence of modern agricultural, industrial and urban people with the supposed relatively peaceful condition of tribal hunting peoples. He sees humans progressing from a peaceful, innocent, uncondtionally loving primate to modern Homo sapiens. Hunting peoples, by virtue of being members of Homo spaiens share in the "upset" psychological state of all humans - in this sense they are only, in Griffith's view, "relatively innocent". Yet he believes they are more "innocent" and less aggressive than modern agrarian and urban peoples. As he writes 'as all the relatively innocent races, such as the Bushmen of the Kalahari, evidence, it is us modern humans today who are the extremely upset, aggressive variety of humans. We humans progressed from an original innocent, upset-free state to an increasingly upset,angry and aggressive state.'[63] This position however contradicts the current consensus about violence in pre-modern societies; as Bruce Knauft, Professor of Anthropology at Emroy University, has demonstrated in his paper "Reconsidering Violence in Simple Societies" ("Current Anthropology" August–September 1987), tribal cultures such as those of Aboriginal Australia and Africa have some of the highest homicide rates of any cultures in the world. For example, the Murdgin of Australia, according to Knauft, have a homicide rate three hundred times greater than the major cities of Britain and the U.S.[38]

In traditional Aboriginal society violence is used as a means of punishing contraventions of law and also the means by which individuals and groups advance their own interests. For example, Catherine Berndt has written of her field work in Northern Australia:

...along the coast, in the mid 1940s, north eastern Arnhem Landers used to boast about their reputation for forceful behaviour, their quick emotional reactions to supposed slights or insults, and their ability to get their own way through violence or threat of violence. They would refer in matter of fact terms to episodes in their own experience where, for instance, a man was killed for the specific purpose of taking over his wife or wives.[64]

The prevalence of violence in traditional, pre-contact Aboriginal culture has been systematically downplayed over the last forty years as images of a socially and ecologically benign culture were promulgated under the guise of the 'Noble Savage' myth. Recent research in the area is highly critical of such sanitised views, highlighting the degree to which inter-tribal conflict and culturally sanctioned violence against women are implicated in current rates of homicide and domestic violence in remote Aboriginal communities [65] As Joan Kimm writes in A Fatal Conjnction: Two Laws Two Cultures Aboriginal religious practice sanctions the violent gang rape of young women if they refuse to comply with forced marriages organised by senior men. As she writes of so-called "sacred rape", the punishment inflicted on young girls if they refuse to marry their often much older promised husband:

At Warrabi in the 1960s young girls were prepared to "take on the tribe" rather than marry. Young girls wanted to, and did, form relationships with young men of their choice. Many of the girls were badly beaten up, and by their mothers also...In 1982 Aboriginal elders inflicted violent bashings and pack rape, "sacred rape", upon young Gurindji women in the Northern Territory in order to force them to enter promised marriages[66]

Griffith's reference to Chatwin's Songlines regarding the supposed Hesiodic and Edenic nature of Aboriginal culture is the only reference in A Species in Denial he offers on Aboriignal social organisation and behaviour. In Freedon Bk 1: The Biology he does quote Ashley Montagu claiming that in Aboriginal Australia all 'observers agree upon the extraordinary tenderness which parents display towards their children, and to all children, whether of their own family or race or not'.[67] However, this sanitised assertion is contradicted by the work of other more recent researchers; for example the process of "cruelling" in which a young child is "pinched", often drawing blood and provoking them to hit their mother with sticks, is a culturally sanctioned practice that inculcates violence in young boys in preparation for their adult life of violent combat and participation in revenge expeditions.[68] Elsewhere Griffith claims his writings will help explain to "innocent races" such as Aboriginal people why modern humans are so "alienated", "lost" and "corrupt".[69] What this attitude overlooks is the morally problematic nature of traditional Aboriginal culture, one that, as discussed above, sanctions violence and ritualised rape of young girls. To invoke the "corruption" of modern urban peoples, and the absence of "corruption" in such "innocent races" as those of Australian Aboriginal peoples, reflects more Griffith's philosophical concerns than an empirically grounded analysis of culture.

