Kelo v. City of New London
|Kelo v. New London|
Supreme Court of the United States
|Argued February 22, 2005
Decided June 23, 2005
|Full case name||Susette Kelo, et al. v. City of New London, Connecticut, et al.|
|Citations||545 U.S. 469 (more)
125 S. Ct. 2655; 162 L. Ed. 2d 439; 2005 U.S. LEXIS 5011; 60 ERC (BNA) 1769; 18 Fla. L. Weekly Fed. S 437
|Prior history||Judgment for defendants as regarding certain plaintiffs, judgment for remaining plaintiffs, Kelo v. City of New London, 2002 Conn. Super. LEXIS 789 (Conn. Super. Ct. Mar. 13, 2002); affirmed and reversed in part, remanded, 843 A.2d 500 (Conn. 2004); cert. granted, 542 U.S. 965 (2004)|
|Procedural history||Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Connecticut|
|Subsequent history||Rehearing denied, 126 S. Ct. 24 (2005)|
|The governmental taking of property from one private owner to give to another in furtherance of economic development constitutes a permissible "public use" under the Fifth Amendment. Supreme Court of Connecticut decision affirmed.|
|Majority||Stevens, joined by Kennedy, Souter, Ginsburg, Breyer|
|Dissent||O'Connor, joined by Rehnquist, Scalia, Thomas|
|U.S. Const. amend. V|
Kelo v. City of New London, 545 U.S. 469 (2005) was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States involving the use of eminent domain to transfer land from one private owner to another private owner to further economic development. In a 5–4 decision, the Court held that the general benefits a community enjoyed from economic growth qualified private redevelopment plans as a permissible "public use" under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
The case arose in the context of condemnation by the city of New London, Connecticut, of privately owned real property, so that it could be used as part of a “comprehensive redevelopment plan.” However, the private developer was unable to obtain financing and abandoned the redevelopment project, leaving the land as an empty lot, which was eventually turned into a temporary dump.
The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States from a decision by the Supreme Court of Connecticut in favor of the City of New London. The owners, including lead plaintiff Susette Kelo, sued the city in Connecticut courts, arguing that the city had misused its eminent domain power. The power of eminent domain is limited by the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment and the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Fifth Amendment says, in part, that "private property [shall not] be taken for public use, without just compensation.” Under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, this limitation also applies to the actions of state and local governments. The plaintiffs argued that economic development, the stated purpose of the taking and subsequent transfer of land to the New London Development Corporation, did not qualify as a public use under the Fifth Amendment.
The Connecticut Supreme Court heard arguments on December 2, 2002. The state court issued its decision (268 Conn. 1, SC16742) on March 9, 2004, siding with the city in a 4-3 decision, with the majority opinion authored by Justice Flemming L. Norcott, Jr., joined by Justices David M. Borden, Richard N. Palmer and Christine Vertefeuille. Justice Peter T. Zarella wrote the dissent, joined by Chief Justice William J. Sullivan and Justice Joette Katz.
The State Supreme Court held that the use of eminent domain for economic development did not violate the public use clauses of the state and federal constitutions. The court held that if a legislative body has found that an economic project will create new jobs, increase tax and other city revenues, and revitalize a depressed urban area (even if that area is not blighted), then the project serves a public purpose, which qualifies as a public use. The court also ruled that the government’s delegation of its eminent domain power to a private entity was constitutional under the Connecticut Constitution. The United States Supreme Court granted certiorari to consider questions raised in Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26 (1954) and later in Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, 467 U.S. 229 (1984). Namely, whether a "public purpose" constitutes a "public use" for purposes of the Fifth Amendment's Taking Clause: "nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation." Specifically, does the Fifth Amendment, applicable to the states through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment (see main article: Incorporation of the Bill of Rights), protect landowners from takings for economic development, rather than, as in Berman, for the elimination of slums and blight?
“Kelo” was the first major eminent domain case heard at the Supreme Court since 1984. In that time, states and municipalities had slowly extended their use of eminent domain, frequently to include economic development purposes. In the Kelo case, Connecticut had a statute allowing eminent domain for “economic development” even in the absence of blight. There was also an additional twist in that the development corporation was ostensibly a private entity; thus the plaintiffs argued that it was not constitutional for the government to take private property from one individual or corporation and give it to another, if the government was simply doing so because the repossession would put the property to a use that would generate higher tax revenue.
