|The Right Honorable
|1st President of Ghana|
1 July 1960 – 24 February 1966
|Preceded by||Elizabeth II
as Queen of Ghana
as Prime Minister of Ghana
|Succeeded by||Joseph Arthur Ankrah|
|3rd Chairperson of the Organisation of African Unity|
21 October 1965 – 24 February 1966
|Preceded by||Gamal Abdel Nasser|
|Succeeded by||Joseph Arthur Ankrah
as Chairman of the National Liberation Council
|1st Prime Minister of Ghana|
6 March 1957 – 1 July 1960
|Governor General||Charles Arden-Clarke
The Lord Listowel
|Preceded by||Himself as Prime Minister of the Gold Coast|
|Succeeded by||Himself as President|
|1st Prime Minister of the Gold Coast|
21 March 1952 – 6 March 1957
|Governor General||Charles Arden-Clarke|
|Preceded by||Position established|
|Succeeded by||Himself as Prime Minister of Ghana|
18 September 1909|
Nkroful, Gold Coast
|Died||27 April 1972
|Political party||United Gold Coast Convention (1947–1949)
Convention People's Party (1949–1966)
|Alma mater||Lincoln University, Pennsylvania
University of Pennsylvania
London School of Economics
University College London
|Religion||baptized Roman Catholic; by 1957, "non-denominational Christian"|
Kwame Nkrumah, P.C. (18 or 21 September 1909– 27 April 1972) was the leader of Ghana and its predecessor state, the Gold Coast, from 1951 to 1966. He became the first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast in 1951, and led it to independence as Ghana in 1957, becoming the new country's first Prime Minister. After Ghana became a republic in 1960, Nkrumah became President. An influential 20th-century advocate of Pan-Africanism, he was a founding member of the Organization of African Unity and was the winner of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1963. He saw himself as an African Lenin.
- 1 Early life and education
- 2 Return to the Gold Coast
- 3 Ghanaian independence
- 4 Social and cultural policies
- 5 Economic policy
- 6 Political developments
- 7 Foreign policy and military
- 8 Political philosophy
- 9 Overthrow
- 10 Exile, death and tributes
- 11 Works by Kwame Nkrumah
- 12 See also
- 13 References
- 14 External links
Early life and education
Kwame Nkrumah was born as Francis Nwia Kofi Ngonloma in 1909 in Nkroful, Gold Coast. He attended a nearby Roman Catholic missionary school, where on September 21 he was baptized. His family came from the Nzema ethnic group, one of the Akan peoples of the coast, known for powerful witchcraft.
At age sixteen or seventeen, he became a pupil-teacher at a school in Half Assini, where he was discovered by Reverend Alec Garden Fraser and recommended for Government Training College at Achimota School in Accra. There he studied to be a teacher from 1926 to 1930. And there, Columbia-educated headmaster Kwegyir Aggrey exposed him to the ideas of Marcus Garvey and W. E. B. Du Bois.
Soon after graduation he became head teacher at the Roman Catholic Junior School in Axim, and then taught at the new Catholic Seminary in Amissano. During this time he raised funds and prepared to attend college, though with his newfound appreciation for Catholic education, he considered becoming a priest. Nkrumah later recalled hearing a powerful Afro-nationalist lecture from African Morning Post editor and future Nigerian President Nnamdi Azikiwe In 1935, Nkrumah sailed from Takoradi, Gold Coast, to Liverpool, England, and made his way to London, England, where he applied and received his student visa from the American Embassy. While in London Nkrumah was outraged to hear news of the Invasion of Abyssinia by fascist Italy.
United States of America
In October 1935, Nkrumah sailed from Liverpool to Harlem, New York, then traveling to Pennsylvania where he enrolled in historically-black Lincoln University. He did a variety of jobs, not always fun or easy to come by during the Great Depression, to make ends meet. He spent summers working in Harlem, the “Capital of Black America”, an African diasporic hub, and a hotbed of Communist activity. There too, he met his first girlfriend, a nurse named Edith. In 1939 he graduated from Lincoln with a Bachelor's degree in economics and sociology. He completed his Bachelor of Sacred Theology degree in 1942 and became a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity.
Nkrumah earned his Master of Science degree in Education in 1942, and in 1943 his M.A. in Philosophy, from the University of Pennsylvania. Reportedly, according to this teachers, “no matter what a paper was supposed to be on, Nkrumah always twisted it around to write on African freedom and anti-colonial struggle. Otherwise his papers were excellent. He could have been a brilliant scholar if he stuck to the topic.” While he was lecturing in political science at Lincoln University, he was elected the president of the African Students Organization of the United States and Canada. As an undergraduate student at Lincoln University, he took part in at least one student theater production, and he published an essay on European government in Africa in the student newspaper called The Lincolnian.
During his time in the United States, Nkrumah preached at black Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia and New York City, having given up his allegiance to the Catholic Church. (By this He read books about politics and divinity, and tutored students in philosophy. In 1943 Nkrumah met Trinidadian Marxist C. L. R. James, Russian expatriate Raya Dunayevskaya, and Chinese-American Grace Lee Boggs, all of whom were members of an American-based Trotskyist intellectual cohort. Nkrumah later credited James with teaching him "how an underground movement worked". James, in a letter introducing Nkrumah to George Padmore in 1945, wrote: “George, this young man is coming to you. He is not very bright, but nevertheless do what you can for him because he's determined to throw Europeans out of Africa.” Federal Bureau of Investigation files on Nkrumah, kept from January to May 1945, identify him as a possible Communist.