In his earlier writings, echoing Van der Post's ideas on the innocence of the Bushman and their domination by Europeans and other African races, Griffith adopted the same notion to explain frontier violence in colonial Australia. For example Aboriginal people's primal "innocence" is thought to explain the fact they were massacred by European Australians; as he writes in the early days of settlement "Aboriginals were murdered because of their innocence" [70] This assertion fails to consider the fact that Aboriginal people were murdered because they frequently speared the cattle of pastoralists and violently resisted pastoral incursion into their lands, resulting in waves of frontier "warfare" in which their spears could not match the superior weaponry of Europeans.[71] It also does not consider the fact that Aboriginal people living on remote, non-arable lands where conflict over land did not exist, were treated humanely and not murdered at all.[72] In a further example of fitting data to his preconceptions, instead of looking at the evidence objectively, Griffith conflates the Biblical myth of Eden with Aboriginal mythology; as he writes the state of Edenic primal innocence is described in "the Bible as 'The Graden of Eden' and in Australian Aboriginal mythology it is aptly called the 'dream-time'.[73] This overlooks the fact that Aboriginal dreaming stories, or the mythic creation period referred to as the 'dream-time', contains numerous instance of murder, combat and rape,[74] and evokes nothing like the state of primal innocence depicted in the Biblical myth of Genesis. Throughout his writings Griffith fails to adequately engage with the serious ethnographies on Aborignal culture nor those of the world's other hunter-gatherer cultures, preferring to see such cultures through the lense of Van der Post's notion of primal innocence, or the sanitised myth of the Rousseauean 'Noble Savage', which seems to be his favoured paradigm for interpreting tribal cultures and humanity's hunter-gatherer past [75] To buttress his case Griffith quotes from Discourse on Inequality, in which Rousseau wrote that 'nothing is more gentle than man in his primitive state’[76]

There is merit in Griffith's more nuanced assertions found throughout his writings that agrarian and modern urban people's may be less violent than hunting peoples because they have developed means of civilising and restraining violent behaviour or what he terms psychological "upset". This may account for the different homicide rates that exist between hunting peoples and modern agrarian and urban peoples. In this sense his theory does acknowledge that hunting peoples are not completely free of "upset", and by implication aggression and violence. This aspect of his theory however makes the comparison between the !Kung Bushman and Christ unsustainable - the Bushman can not commit homicide at the rate they do and be Christ-like. His theory is in this sense illogical and emprically unsustainable.

Tim Macartney-Snape, the famous mountaineer and long-time supporter of Griffith's work, has also accepted the myth of the Rousseauean 'Noble Savage' and Van der Post's work as providing sufficient basis for a theory of human origins and social organisation. As he writes in the Forward to Griffith's earlier publication, Beyond the Human Condition when reflecting on the supposed moral and psychological virtues of small band hunting life: `...by recognising [our hunter-gatherer past] and trying to practice those dietary, physical and social patterns and trying to put them into a modern context we would immediately solve many of our current problems. Why isn't this taught in school?.[77] This view is based on a mistaken view of the patterns of social organisation and behaviour evident in hunter-gatherer soceities, which if impelmented in a modern context would most likely exacerbate, as opposed to diminishsh incidents of violent conlfict.

After over a quarter of a century of self-publication and self-funded promotion of his ideas, Griffith's books to date have received no detailed critical analysis by the anthropological community nor any recognition of his contribution to anthropological debate. Nor have his books been published by any reputable publishing house – he is solely a self-financed and self-published author, disseminating his writings through the organisation he founded to promote his ideas, the World Transformation Movement. He does however have quite significant support from the lay community and the general public.[78]

Biology[edit]

The Genetic Instinct[edit]

Central to Griffith’s hypothesis is the idea that we have a genetically-coded orientation to selflessness with which the experiments of our knowledge-seeking intelligence have brought us into conflict. He believes that this genetic orientation arose in our pre-history through a process he calls “love-indoctrination”. The genetically selfish nurturing behaviour of mothers towards their offspring taught those offspring to behave in a selflessly cooperative manner and, over many generations, this behaviour became encoded into our genes.[79]

This genetic orientation to cooperative selfless behaviour had no capacity to understand the growing intellect’s need to experiment with self-management and so made us feel like we were doing something wrong when we departed from its dictates. Griffith compares this orientation to the genetic orientation of a bird to its flight path.[80] The obvious inconsistency that nurturing and other forms of cooperative behaviour require a dynamic and spontaneous relationship between the individual and others which cannot be dictated in the way that a bird’s flight path might be dictated is not addressed, and yet the dictatorial nature of the proposed instinct is crucial to the argument that our disturbed emotional state, our “upset” to use Griffith’s term, arose from the unforgiving, i.e. dictatorial, nature of said instinct.