Kelo became the focus of vigorous discussion and attracted numerous supporters on both sides. Some 40 amicus curiae briefs were filed in the case, 25 on behalf of the petitioners. Susette Kelo's supporters ranged from the libertarian Institute for Justice (the lead attorneys on the case) to the NAACP, AARP, the late Martin Luther King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference and South Jersey Legal Services. The latter groups signed an amicus brief arguing that eminent domain has often been used against politically weak communities with high concentrations of minorities and elderly. The case was argued on February 22, 2005. The case was heard by only seven members of the court with Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor presiding, as Chief Justice William Rehnquist was recuperating from medical treatment at home and Associate Justice John Paul Stevens was delayed on his return to Washington from Florida; both absent Justices read the briefs and oral argument transcripts and participated in the case decision.
During oral arguments, several of the Justices asked questions that forecast their ultimate positions on the case. Justice Antonin Scalia, for example, suggested that a ruling in favor of the city would destroy "the distinction between private use and public use," asserting that a private use which provided merely incidental benefits to the state was "not enough to justify use of the condemnation power."
Opinion of the Court 
Majority and concurring 
On June 23, 2005, the Supreme Court, in a 5–4 decision, ruled in favor of the City of New London. Justice Stevens wrote the majority opinion, joined by Justices Anthony Kennedy, David Souter, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer. Justice Kennedy wrote a concurring opinion setting out a more detailed standard for judicial review of economic development takings than that found in Stevens's majority opinion. In so doing, Justice Kennedy contributed to the Court's trend of turning minimum scrutiny—the idea that government policy need only bear a rational relation to a legitimate government purpose—into a fact-based test.
In Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, 467 US 229 (1984), the Court had said that the government purpose under minimum scrutiny need only be "conceivable which, practically speaking, is no standard at all because, as demonstrated by countless science fiction writers, anything is conceivable." In two 1996 cases the Court clarified that concept. In Romer v. Evans, 517 US 620, the Court said that the government purpose must be "independent and legitimate." And in United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, the Court said the government purpose "must be genuine, not hypothesized or invented post hoc in response to litigation." Thus, the Court made it clear that, in the scrutiny regime established in West Coast Hotel v. Parrish, 300 US 379 (1937), government purpose is a question of fact for the trier of fact.
Kennedy fleshed out this doctrine in his Kelo concurring opinion; he sets out a program of civil discovery in the context of a challenge to an assertion of government purpose. However, he does not explicitly limit these criteria to eminent domain, nor to minimum scrutiny, suggesting that they may be generalized to all health and welfare regulation in the scrutiny regime. Because Kennedy signed on to the Court's majority opinion, his concurrence is not binding on lower courts. He wrote:
A court confronted with a plausible accusation of impermissible favoritism to private parties should [conduct]... a careful and extensive inquiry into 'whether, in fact, the development plan [chronology] [1.] is of primary benefit to... the developer... and private businesses which may eventually locate in the plan area... [2.] and in that regard, only of incidental benefit to the city...'" Kennedy is also interested in facts of the chronology which show, with respect to government, [3.] awareness of... depressed economic condition and evidence corroborating the validity of this concern... [4.] the substantial commitment of public funds... before most of the private beneficiaries were know... [5.] evidence that [government] reviewed a variety of development plan... [6.] [government] chose a private developer from a group of applicants rather than picking out a particular transferee beforehand and... [7.] other private beneficiaries of the project [were]... unknown [to government] because the... space proposed to be built [had] not yet been rented...
Kelo v. City of New London did not establish entirely new law concerning eminent domain. Although the decision was controversial, it was not the first time “public use” had been interpreted by the Supreme Court as “public purpose”. In the majority opinion, Justice Stevens wrote the "Court long ago rejected any literal requirement that condemned property be put into use for the general public" (545 U.S. 469). Thus precedent played an important role in the 5-4 decision of the Supreme Court. The Fifth Amendment was interpreted the same way as in Midkiff (467 U.S. 229) and other earlier eminent domain cases. However in those earlier cases the court justified the use of eminent domain on the basis of elimination of social harms such as barriers to efficient exploitation of agricultural and mineral-bearing land, elimination of slums, or large-scale title misallocation. None of these factors were present in Kelo; it was a case in which the city merely wanted to increase its tax revenues, and attract a wealthier population in place of the lower middle class home owners in the redevelopment project area.