Nkrumah returned to London in May 1945 and enrolled at the London School of Economics as a PhD candidate in Anthropology. He withdrew after one term and the next year enrolled at University College, with the intent to write a philosophy dissertation on “Knowledge and Logical Positivism”. His supervisor, A. J. Ayer, declined to rate Nkrumah as a “first-class philosopher”, saying, “I liked him and enjoyed talking to him but he did not seem to me to have an analytical mind. He wanted answers too quickly. I think part of the trouble may have been that he wasn't concentrating very hard on his thesis. It was a way of marking time until the opportunity came for him to return to Ghana.” Finally, Nkrumah enrolled in, but did not complete, a study in law at Gray's Inn It was around this time that Francis Nwia Kofi began calling himself “Kwaame”.
Instead, Nkrumah spent his time on political organizing. After meeting with George Padmore, he helped organize the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester, England. The Congress elaborated a strategy for supplanting colonialism with African socialism. They agreed to pursue a federal United States of Africa, with interlocking regional organizations, governing through separate states of limited sovereignty. They planned to pursue a new African culture, synthesizing traditional aspects with modern thinking. They stated a preference for nonviolent means of political change. And they intended to phase out tribalism as the basis of African social organisation, replacing it with 'one man one vote' democracy along with an economic system of communism or socialism.
Nkrumah went on to found the West African National Secretariat to work towards the decolonization of Africa. The new organization published a pamphlet manifesto in December 1945, declaring “WEST AFRICA IS ONE COUNTRY: PEOPLES OF WEST AFRICA UNITE!” It issued a journal, The New African, and conducted meetings with Gold Coasters and Sierra Leoneans. This group initially held good relations with the Fabian Colonial Bureau, though deteriorated when the new Labour government seemed unwilling to take action on decolonization. At the request of the Colonial Office, the British intelligence service MI5 compiled reports on Nkrumah and the West African National Secretariat, focusing on their links with Communism. The U.S. State Department also kept tabs on him, through its embassies in Accra and London and through contact with the British Colonial Office.
Nkrumah served as Vice-President of the West African Students' Union (WASU). During this time he tried to build an alliance between student radicals and impoverished workers of London's East End. He wrote: “In the East End of London particularly, the meanest kind of African mud hut would have been a palace compared to the slum that had become their lot.” He brought the Coloured Workers Association into a larger alliance of radical African organizations including the Students Union.
Nkrumah also created a secret society called The Circle, details of which were exposed later when he was arrested in Accra. Members swore an oath of secrecy, pledging to “irrevocably obey” orders from the group, to “help a member brother of THE CIRCLE in all things and in all difficulties”, to avoid the use of violence, to fast on the twenty-first day of the month, and finally, to “accept the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah”.
Return to the Gold Coast
In the autumn of 1947, Nkrumah was invited to serve as the General Secretary to the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) under Joseph Boakye Danquah. This political convention was exploring paths to independence. Nkrumah accepted the position and sailed for the Gold Coast. After brief stops in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the Ivory Coast, he arrived in the Gold Coast on 10 December 1947. Soon after arrival, Nkrumah's disputes with Danquah began, starting with Nkrumah's disapproval of a two-headed “monstrosity” as the UGCC emblem.
On 28 February 1948, police fired on African ex-servicemen protesting the rising cost of living, killing three and injuring sixty. The shooting spurred riots in Accra, Kumasi and elsewhere. The government suspected that the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) was behind the protests and on 12 March 1948, arrested Nkrumah and other party leaders. Realizing their error, the British released the convention leaders on 12 April 1948. After his imprisonment by the colonial government, Nkrumah emerged as the leader of the youth movement in 1948.
Convention People's Party
After his release from prison, Nkrumah hitchhiked around the country. He proclaimed that the Gold Coast needed "self-governance now" and built a large power base. Cocoa farmers rallied to his cause. He invited women to participate in the political process, at a time when women's suffrage was new to Africa. Women became passionate advocates of the independence cause: one woman who adopted the movement name “Ama Nkrumah” famously slashed her face onstage, with a razor blade, to symbolize her willingness to sacrfice blood for freedom. The trade unions also allied with Nkrumah's movement.
Somewhere in June 1947, we received a charming gentleman, he was introduced to me by my brother as Kwame Nkrumah, General-Secretary of the UGCC. During the day, my brother went out with Nkrumah to address various meetings of the local UGCC branch in town. . . . One day, as they came back and I was serving Kwame Nkrumah, he asked me why I have not been attending the UGCC meetings in town. I was amazed by his question and I honestly told him I thought politics was only men’s business. For the next twenty or so minutes, Kwame Nkrumah explained to me all they were doing and the importance of everybody, especially women, to get involved. By the time Kwame Nkrumah left. . . my interest was aroused in politics. At work, I began explaining issues to my colleague seamstresses and customers. Whenever I was traveling to visit my dressmaking clients, I talked on trains about the need for our liberation and urging people to join the Tarkwa branch of the UGCC and summoning people together to hear news of the campaign for self-government.
— CPP activist Hanna Cudjoe (Accra Community Center; March 8, 1986)
On 12 June 1949, he organized these groups into a new political party: The Convention People's Party (CPP). The CPP appropriated the red cockerel—a familiar icon for some local ethnic groups, and a symbol of leadership, alertness, and masculinity—as its party symbol. Party symbols and colors (red, white, and green) appeared on clothing, flags, vehicles, and houses. In its press organs, the CPP attacked the symbols of other parties, especially the cocoa tree and golden stool of the Asante group and its party, the National Liberation Movement. CPP vans drove red-white-and-green vans across the country, playing music and rallying public support for the party and especially for Nkrumah. These efforts were wildly successful, especially because previous political efforts in the Gold Coast had focused exclusively on the urban intelligentsia.
The British convened a selected commission of middle-class Africans, to draft a new constitution that would give Ghana more self-government. Under the new constitution, only those with money and property would be allowed to vote. Nkrumah organized a "People's Assembly" with CPP party members, youth, trade unionists, farmers and veterans. In September 1948, Nkrumah set up a party newspaper Accra Evening News, adding the Sekondi Morning Telegraph in January 1949 and the Cape Coast Daily Mail in December 1949. The goal of these papers was to rally the masses to the new political party. Nkrumah declared in the Accra Evening News, January 19, 1949: “The strength of the organized masses is invincible . . . We must organize as never before, the organization decides everything.” Since many Ghanaians did not read newspapers, much party organizing was also done though face to face communication.