Selected bibliography[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b Griffith, Jeremy (December 1972). "The Search for the Tasmanian Tiger". Natural History (American Museum of Natural History) (81): 70–77. 
  2. ^ a b Park, Andy (July 1986). "Tasmanian Tiger- Extinct or merely elusive?". Australian Geographic 1 (3): 66–83. 
  3. ^ Robert Paddle (2000). The Last Tasmanian Tiger: The History and Extinction of the Thylacine. Cambridge University Press. p. 197. ISBN 0-521-53154-3. 
  4. ^ a b Griffith, Jeremy (2003). A Species in Denial. WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. p. 528. ISBN 978-1-74129-001-1. 
  5. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (1988). Free: The End of the Human Condition. WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. p. 228. ISBN 0-7316-0495-4. 
  6. ^ "Amazon.com". 
  7. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (1991). Beyond the Human Condition. WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. p. 203. ISBN 978-0-646-03994-7. 
  8. ^ See for example:
  9. ^ Fray, Peter. "7 Days: Religion". The Sydney Morning Herald. The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 10 October 2011. 
  10. ^ "Description of the WTM". World Transformation Movement. Retrieved 10 October 2011. 
  11. ^ Luck, Geoffrey (November 2012). "The Hubris of Four Corners". Quadrant LVI (11). Retrieved 6 March 2013. 
  12. ^ Kux, Y.C. (29 September 2005). "Jeremy Griffith & Ors v John Fairfax Publications Pty Ltd and David Millikan". Gazette of Law & Journalism. 
  13. ^ a b Drummond, Andrew (1 August 2008). "Half-million payout for ABC defamation". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 10 October 2011. 
  14. ^ "Apology". The Sydney Morning Herald. 6 June 2009. 
  15. ^ "Court of Appeal overturns finding of truth regarding biologist Jeremy Griffith’s treatise on the human condition". The Australian. 16 December 2010. 
  16. ^ Griffith, Jeremy, Beyond the Human Condition WTM Publishing 1990. p.33. ISBN 0-646-03994-6. http://www.worldtransformation.com/beyond-the-story-of-adam-stork/
  17. ^ Wilson, Edward. O. (2012), The Social Conquest of Earth, p.65, ISBN 978-0871403636
  18. ^ Lovejoy, Owen 'Re-examining Human Origins in Light of Ardipithecus ramidus', Science, 2009, Vol.326, No.5949
  19. ^ Griffith, Jeremy, Beyond the Human Condition WTM Publishing 1990. pp.68-69. ISBN 0-646-03994-6.
  20. ^ Koestler, Arthur (1978) Janus: A Summing Up, p.19. Random House, ISBN 978-0394500522
  21. ^ Marais, Eugene (written between 1916 and 1936 and published posthumously in 1969) The Soul of the Ape, p.77-79, Penguin Books, ISBN 978-0140036213
  22. ^ Jaynes, Julian (1976) The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind, p.290, Houghton Mifflin, ISBN 978-0395329320
  23. ^ Neumann, Erich (1949) The Origins and History of Consciousness, p.117, Bollingen Foundation, ASIN: B000R0HVJQ
  24. ^ MacLean, Paul (1973) A triune concept of the brain and behaviour, p.9, University of Toronto Press, ISBN 978-0802032997
  25. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, Part 3:2 p.48. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  26. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, Part 3:3 p.52. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  27. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, Part 5:2 p.398. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  28. ^ Marshall, Loren (1976) The !Kung of Nyae Nyae, p.286, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0674505698
  29. ^ See for example Van der Post, Sir Laurens (1958) The Lost World of the Kalahari, p.21, 236, Hogarth Press, ASIN: B00BN1670M
  30. ^ Marshall Thomas, Elizabeth (1959 with a 1989 addition) The Harmless People, p.286, Vintage, ISBN 978-0679724469
  31. ^ a b Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. Part 3:11C p.133. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  32. ^ Lee, Richard B. (1979) The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society, pp. 371–2, Cambridge University Press: ISBN 978-0521295611
  33. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, Part 5:2 p.400-403, ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  34. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, Part 3:11G p.169. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  35. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, For example Part 5:2 pp.406-407 & Part 10:5 p.736, ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  36. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd, For example Part 5:2 pp.406-407 & Part 10:5 p.736, ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0. http://www.worldtransformation.com/freedom-book1-our-lost-state-of-innocence/
  37. ^ Lee, Richard B. (2003) The Dobe Ju/'hoansi. South Melbourne: Wadsworth Publishing/Thomson Learning, 2003 133-118;
  38. ^ a b c Knauft, Bruce (1987). "Reconsidering Violence in Simple Societies", Current Anthropology, August–September 1987
  39. ^ OneWorld Magazine 1996, http://www.oneworldmagazine.org/focus/deserts/amarshal.htm
  40. ^ Marshall Thomas, E. The Harmless People, 1989. p.286 of 303. ISBN 978-0679724469