Dissenting opinions 
The principal dissent was issued on 25 June 2005 by Justice O'Connor, joined by Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justices Scalia and Justice Clarence Thomas. The dissenting opinion suggested that the use of this taking power in a reverse Robin Hood fashion— take from the poor, give to the rich— would become the norm, not the exception:
|“||Any property may now be taken for the benefit of another private party, but the fallout from this decision will not be random. The beneficiaries are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, including large corporations and development firms.||”|
O'Connor argued that the decision eliminates "any distinction between private and public use of property — and thereby effectively delete[s] the words 'for public use' from the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment." 125 S.Ct. 2655, 2671.
Thomas also issued a separate originalist dissent, in which he argued that the precedents the court's decision relied upon were flawed. He accuses the majority of replacing the Fifth Amendment's "Public Use" clause with a very different "public purpose" test:
|“||This deferential shift in phraseology enables the Court to hold, against all common sense, that a costly urban-renewal project whose stated purpose is a vague promise of new jobs and increased tax revenue, but which is also suspiciously agreeable to the Pfizer Corporation, is for a 'public use.'||”|
Thomas additionally observed:
|“||Something has gone seriously awry with this Court's interpretation of the Constitution. Though citizens are safe from the government in their homes, the homes themselves are not.
545 U.S. 469, 518 (2005)
Thomas also made use of the argument presented in the NAACP/AARP/SCLC/SJLS amicus brief on behalf of three low-income residents' groups fighting redevelopment in New Jersey, noting:
|“||Allowing the government to take property solely for public purposes is bad enough, but extending the concept of public purpose to encompass any economically beneficial goal guarantees that these losses will fall disproportionately on poor communities. Those communities are not only systematically less likely to put their lands to the highest and best social use, but are also the least politically powerful.||”|
Subsequent developments 
Following the decision, many of the plaintiffs expressed an intent to find other means by which they could continue contesting the seizure of their homes. Soon after the decision, city officials announced plans to charge the residents of the homes for back rent for the five years since condemnation procedures began. The city contended that the residents have been on city property for those five years and owe tens of thousands of dollars of rent. In June 2006, Governor M. Jodi Rell intervened with New London city officials, proposing the homeowners involved in the suit be deeded property in the Fort Trumbull neighborhood so they may retain their homes. A group of New London residents formed a local political party, One New London, to combat the takings. While unsuccessful in gaining control of the New London City Council, they gained two seats and continue to try to gain a majority in the New London City Council to rectify the Ft. Trumbull takings. The controversy was eventually settled when the city paid substantial additional compensation to the homeowners and agreed to move Kelo’s home to a new location. The land was never deeded back to the original homeowners, most of whom have left New London for nearby communities. Three years after the Supreme Court case was decided, the Kelo house was dedicated after being relocated to a site close to downtown New London. Susette Kelo, however, has moved to a different part of Connecticut.
In spite of repeated efforts, the redeveloper (who stood to get a 91-acre (370,000 m2) waterfront tract of land for $1 per year) was unable to obtain financing, and the redevelopment project was abandoned. As of the beginning of 2010, the original Kelo property was a vacant lot, generating no tax revenue for the city. As of March 2012, it was still vacant.
Pfizer, whose employees were supposed to be the clientele of the Fort Trumbull redevelopment project, completed its merger with Wyeth, resulting in a consolidation of research facilities of the two companies. Both companies had had a major presence in southeastern Connecticut for many years, meaning that only one facility would likely survive the merger. Ultimately, Pfizer chose to retain the Groton campus on the east side of the Thames River, closing its New London facility in late 2010 with a loss of over 1000 jobs. That coincided with the expiration of tax breaks on the New London site that would have increased Pfizer's property tax bill by almost 400 percent.