The Convention People's Party called for universal franchise without property qualifications, a separate house of chiefs and self-governing status under the Statute of Westminster 1931. These amendments, known as the Constitutional Proposals of October 1949, were rejected by the colonial administration. When the colonial administration rejected the People's Assembly's recommendations, Nkrumah organized a "Positive Action" campaign on 1 January 1950, including civil disobedience, non-cooperation, boycotts and strikes. That day, the colonial administration arrested Nkrumah and many CPP supporters and he was sentenced to three years in prison.
Facing international protests and internal resistance, the British decided to leave the Gold Coast. Britain organized the Gold Coast legislative election, the first general election to be held under universal franchise, from 5–10 February 1951. Though Nkrumah was in jail, his CPP was elected by a landslide, taking 34 out of 38 elected seats in the Legislative Assembly. Komla Agbeli Gbedemah is credited with organizing Nkrumah's campaign while Nkrumah was still in prison at Fort James. Nkrumah was released from prison on 12 February and was summoned by Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, the Governor and asked to form a government on 13 February.
Leader of Government Business and Prime Minister
The new Legislative Assembly met on 20 February 1951, with Nkrumah as Leader of Government Business and E. C. Quist as President of the Assembly. A year later, the constitution was amended to provide for a Prime Minister on 10 March 1952 and Nkrumah was elected to that post by a secret ballot in the Assembly, 45 to 31, with eight abstentions on 21 March. He presented his "Motion of Destiny" to the Assembly, requesting independence within the British Commonwealth "as soon as the necessary constitutional arrangements are made" on 10 July 1953 and that body approved it.
In May 1951, the Convention People's Party named Ama Nkrumah, Leticia Qaye, Hanna Cudjoe, and Sophia Doku as Propaganda Secretaries. The four women toured the country, holding rallies, enrolling members, and establishing women's branches of the Party.
During this time, Nkrumah mostly continued pre-existing policies for colonial governance, through institutions including the Cocoa Marketing Board and the Industrial Development Board. He continued the implementation of a Ten-Year Development Plan which was already in place. In 1951, Nkrumah's government appointed a Commissioner for Africanization, to implement the recommendations of the 1949 Select Committee of the Legislature on Africanization of the Public Service. This office, later subsumed by the Director of Recruitment and Training, oversaw the transition from English to Ghanaian workers in the civil service. In 1952, the public service workforce consisted of 620 Africans and 1332 expatriates. These figures steadily shifted over the course of the decade, and by 1960 there were 2766 Africans and 749 expatriates.
As a leader of this government, Nkrumah faced many challenges: first, to learn to govern; second, to unify the four territories of the Gold Coast; third, to win his nation's complete independence from the United Kingdom. Nkrumah was successful at all three goals. Within six years of his release from prison, he was the leader of an independent nation.
At 12 noon on 6 March 1957, Nkrumah declared Ghana independent. The country became a Commonwealth realm. He was hailed as the Osagyefo - which means "redeemer" in the Akan language. This independence ceremony included the Duchess of Kent and Governor General Charles Arden-Clarke. With 600-plus reporters in attendance, Ghanaian independence became one of the most internationally reported news events in modern African history.
Queen Elizabeth II remained sovereign over Ghana from 1957–1960. William Hare, 5th Earl of Listowel was the Governor-General, and Nkrumah remained Prime Minister. On 6 March 1960, Nkrumah announced plans for a new constitution which would make Ghana a republic, headed by a president with broad executive and legislative powers. The draft included a provision to surrender Ghanaian sovereignty to a Union of African States. On 19, 23, and 27 April 1960 a presidential election and plebiscite on the constitution were held. The constitution was ratified and Nkrumah was elected president over J. B. Danquah, the UP candidate, 1,016,076 to 124,623. Ghana remained a part of the British-led Commonwealth of Nations. Simultaneously, Nkrumah remained Leader of Government Business and Prime Minister.
Nkrumah designed the new national flag of Ghana, inverting Ethiopia's green-yellow-red Lion of Judah flag and replacing the lion with a black star. Red symbolizes bloodshed; green stands for beauty, agriculture, and abundance; yellow represents mineral wealth; and the Black Star represents African freedom. Nkrumah was the first of the new African statesmen to emulate the Ethiopian flag as a symbol of resistance to colonialism. The country's new coat of arms, designed by Amon Kotei, includes eagles, a lion, a St. George's Cross, and a Black Star, with copious gold and gold trim. Philip Gbeho was commissioned to compose the new national anthem, “God Bless Our Homeland Ghana”.
As a monument to the new nation, Nkrumah opened Black Star Square near Osu Castle in the coastal district of Osu, Accra. This square would be used for national symbolism and mass patriotic rallies.
Under Nkrumah's leadership, Ghana adopted some socialist policies and practices. Nkrumah created a welfare system, started various community programs, and established schools.
Social and cultural policies
In 1951, the CPP created the Accelerated Development Plan for Education. This plan set up a six-year primary source, to be attended as close to universally as possible, with a range of possibilities to follow. All children were to learn arithmatic, as well as gain “a sound foundation for citizenship with permanent literacy in both English and the vernacular”. Primary education became compulsory in 1962. The Plan also stated that religious schools would no longer receive funding, and that some existing missionary schools would be commandeered by government.
In 1961, Nkrumah laid the first stones in the foundation of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute created to train Ghanaian civil servants as well as promote Pan-Africanism. In 1964, all students entering college in Ghana were required to attend a two-week "ideological orientation" at the Institute. Nkrumah remarked that "trainees should be made to realize the party's ideology is religion, and should be practiced faithfully and fervently."