  41. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. Part 2:5 p.26. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  42. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. Part 5:2 pp.402-410. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  43. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. Part 10:4 pp.747-750. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  44. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. Part 5:2 p.400-403. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  45. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2009) Freedom Book 1 WTM Publishing & Communications Pty Ltd. Part 5:2 p.402. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
  46. ^ Lee, Richard B. (2003) The Dobe Ju/'hoansi. South Melbourne: Wadsworth Publishing/Thomson Learning: p, 398. see also Knauft, Bruce (1987) "Reconsidering Violence in Simple Societies" Current Anthropology August–September, p. 458
  47. ^ http://www.daviddfriedman.com/Academic/Course_Pages/legal_systems_very_different_12/Papers_12/Dobe_Ju%20hoansi_Freeman.htm
  48. ^ The Dobe Ju/'hoansi. South Melbourne: Wadsworth Publishing/Thomson Learning: p, 113
  49. ^ Marshall Thomas, E. The Harmless People, 1989. 303. ISBN-13: 978-0679724469
  50. ^ a b Jones, D.F "A Teller of Many Tales, p. 234, Carrol and Graf 2002
  51. ^ Van der Post, Laurens (2010) Heart of the HunterVintage: p. 157
  52. ^ ibid. p. 153
  53. ^ Van der Post, Laurens, (1977),Lost World of the Kalahari, Harcourt and Brace: p. 42
  54. ^ Lee, Richard (1979) The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging SocietyCambridge University Press: pp. 371–2
  55. ^ Williams, Lewis (2011).Deciphering Ancient Minds: The Mystery of San Bushmen Rock Art,Thames and Hudson: 191–2
  56. ^ Konner, Melvin 'Ethnographic Romanticism and the Idea of Human Nature', in Past and Future of !Kung Ethnography ed. Marshal, Lora http://www.melvinkonner.com/images/PDFs/articles/Ethnographic%20Romanticism.pdf
  57. ^ Lost World of the Kalahari, Harcourt and Brace: p. 11–12
  58. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2004)A Species In DenialWTM Publishing & Communications: pp. 255–6
  59. ^ ibid
  60. ^ Konner, Melvin 'Ethnographic Romanticism and the Idea of Human Nature', in Past and Future of !Kung Ethnography ed. Marshal, Lora http://www.melvinkonner.com/images/PDFs/articles/Ethnographic%20Romanticism.pdf; Konner, Melvin (2010) The Evolution of Childhood, Bellknap Press; Lee, Richard (1979). The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging SocietyCambridge University Press; Lee and De Vore(ed.)(1999),Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers: Studies of the !Kung San and Their Neighbors, Harvard University Press. Also see the bibliography in Konner's The Evolution of Childhood for his publications on the !Kung.
  61. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2004). A Species In Denial'.'WTM Publishing & Communications: p.105
  62. ^ Griffith, Jeremy Freedom Book 1–The Transformation of the Human Race.WTM Publishing & Communications:p. 406.http://www.worldtransformation.com/freedom-book1-the-transformed-state-metamorphoses-the-human-race/
  63. ^ 'Freedom Book 1–The Biology, WTM Publishing & Communications. p. 572
  64. ^ Berndt,Catherine. In Montagu, ed. Learning Non-Aggression: The Experience of Non-Literate Societies, Oxford University Press: p.145
  65. ^ Jarret, Stephanie (2013). Liberating Aboriginal People from Violence, Connor Court Publishing; Kimma, Joan (2004).A Fatal Conjunction: Two Laws, Two Cultures, The Federation Press
  66. ^ Kimm, Joan (2004)A Fatal Conjunction: Two Laws, Two CulturesThe Federation Press: p.69
  67. ^ Freedom Book 1–The Transformation of the Human Race.WTM Publishing & Communications:p. 419
  68. ^ Sutton, Peter (2009)The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Australia and the end of the liberal consensus, Melbourne University Press: pp. 111-113
  69. ^ Freedom Book 1–The Transformation of the Human Race. WTM Publishing & Communications:p. 94
  70. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (1988).Free: The End of the Human Condition, Foundation for Humanities Adulthood: p. 129
  71. ^ Reynolds, Henry (2006,)The Other Side of the Frontier: Aboriginal Resistance to the European Invasion of Australia University of New South Wales Press
  72. ^ see for example, Hilliard, Winifred (1968) The people in between: The Pitjantjatjara people of Ernabella, Houdan and Stoughton
  73. ^ Free: The End of the Human Condition, Foundation for Humanities Adulthood:p.157
  74. ^ White, Isobel (1975), Sexual Conquest and submission in the myths of centreal Australia, in Australian Aboriginal Mythology, edited Hiatt, L. pp. 123–42; Berndt, Ronald, 1994 The Speaking Land: Myth and Story in Aboriginal Australia, Inner Traditions
  75. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (2004). A Species In Denial'.'WTM Publishing & Communications: p. 115
  76. ^ Freedom Book 1–The Biology, WTM Publishing & Communications. 250
  77. ^ MaCartney Snape, Tim (1991) in Griffith, Jeremy. Beyond the Human Condition FHA Publishing & Communication: p. 13
  78. ^ see for example the World Transformation website:http://www.worldtransformation.com/#isittobe
  79. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (1991). Beyond the Human Condition".Foundation for Humanity's Adulthood: p. 83-94
  80. ^ Griffith, Jeremy (1991). Beyond the Human Condition".Foundation for Humanity's Adulthood: p. 27-39