After the Pfizer announcement, the San Francisco Chronicle in its lead editorial called the Kelo decision infamous:
The well-laid plans of redevelopers, however, did not pan out. The land where Susette Kelo's little pink house once stood remains undeveloped. The proposed hotel-retail-condo "urban village" has not been built. And earlier this month, Pfizer Inc. announced that it is closing the $350 million research center in New London that was the anchor for the New London redevelopment plan, and will be relocating some 1,500 jobs.
The Chronicle editorial quoted from The New York Times:
"They stole our home for economic development," ousted homeowner Michael Cristofaro told the New York Times. "It was all for Pfizer, and now they get up and walk away."
The final cost to the city and state for the purchase and bulldozing of the formerly privately held property was $78 million. The promised 3,169 new jobs and $1.2 million a year in tax revenues had not materialized.
Public reaction 
Public reaction to the decision was highly unfavorable. Much of the public viewed the outcome as a gross violation of property rights and as a misinterpretation of the Fifth Amendment, the consequence of which would be to benefit large corporations at the expense of individual homeowners and local communities. Some in the legal profession construed the public's outrage as being directed not at the interpretation of legal principles involved in the case, but at the broad moral principles of the general outcome. Federal appeals court judge Richard Posner wrote that the political response to Kelo is "evidence of [the decision's] pragmatic soundness." Judicial action would be unnecessary, Posner suggested, because the political process could take care of the problem."
Opposition to the ruling was widespread, coming from groups such as AARP, the NAACP, the Libertarian Party and the Institute for Justice. Many owners of family farms also disapproved of the ruling, as they saw it as an avenue by which cities could seize their land for private developments. The grassroots lobbying group American Conservative Union and The New Media Journal described the decision as judicial activism, as did numerous blogs.
As a result, many states changed their eminent domain laws. Prior to the Kelo decision, only eight states specifically prohibited the use of eminent domain for economic development except to eliminate blight. Since the decision, forty-four states have amended their eminent domain laws, although some of these changes are cosmetic. The New York Times editorial board agreed with the ruling, calling it "a welcome vindication of cities' ability to act in the public interest." The Washington Post's editorial board also agreed with the ruling, writing, "... the court's decision was correct... New London's plan, whatever its flaws, is intended to help develop a city that has been in economic decline for many years." The Kelo fiasco eventually cost the taxpayers tens of millions of dollars, with nothing to show for it. The "carefully vetted" municipal plans that formed the basis for the Supreme Court's decision proved to be illusory. Eventually, the City of New London extended an apology to Susette Kelo and her neighbors, and so did one of the Connecticut Supreme Court Justices who voted for the city.
Presidential reaction 
...for the purpose of benefiting the general public and not merely for the purpose of advancing the economic interest of private parties to be given ownership or use of the property taken.
However, since eminent domain is often exercised by local and state governments, the presidential order may thus have little overall effect.
Congressional reaction 
On June 27, 2005, Senator John Cornyn (R-TX) introduced legislation, the "Protection of Homes, Small Businesses and Private Property Act of 2005" (S.B. 1313), to limit the use of eminent domain for economic development. The operative language
- prohibits the federal government from exercising eminent domain power if the only justifying "public use" is economic development; and
- imposes the same limit on state and local government exercise of eminent domain power "through the use of Federal funds."
Similar bills have subsequently been put forth in the House of Representatives by Congressman Dennis Rehberg (R-MT), Tom DeLay (R-TX) and John Conyers (D-MI) with James Sensenbrenner (R-WI). As some small-scale eminent domain condemnations (including notably those in the Kelo case) can be local in both decision and funding, it is unclear how much of an effect the bill would have if it passed into law. This bill has been reintroduced several times.
Scholarly reaction 
In 2008, land use Professor Daniel R. Mandelker argued that the public backlash against Kelo is rooted in the historical deficiencies of urban renewal legislation. In particular, the article cited the failure to incorporate land use planning and a precise definition of blight in urban renewal legislation as problematic. In 2009, Professor Edward J. Lopez of San Jose State University studied passed laws and found that states with more economic freedom, greater value of new housing construction, and less racial and income inequality were more likely to have enacted stronger restrictions sooner.
Severe criticism of the Kelo decision came from Professor Gideon Kanner of the Loyola Law School, Los Angeles.