In 1964, Nkrumah brought forth the Seven Year Development Plan for National Reconstruction and Development, which identified education as a key source of development and called for the expansion of secondary technical schools. Secondary education would also include “in-service training programmes”. As Nkrumah told Parliament: “Employers, both public and private, will be expected to make a far greater contribution to labour training through individual factory and farm schools, industry-wide training schemes, day release, payment for attendance at short courses and evening classes”. This training would be indirectly subsidized with tax credits and import allocations.
In 1952, the Artisan Trading Scheme, arranged with the Colonial Office and UK Ministry of Labour, provided for a few experts in every field to travel to Britain for technical education. Kumasi Technical Institute was founded in 1956. In September 1960, it added the Technical Teacher Training Center. In 1961, the CPP passed the Apprentice Act, which created a general Apprenticeship Board along with Committees for each industry.
Nkrumah promoted Pan-African culture, calling for international libraries and cooperative efforts to study history and culture. He decried the norms of white supremacy and Eurocentrism imposed by British textbooks and cultural institutions. He wore a traditional northern robe, fugu, but donned Kente cloth, from the south, for ceremonies, in order to symbolize his identity as a representative of the whole country. He oversaw the opening of the Ghana Museum on March 5, 1957; the Arts Council of Ghana, a wing of the Ministry of Education and Culture, in 1958; the Research Library on African Affairs in June, 1961; and the Ghana Film Corporation in 1964. In 1962, Nkrumah opened the Institute of African Studies.
A campaign against nudity in the northern part of the country received special attention from Nkrumah, who reportedly deployed Propaganda Secretary Hanna Cudjoe to respond. Cudjoe also formed the Ghana Women's League, which advanced the Party's agenda on nutrition, raising children, and wearing clothing. The League also led a demonstration against the detonation of French nuclear weapons in the Sahara. Cudjoe was eventually demoted with the consolidation of national women's groups, and marginalized within the Party structure.
Laws passed in 1959 and 1960 designated special positions in parliament to be held by women. Some women were promoted to the CPP Central Committee. Women attended more universities, took up more professions including medicine and law, and went on professional trips to Israel, the Soviet Union, and the Eastern Bloc. Women also entered the army and air force. Most women remained in agriculture and trade; some received assistance from the Co-operative Movement.
Nkrumah's image was itself widely disseminated, for example, on postage stamps and on money, in the style of monarchs—providing fodder for accusations of a Nkrumahist personality cult.
In 1957, Nkrumah created a well-funded Ghana News Agency to generate domestic news and disseminate it abroad. In ten years time the GNA had 8045 km of domestic telegraph line, and maintained stations in Laogs, Nairobi, London, and New York City.
Nkrumah consolidated state control over newspapers, establishing the Ghanaian Times in 1958 and then in 1962 obtaining its competitor, the Daily Graphic, from the Mirror Group of London. As he wrote in Africa Must Unite: “It is part of our revolutionary credo that within the competitive system of capitalism, the press cannot function in accordance with a strict regard for the sacredness of facts, and that the press, therefore, should not remain in private hands.” Starting in 1960, he invoked the right of pre-publication censorship of all news.
The Gold Coast Broadcasting Service was established in 1954 and revamped as the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation. Many television broadcasts featured Nkrumah himself, commenting for example on the problematic “insolence and laziness of boys and girls”. Before celebrations of May Day, 1963, Nkrumah went on television to announce the expansion of Ghana's Young Pioneers, the introduction of a National Pledge, the beginning of a National Flag salute in schools, and the creation of a National Training program to inculcate virtue and the spirit of service among Ghanaian youth. Quoth Nkrumah (to Parliament, on October 15, 1963), “Ghana's television will not cater for cheap entertainment or commercialism; its paramount objective will be education in its broadest and purest sense.”
As per the 1965 Instrument of Incorporation of the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, the Minister of Information and Broadcasting had “powers of direction” over the media, and the President had the power, “at any time, if he is satisfied that it is in the national interest to do so, take over the control and management of the affairs or any part of the functions of the Corporation”, hiring, firing, reorganizing, and making other commands at will.
Radio programs, designed in part to reach non-reading members of the public were a major focus of the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation. In 1961, the GBC formed an external service broadcasting in English, French, Arabic, Swahili, Portuguese, and Hausa. Using four 100-kilowatt transmitters and two 250-kilowatt transmitters, the GBC External Service broadcast 110 hours of Pan-Africanist programming to Africa and Europe each week.
He refused advertising in all media, beginning with the Evening News of 1948.
The Gold Coast had been among the wealthiest and most socially advanced areas in Africa, with schools, railways, hospitals, social security and an advanced economy.
Nkrumah attempted to rapidly industrialize Ghana's economy. He reasoned that if Ghana escaped the colonial trade system by reducing dependence on foreign capital, technology, and material goods, it could become truly independent. However, overspending on capital projects caused the country to be driven into debt—estimated as much as $1 billion USD by the time he was ousted in 1966.
After the Ten Year Development Plan, Nkrumah brought forth the Second Development Plan in 1959. This Plan called for the development of manufacuturing: 600 factories producing 100 varieties of product.
The Statutory Corporations Act, passed in November 1959 and revised in 1961 and 1964, created the legal framework for public corporations, which included State Enterprises. This law placed the country's major corporations under the direction of government Ministers. The State Enterprises Secretariat office was located in Flagstaff House and under the direct control of the President.
After visiting the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and China in 1961, Nkrumah apparently became still more convinced of the need for state control of the economy.
Nkrumah's time in office was initially successful, with forestry, fishing, and cattle-breeding expanded, production of cocoa (Ghana’s main export) doubled, and modest deposits of bauxite and gold exploited more effectively. The construction of a dam on the Volta River (launched in 1961) provided water for irrigation and hydro-electric power, which produced enough electricity for the towns as well as for a new aluminum plant. Government funds were also provided for village projects in which local people built schools and roads, while free health care and education were introduced.
A Seven-Year Plan introduced in 1964 focused on further industrialization, emphasizing domestic substitutes for common imports, modernization of the building materials industry, machine making, electrification, and electronics.
Nkrumah's advocacy of industrial development, with help of longtime friend and Minister of Finance, Komla Agbeli Gbedema, led to Volta River Project: the construction of a hydroelectric power plant, the Akosombo Dam on the Volta River in eastern Ghana. The Volta River Project was the centerpiece of Nkrumah's economic program. On February 20, 1958, he told the National Assembly: "It is my strong belief that the Volta River Project provides the quickest and most certain method of leading us towards economic independence". Ghana invoked assistance from the United States, Israel, and the World Bank in constructing the dam.
Kaiser Aluminum agreed to build the dam for Nkrumah, but restricted what could be produced using the power generated. Nkrumah borrowed money to build the dam, and placed Ghana in debt. To finance the debt, he raised taxes on the cocoa farmers in the south. This accentuated regional differences and jealousy. The dam was completed and opened by Nkrumah amidst world publicity on 22 January 1966.
In 1954, world price of cocoa rise from £150 to £450 per ton. Rather than allowing cocoa farmers to maintain the windfall, Nkrumah appropriated the increased revenue via central government levies, then invested the capital into various national development projects. This policy alienated one of the major constituencies that helped him come to power.
Prices continued to fluctuate. In 1960, one ton of cocoa sold for £250 in London. By August 1965, this price had dropped to £91, one fifth of its value ten years previous.
Preventive Detention Act
From 1958 onward, Nkrumah's regime became increasingly authoritarian. That year, partly in response to the Gold Miners' Strike three years earlier, he introduced the Trade Union Act, which made strikes illegal. While Nkrumah had organized strikes just a few years before, he now opposed industrial democracy because it conflicted with rapid industrial development. That same year, he suspected suspected opponents in parliament of plotting against him. To muzzle them, he wrote the Preventive Detention Act, which gave his government sweeping powers to arrest and detain anyone charged with treason or otherwise deemed a security risk for up to five years. This law effectively suspended due process of law, since prisoners were often held without trial. The only legal method of recourse was personal appeal to Nkrumah himself.
When the railway workers went on strike in 1961, Nkrumah ordered strike leaders and opposition politicians arrested under the Trade Union Act of 1958. He told the unions that their days as advocates for the safety and just compensation of miners were over, and that their new job was to work with management to mobilize human resources. Wages must give way to patriotic duty because the good of the nation superseded the good of individual workers, Nkrumah's administration contended.
The Detention Act led to widespread disaffection with Nkrumah’s administration. Some of his associates used the law to arrest innocent people to acquire their political offices and business assets. Advisers close to Nkrumah became reluctant to question policies for fear that they might be seen as opponents. When the clinics ran out of pharmaceuticals, no one notified him. Some people believed that he no longer cared. The police came to resent their role in society, particularly after Nkrumah gave most of their duties and responsibilities to the National Security Service and regiments from his personal guard. Nkrumah disappeared from public view out of a fear of assassination following multiple attempts on his life.
Opposition to tribalism
Nkrumah also sought to eliminate “tribalism”, a source of loyalties held more deeply than those to the nation-state . Thus, as he wrote in Africa Must Unite: “We were engaged in a kind of war, a war against poverty, and disease, against ignorance, against tribalism and disunity. We needed to secure the conditions which could allow us to pursue our policy of reconstruction and development.” To this end, in 1958, his government passed “An Act to prohibit organizations using or engaging in racial or religious propaganda to the detriment of any other racial or religious community, or security the elections of persons on account of their racial or religious affiliations, or for other purposes in connection therewith.” Nkrumah attempted to saturate the country in national flags, and declared a widely-disobeyed ban on tribal flags.
Kofi Abrefa Busia of the United Party (Ghana) gained prominence as an opposition leader in the debate over this Act., taking a more classically liberal position and criticizing the ban on tribal politics as repressive. Soon after, the left the country.
During his tenure as Prime Minister and then President, Nkrumah succeeded in reducing the political importance of the local chieftancy (e.g. the Akan chiefs and the Asantahene. These chiefs had maintained authority during colonial rule through collaboration with the British authorities; in fact, they were sometimes favored over the local intelligentsia, who made trouble for the British with organizations like the Aborigines' Rights Protection Society. The Convention People's Party had a strained relationship with the chiefs when it came to power, and this relationship became more hostile as the CPP incited political opposition chiefs and criticized the institution as undemocratic. Acts passed in 1958 and 1959 gave the government more power to destool chiefs directly, and proclaied government of stool land—and revenues. These policies alienated the chiefs and led them look favorably on the overthrow of Nkrumah and his Party.
Increased power of the Convention People's Party
In 1962, three younger members of the CPP were brought up on charges of taking part in a plot to blow up his car in a motorcade. The sole evidence against the alleged plotters was that they rode in cars well behind Nkrumah's car. When the defendants were acquitted, Nkrumah sacked the chief judge of the state security court, then got the CPP-dominated parliament to pass a law allowing a new trial. At this second trial, all three men were convicted and sentenced to death, though these sentences were subsequently commuted to life imprisonment. Shortly afterward, the constitution was amended to give the president the power to summarily remove judges at all levels.
In 1964, he proposed a constitutional amendment which would make the CPP the only legal party and himself president for life of both nation and party. The amendment passed with 99.91 percent of the vote, an implausibly high total that led observers to condemn the vote as "obviously rigged." In any event, Ghana had effectively been a one-party state since independence. The amendment transformed Nkrumah's presidency into a de facto legal dictatorship.
After substantial Africanization of the civil service in 1952–1960, the number of expatriates rose again from 1960–1965. Many of the new outside workers came not from England but from Russia, Poland, Chechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Italy, and the United Nations.