State legislation 
Prior to Kelo, seven states specifically prohibited the use of eminent domain for economic development except to eliminate blight: Arkansas, Florida, Kentucky, Maine, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Washington. As of June 2012[update], 44 states had enacted some type of reform legislation in response to the Kelo decision. Of those states, 22 enacted laws that severely inhibited the takings allowed by the Kelo decision, while the rest enacted laws that place some limits on the power of municipalities to invoke eminent domain for economic development. The remaining eight states have not passed laws to limit the power of eminent domain for economic development.
Proposition 207, the Private Property Rights Protection Act, passed in 2006.
Proposition 90 failed in the November 2006 election. The initiative also included language requiring that government pay financial compensation to any property owners who could successfully argue that regulation caused them significant economic loss. Subsequently, Proposition 99 passed in the June 2008 election. It amends the state constitution to prohibit (subject to some exceptions):
state and local governments from using eminent domain to acquire an owner-occupied residence [if the owner has occupied the residence for at least one year], as defined, for conveyance to a private person or business entity.
However, under preexisting California law, such takings (for conveyance to a private party, as opposed to a public use that may incidentally benefit private parties) were already illegal. In 2012, California abolished its redevelopment agencies.
Private property taken by eminent domain [...] may not be conveyed to a natural person or private entity except as provided by general law passed by a three-fifths vote of the membership of each house of the Legislature.
The Iowa Legislature passed a 2006 bill restricting the use of eminent domain for economic development. Gov. Tom Vilsack (D) vetoed the bill, prompting the first special session of the Iowa Legislature in more than 40 years. The veto was overridden by votes of 90-8 in the Iowa House and 41-8 in the Iowa Senate.
A proposed constitutional amendment to prohibit government from taking private property by eminent domain for certain private purposes
The proposed constitutional amendment would:
- Prohibit government from taking private property for transfer to another private individual or business for purposes of economic development or increasing tax revenue.
- Provide that if an individual's principal residence is taken by government for public use, the individual must be paid at least 125% of property’s fair market value.
- Require government that takes a private property to demonstrate that the taking is for a public use; if taken to eliminate blight, require a higher standard of proof to demonstrate that the taking of that property is for a public use.
- Preserve existing rights of property owners.
The state restricts eminent domain to public use. Minnesota Statute 117.025 Subd. 11(b) (passed in 2006) clearly states: "The public benefits of economic development, including an increase in tax base, tax revenues, employment, or general economic health, do not by themselves constitute a public use or public purpose."
No property acquired by the exercise of the power of eminent domain under the laws of the State of Mississippi shall, for a period of ten years after its acquisition, be transferred or any interest therein transferred to any person, non-governmental entity, public-private partnership, corporation, or other business entity with the following exceptions:
(1) The above provisions shall not apply to drainage and levee facilities and usage, roads and bridges for public conveyance, flood control projects with a levee component, seawalls, dams, toll roads, public airports, public ports, public harbors, public wayports, common carriers or facilities for public utilities and other entities used in the generation, transmission, storage or distribution of telephone, telecommunication, gas, carbon dioxide, electricity, water, sewer, natural gas, liquid hydrocarbons or other utility products.(2) The above provisions shall not apply where the use of eminent domain (a) removes a public nuisance; (b) removes a structure that is beyond repair or unfit for human habitation or use; (c) is used to acquire abandoned property; or (d) eliminates a direct threat to public health or safety caused by the property in its current condition.
On 25 November 2008 a voter-approved amendment to the Nevada constitution, colloquially titled the People’s Initiative To Stop The Taking Of Our Land, or PISTOL, was put into effect following its review by the Nevada State Supreme Court. Among other provisions, the amendment included the following text:
Public use shall not include the direct or indirect transfer of any interest in property taken in an eminent domain proceeding from one private party to another private party. In all eminent domain actions, the government shall have the burden to prove public use.
The amendment also modifies the definition of "fair market value"—used to determine the monetary compensation a property owner receives—to represent the highest value the property would be sold for on the open market, and returns seized property to the original property owner "if the property is not used within five years for the original purpose stated by the government."