Foreign policy and military
Nkrumah actively promoted a policy of Pan-Africanism from the beginning of his Presidency. This entailed the creation of a series of new international organizations, which held their inaugural meetings in Accra. These were:
- the First Conference of Independent States, in April 1958;
- the more inclusive All-African Peoples' Conference, with representatives from 62 nationalist organizations from across the continent, in December 1958;
- the All-African Trade Union Federation, meeting in November 1959, to coordinate the African labor movement;
- the Positive Action and Security in Africa conference, in April 1960, discussing Algeria, South Africa, and French nuclear weapons testing; and
- the Conference of African Women, on July 18, 1960.
Meanwhile, Ghana withdrew from coloniail organizations including West Africa Airways Corporation, the West African Currency Board, the West African Cocoa Research Institute, and the West African Court of Appeal.
In 1960, Nkrumah negotiated the creation of a Union of African States, a political alliance between Ghana, Guinea, and Mali. Immediately there formed a women's group called Women of the Union of African States.
Nkrumah was a leading figure in the short-lived Casablanca Group of African leaders, which sought to achieve Pan-African unity and harmony through deep political, economic and military integration of the continent in the early 1960s prior to the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity.
Nkrumah was instrumental in the creation of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Ababa in 1963. He aspired to create a united military force, the African High Command, which Ghana would substantially lead, and committed to this vision in Article 2 of the 1960 Republican Constitution: “In the confident expectation of an early surrender of sovereignty to a union of African states and territories, the people now confer on Parliament the power to provide for the surrender of the whole or any part of the sovereignty of Ghana.”
Nkrumah opposed entry of African states into the Common Market of the European Economic Community, a status given to many former French colonies and considered by Nigeria. Instead, Nkrumah advocated (in a speech given April 7, 1960):
an African common market, a common currency area and the development of communications of all kinds to allow the free flow of goods and services. International capital can be attracted to such viable economic areas, but it would not be attracted to a divided and balkanized Africa, with each small region engaged in senseless and suicidal economic competition with its neighbors.
In 1956, Ghana took control of the Royal West African Frontier Force (RWAFF), Gold Coast Regiment, from the British War Office. This force had formerly been deployed to quell internal dissent, and occasionally to fight in wars: most recently, in World War II, against the Japanese in India and Burma. The most senior officers in this force were British, and, although training of African officers began in 1947, only 28 of 212 officers in December 1956 were indigenous Africans. The British officers still received British salaries, which vastly exceeded those allotted to their Ghanaian counterparts. Concerned about a possible military coup, Nkrumah delayed the placement of African officers in top leadership roles. 
Nkrumah quickly established Ghanaian Air Force, acquiring fourteen Beaver airplanes from Canada and setting up a flight school with British instructors. Otters, Caribou and Chipmunks were to follow. Ghana also obtained four Ilyushin-18 aircraft from the Soviet Union. Preparation began in April 1959 with assistance from India and Israel.
The Ghanaian Navy received two inshore minesweepers with 40- and 20-milimeter guns, the Afadzato and the Yogaga, from Britain in December 1959. It subsequently received the Elmina and the Komenda, seaward defense boats with 40-millimeter guns. The Navy's flagship, and training ship, was the Achimota, a British yacht constructed during World War II. In 1961, the Navy ordered two 600-ton corvettes, the Keta and Kromantse from Vosper & Company and received them in 1957. It also procured four Soviet patrol boats. Naval officers were trained at the Britannia Royal Naval College in Dartmouth. The Ghanaian military budget rose each year, from $9.35 million (US dollars) in 1958 to $47 million in 1965.
The first international deployment of the Ghanaian armed forces was the Congo (Léopoldville/Kinshasa), where Ghanaian troops were airlifted in 1960 at the beginning of the Congo crisis. One week after Belgian troops occupied the lucrative mining province of Katanga, Ghana dispatched more than a thousand its own troops to join a United Nations force. The use of British officers in this context was politically unacceptable, and this event occasioned a hasty transfer of officer positions to Ghanaians. The Congo war was long and difficult. On January 19, 1961, the Third Infantry Battalion, mutinied. On April 28, 1961, forty three men were massacred in a surprise attack by the Congolese army.
Relationship with Communist world
In 1961, Nkrumah went on tour through Eastern Europe, proclaiming solidarity with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China.
Nkrumah called himself “a scientific socialist and a Marxist” and is considered relatively orthodox in his Marxism–Leninism. He generally took a non-aligned Marxist perspective on economics, and believed capitalism had malignant effects that were going to stay with Africa for a long time. Although he was clear on distancing himself from the African socialism of many of his contemporaries, Nkrumah argued that socialism was the system that would best accommodate the changes that capitalism had brought, while still respecting African values. He specifically addresses these issues and his politics in a 1967 essay entitled "African Socialism Revisited":
"We know that the traditional African society was founded on principles of egalitarianism. In its actual workings, however, it had various shortcomings. Its humanist impulse, nevertheless, is something that continues to urge us towards our all-African socialist reconstruction. We postulate each man to be an end in himself, not merely a means; and we accept the necessity of guaranteeing each man equal opportunities for his development. The implications of this for socio-political practice have to be worked out scientifically, and the necessary social and economic policies pursued with resolution. Any meaningful humanism must begin from egalitarianism and must lead to objectively chosen policies for safeguarding and sustaining egalitarianism. Hence, socialism. Hence, also, scientific socialism."
Nkrumah was also best-known politically for his strong commitment to and promotion of Pan-Africanism. He was inspired by the writings of black intellectuals such as Marcus Garvey, W. E. B. Du Bois, and George Padmore, and his relationships with them. Much of his understanding and relationship to these men was created during his years in America as a student. Some would argue that his greatest inspiration was Marcus Garvey. Although he also had a meaningful relationship with C.L.R. James. Nkrumah looked to these men in order to craft a general solution to the ills of Africa. To follow in these intellectual footsteps Nkrumah had intended to continue his education in London, but ultimately found himself involved in direct activism. Then, motivated by advice from Du Bois, Nkrumah decided to focus on creating peace in Africa. Nkrumah's dedications to pan-africanism in action attracted these intellectuals to his Ghanaian projects. Many Americans, such as Du Bois and Kwame Ture, moved to Ghana to join him in his efforts. These men are buried there today. His press officer for six years was the Grenadian anticolonialist Sam Morris. Nkrumah's biggest success in this area was his significant influence in the founding of the Organisation of African Unity.
We salute you, Kwame Nkrumah, not only because you are Prime Minister of Ghana, although this is cause enoguh. We salute you because you are a true and living representation of our hopes and ideals, of the determination we have to be accepted fully as equal beings, of the pride we have held and nurtured in our African origin, of the freedom of which we know we are capable, of the freedom in which we believe, of the dignity imperative to our stature as men.
In February 1966, while Nkrumah was on a state visit to North Vietnam and China, his government was overthrown in a military coup led by Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka and the National Liberation Council. President Nkrumah himself alluded to a possible American complicity in his 1969 published work entitled ‘Dark Days in Ghana’, though he mainly based this conclusion from falsified documents which were shown to him by the KGB. In 1978 John Stockwell, former Chief of the CIA's Angola Task Force, wrote that agents at the CIA's Accra station "maintained intimate contact with the plotters as a coup was hatched." Afterward, "inside CIA headquarters the Accra station was given full, if unofficial credit for the eventual coup... None of this was adequately reflected in the agency's written records."  Later that same year, Seymour Hersh of the New York Times, citing "first hand intelligence sources," defended Stockwell's account, claiming that "many CIA operatives in Africa considered the agency's role in the overthrow of Mr. Nkrumah to have been pivotal."  These claims have never been verified, though declassified MI5 documents have indicated that a source within the British spy agency known as "Swift" had managed to infiltrate the inner circles of the Nkrumah government.
Following the coup, Ghana also realigned itself internationally, cutting its close ties to Guinea and the Eastern Bloc, accepting a new friendship with the Western countries, and inviting the International Monetary Fund and World Bank to take a lead role in managing the economy. With this reversal, accentuated by the expulsion of immigrants and a new willingness to negotiate with Apartheid South Africa, Ghana lost a good deal of its stature in the eyes of African nationalists.
Exile, death and tributes
Nkrumah never returned to Ghana, but he continued to push for his vision of African unity. He lived in exile in Conakry, Guinea, as the guest of President Ahmed Sékou Touré, who made him honorary co-president of the country. He read, wrote, corresponded, gardened, and entertained guests. Despite retirement from public office, he felt that he was still threatened by western intelligence agencies. When his cook died mysteriously, he feared that someone would poison him, and began hoarding food in his room. He suspected that foreign agents were going through his mail, and lived in constant fear of abduction and assassination. In failing health, he flew to Bucharest, Romania, for medical treatment in August 1971. He died of prostate cancer in April 1972 at the age of 62.
Over his lifetime, Nkrumah was awarded honorary doctorates by Lincoln University, Moscow State University; Cairo University in Cairo, Egypt; Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland; Humboldt University in East Berlin; and many other universities.
In 2000, he was voted Africa's man of the millennium by listeners to the BBC World Service, being described by the BBC as a "Hero of Independence," and an "International symbol of freedom as the leader of the first black African country to shake off the chains of colonial rule."
In September 2009, President John Atta Mills declared 21 September (the 100th anniversary of Kwame Nkrumah's birth) to be Founder's Day, a statutory holiday in Ghana to celebrate the legacy of Kwame Nkrumah.
Works by Kwame Nkrumah
- "Negro History: European Government in Africa", The Lincolnian, 12 April 1938, p. 2 (Lincoln University, Pennsylvania) - see Special Collections and Archives, Lincoln University
- Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (1957). ISBN 0-901787-60-4
- Africa Must Unite (1963). ISBN 0-901787-13-2
- African Personality (1963)
- Neo-Colonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965). ISBN 0-901787-23-X
- "The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside." (Introduction)
- Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah (1967). ISBN 0-901787-54-X
- African Socialism Revisited (1967)
- Voice From Conakry (1967). ISBN 90-17-87027-3
- Dark Days in Ghana (1968). ISBN 0-7178-0046-6
- Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare (1968) - first introduction of Pan-African pellet compass. ISBN 0-7178-0226-4
- Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De-Colonisation (1970). ISBN 0-901787-11-6
- Class Struggle in Africa (1970). ISBN 0-901787-12-4
- The Struggle Continues (1973). ISBN 0-901787-41-8
- I Speak of Freedom (1973). ISBN 0-901787-14-0
- Revolutionary Path (1973). ISBN 0-901787-22-1
- George P. Hagan, “Nkrumah's Leadership Style—An Assessment from a Cultural Perspective”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- E. Jessup, John. An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Conflict and Conflict Resolution, 1945-1996. p. 533.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, p. 7. “There is no official record of Nkrumah's date of birth, but by his own reckoning it was Saturday, 18 September 1909, and by local custom, because it was Saturday, he was called Kwame.” But cf. Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 17. “Kwame Nkrumah was born on Nkroful in Western Ghana probably on 21st September 1909. The exact date is not known as birth certificates were not issued in those days.” With footnote: “In a biography drafted in the USA Nkrumah gave his birthdate as 21 September 1912, GNA:SC21/1/119. Basil Davidson in Black Star (Allen Lane, London, 1973, p. 19) states that Nkrumah's baptismal records give the date as 1909.”
- Mazrui 1966, p. 9: "There is little doubt that, quite consciously, Nkrumah saw himself as an African Lenin. He wanted to go down in history as a major political theorist—and he wanted a particular stream of thought to bear his own name. Hence the term 'Nkrumahism'—a name for an ideology that he hoped would assume the same historic and revolutionary status as 'Leninism'."