New Hampshire 
Subsequent to this decision, there was widespread outrage across the country. California developer and libertarian Logan Darrow Clements scooped a similar proposal by New Hampshire libertarians to seize Justice Souter's 'blighted' home in Weare, New Hampshire, via eminent domain in order to build a "Lost Liberty Hotel" which he said would feature a "Just Desserts Cafe". Officials of the Libertarian Party of New Hampshire (LPNH) and the Coalition of New Hampshire Taxpayers had been eyeing the Justice's property to build a Constitution Park. A few weeks later, LPNH Vice-Chair Mike Lorrey discovered that Justice Breyer owned an extensive vacation estate in Plainfield, NH, and announced on the New Hampshire Public Radio show The Exchange focusing on eminent domain that LPNH would be pursuing their Constitution Park concept with Breyer's property in mind. Lorrey and Clements both advocated an amendment to New Hampshire's Constitution limiting eminent domain, which passed New Hampshire's legislature on 24 March 2006. The text of the amendment is as follows: "No part of a person's property shall be taken by eminent domain and transferred, directly or indirectly, to another person if the taking is for the purpose of private development or other private use of the property." It passed by an overwhelming margin in the 2006 general election.
On 29 March 2006 the governor signed into law 2005 Wisconsin Act 233, which prohibits condemnation of nonblighted property for transfer to a private entity. Nonblighted property is defined by a list of conditions that may make the property a detriment to the "public health, safety, or welfare." Two days earlier the governor signed into law 2005 Wisconsin Act 208, which creates procedures designed to protect property owners including public notice and public hearing requirements.
The Wisconsin law has been criticized as one having little or no real protection for property owners because it provides protection against property condemnation for economic development but does allow property condemnation under a broadly defined description of blighted.
See also 
|Wikinews has related news: Man calls for seizure of Justice Souter home, under eminent domain ruling|
- Full text of the decision on Cornell University's Law School Legal Information Institute website
- Nelson, Katie (September 25, 2009). "Conn. land taken from homeowners still undeveloped". Seattle Times. Associated Press. Retrieved April 2, 2012.
- Kelo v. City of New London - Oral Argument | The Oyez Project
- 04-108, Kelo et al. v. City of New London et al., (06/23/05)
- Apuzo, Matt (June 23, 2005). "High court ruling divides New London". Newsday.com.
- "404 error". Courant.com. Retrieved 2006-11-02.[dead link]
- Susette Kelo Lost Her Rights, She Lost Her Property, But She Has Saved Her Home
- "House in CT eminent domain dispute finds new home". Associated Press. June 21, 2008.
- Poetic Justice for Suzette Kelo | Rebel Yid - Ideas beyond the left/right, red/blue, and liberal/conservative thinking
- http://www.courant.com/business/hc-pfizer1110nov10,0,766810.story Pfizer to close New London Headquarters, Hartford Courant, November 9, 2009
- Edwards, Jim (2009-11-10). "Pfizer's R&D Cuts Render Kelo v. New London Eminent Domain Case a Waste of Time". BNET. Retrieved 2010-02-26.
- "After the homes are gone". San Francisco Chronicle. November 28, 2009. p. A-11. Retrieved November 7, 2011.
- "Pfizer and Kelo v. City of New London". The Wall Street Journal. November 11, 2009. Retrieved 2010-12-05.
- "Kelo v. New London": An Ignominous [sic] End for One of the Supreme Court’s Worst Decisions, 2011-09-02
- THE NATION; Case Won On Appeal (To Public), retrieved on 2009-11-13.
- Nicole Stelle Garnett, "The Neglected Political Economy of Eminent Domain", 105 Mich. L. Rev. 101, 136 ; Marcilynn A. Burke, "Much Ado About Nothing: Kelo v. City Of New London, Babbit v. Sweet Home, And Other Tales From the Supreme Court", 75 U. Cin. L. Rev. 663, 683.
- Ilya Somin, The limits of the anti-Kelo Legislation, August 2007. This opinion was supposed by Chief Justice John Roberts during his confirmation hearing. ""
- Richard Posner, 2005-06 Harvard Law Review (119 Harv. L. Rev. 32, 98).
- Legislative Center | The Castle Coalition
- The Limits of Property Rights, The New York Times, June 24, 2005
- However the New York Times has a conflict of interest because its current headquarters building was erected on land taken by eminent domain for economic redevelopment.Eminent Latitude, The Washington Post, June 24, 2005
- The Day - Mayor announces restructuring of NLDC; apologizes to eminent domain property owners | News from southeastern Connecticut
- Executive Order: Protecting the Property Rights of the American People
- http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2006/06/24/ap/politics/mainD8IE9RHG0.shtml. Missing or empty
- Professor Eugene Volokh, "Senator Cornyn (R-TX) Proposes Limits on Eminent Domain." The Volokh Conspiracy, June 27, 2005
- http://lawreview.wustl.edu/slip-opinions/kelos-lessons-for-urban-redevelopment-history-forgotten/ Kelo’s Lessons for Urban Redevelopment: History Forgotten, Daniel E. Mandelker, Washington University Law Review Slip Opinions (Nov. 24, 2008).
- Edward J. Lopez; Jewell, R. Todd; Campbell, Noel D. (April 1, 2009). "Pass a Law, Any Law, Fast! State Legislative Responses to the Kelo Backlash". Review of Law & Economics (Berkeley Electronic Press) 5 (1). doi:10.2202/1555-5879.1268. Retrieved 2009-04-14.
- "The Public Use Clause: Constitutional Mandate or "Hortatory Fluff"?". Pepperdine Law Review 33 (2): 335–384. 2006.
- NCSL: State Case Law Prohibiting Eminent Domain for Economic Development, August 2005.
- Dolan, Maura; Garrison, Jessica; York, Anthony (December 29, 2011). "California high court puts redevelopment agencies out of business". Los Angeles Times.
- Tampabay: Crimping eminent domain
- Election Results 2006
- Analysis of Proposals on the Ballot November 7, 2006
- 117.025, 2012 Minnesota Statutes
- Ed Vogel (November 25, 2008). "Eminent domain limits become part of state constitution". Las Vegas Review-Journal. Retrieved 2011-07-01.
- "Initiative Petition, Nevada Property Owners' Bill of Rights". Nevada Secretary of State. Retrieved 2011-07-01.
- The following questions will appear on the New Hampshire General Election Ballot
- Summary-Cheshire Con Con 2006
- New Eminent Domain Restrictions and Zoning Notice Laws
- A Questionable Taking in Milwaukee.
- City set to take family's land.
Further reading 
- Benedict, Jeff (2009). Little Pink House: A True Story of Defiance and Courage. New York: Grand Central Pub. ISBN 978-0-446-50862-9. OCLC 225870153.
- Fruehwald, Edwin (2010). "A Biological Basis of Rights". Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal 19: 195.
- Galperin, Joshua U. (2007). "A Warning To States, Accepting this Invitation May be Hazardous to Your Health (Safety and Public Welfare): An Analysis of Post-Kelo Legislative Activity". Vermont Law Review 31: 663. ISSN 01452908.
- Kanner, Gideon (2006). "Kelo v. New London: Bad Law, Bad Policy and Bad Judgment". The Urban Lawyer 38: 201. ISSN 00420905.
- Levy, Robert A.; Mellor, William H. (2008). "Eminent Domain for Private Use". The Dirty Dozen: How Twelve Supreme Court Cases Radically Expanded Government and Eroded Freedom. New York: Sentinel. pp. 155–168. ISBN 978-1-59523-050-8.
- Ryskamp, John (2006). The Eminent Domain Revolt: Changing Perceptions in a New Constitutional Epoch. New York: Algora Publishing. ISBN 0-87586-524-0.
- Sandefur, Timothy (2006). "The Backlash So Far: Will Americans Get Meaningful Eminent Domain Reform?". Michigan State Law Review 2006: 709. ISSN 10875468.
|Wikisource has original text related to this article:|
- Full text of the decision courtesy of Findlaw.com
- Text of the lower court decision
- The Supreme Court Docket for the case and list of amicus briefs
- Transcript of the oral argument in this case
- Kelo v. New London at the Institute for Justice
- Property Rights and Eminent Domain: The Mighty Myths of the Kelo Case
- Congress works to blunt court decision
- Lessons From the Kelo Decision, essay by Congressman Ron Paul on LewRockwell.com
- Article in the New York Times: States Curbing Right to Seize Private Homes
- Barry Yeoman, Whose House Is It Anyway?, AARP: The Magazine