- "Rulers - Appiah Kofi". Lists of heads of state and heads of government. Rulers.org. Retrieved 2007-03-24.
- Asante Fordjour (6 March 2006). "Nkrumah And The Big Six". GhanaHomePage. Retrieved 29 August 2013.
- "Kwame Nkrumah Biography". Ghana to Ghana The Place for Ghana News and Entertainment. Retrieved 31 July 2011.
- Yaw Owusu, Robert (2005). Kwame Nkrumah's Liberation Thought: A Paradigm for Religious Advocacy in Contemporary Ghana. p. 97.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, pp. 7–8.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 17.
- Susan Altman, The Encyclopedia of African-American Heritage, Chapter M, p. 179.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, p. 9.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 18–19.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, p. 9; cf. Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 20: “(It is not possible, of course, that Nkrumah had met him 'some years earlier'. Though Azikiwe had arrived on the Gold Coast in October 1934, after arranging his editorship with The Post's proprietor, he immediately left for Nigeria to visit his family. At this time Nkrumah was in Amissano. Timothy Bankole solves this dilemma by stating that Nkrumah had heart Azikiwe speak while was on a visit to Accra from Amissano._”
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 24.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 39–40 .
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, pp. 12–13.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 63. Quoting Elizabeth Flower describing the comments of Raymond Morrow.
- special Collections and Archives, Lincoln University.
- "Education For Leadership: The Vision of Kwame Nkrumah". kwamenkrumahcentenary.orgm. Retrieved 2012-01-09.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 114.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 106–107 .
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 115 .
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, p. 117.
- Boni Yao Gebe, “Ghana's Foreign Policy at Independence and Implications for the 1966 Coup D’état”; Journal of Pan African Studies 2.3, March 2008.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 129–132, 141–144.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 132–135.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 173–175.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 175–178.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, p. 25.
- Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 163–164.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, pp. 25–26. Sherwood (1996), Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad, pp. 125–126; with footnote: “Richard Wright, interviewed during his visit to Ghana in 1953, gave the following list of Circle members to the US Consul in Accra: Kofi Baako, Kojo Botsio, Dzenkle Dzewu, Krobo Edusei; K.A. Gbedemah, Nkrumah, Kwesi Plange and N.A. Wellbeck. Wright believed that Nkrumah had formed the Circle on his return to the Gold Coast; they were supposed to be the 'real center of power' in the CPP. This 'Secret Circle of Nine', Wright reported, had been reduced to seven in February 1952; one of these was George Padmore in London. It is likely that Wright obtained all this information from Dzenkle Dzewu, one of those no longer in the Circle. (American Consulate General, Accra to Department of State, Washington, 15/9/1953, USNA RG59: 745K.00/9-1533)”. Also see: “The 'Circle'” in Kedourie (ed.), Nationalism in Asia and Africa, 1970.
- "The Rise And Fall of Kwame Nkrumah". Ghana to Ghana The Place for Ghana News and Entertainment. December 30, 2010. Retrieved 28 July 2011.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, p. 13.
- "Martyrs of X'borg Crossrodas: Sgt. Adjetey, Cpl. Lamptey & Cpl. Attipoe", GhanaWeb.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, pp. 24–26.
- Takiwah Manuh, “Women and their Organizations during the Convention Peoples' Party Period”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Jean Allman, “The Disappearing of Hannah Kudjoe: Nationalism, Feminism, and the Tyrannies of History”; Journal of Women's History 21.3, 2009.
- P. A. V. Ansah, “Kwame Nkrumah and the Mass Media”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah. Also see: “Media”, in Owusu-Ansah (2014), Historical Dictionary of Ghana, pp. 211–213.
- Birmingham, David. Kwame Nkrumah: The Father of African Nationalism (revised edition), Ohio University Press, 1998.
- K. B. Asante, "Nkrumah and State Enterprises", in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Joseph R. A. Ayee, "Public Sector Manpower Development During the Nkrumah Period 1951–1966", in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Zimmerman, Jonathan (2008-10-23). "The ghost of Kwame Nkrumah". International Herald Tribune. Retrieved 2008-10-23.
- Rooney (1988), Kwame Nkrumah, pp. 4–5.
- S. Asamoah Darko, "The Development and Patterns of Manufacturing Industries in Ghana, 1951–1965", in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, pp. 29–33.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, pp. 37–38.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, pp. 34–37.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, pp. 121–122.
- E. A. Haizel, “Education in Ghana, 1951 – 1966”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- ”Nkrumah lays foundation for atomic reactor .. in 1964”, Ghana Review International 120, March 2007 (on GhanaWeb, 11 April 2007). Also see text of speech hosted by Ghana Atomic Energy Commission.
- "National Reconciliation Commission Report". 2004. p. 251
- Nkrumah's Deception of Africa. Ghana Ministry of Information. 1967.
- George P. Hagan, “Nkrumah's Cultural Policy”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, pp. 39–80.
- ”Opening of the Second Conference of African Journalists: November 11, 1963”, Osagyefo Dr. Dwame Nkrumah Infobank.
- "Political and Economic History of Ghana". sjsu.edu. Retrieved 2012-01-09.
- Norman Lowe, Mastering Modern World History.
- "The Road to Ghana's Healthcare Financing - From Nkrumah to Health Insurance.
- Obed Asamoah, "Nkrumah's Foreign Policy, 1951–1966", in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- GAEC Documentation Committee, ”Ghana Atomic Energy Commission: At a Glance”; Third Edition; Kwabenya: RPB, GAEC, July 1998.
- "Cocoa Price Issue Splits Gold Coast". New York Times. December 30, 1954.
- Kwame Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite (1983), p. 74; quoted by George P. Hagan, “Nkrumah's Cultural Policy”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Kwame Arhin, “The Search For 'Constitutional Chieftancy'”, in Arhin (1992), The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah.
- Pinkney (1972), Ghana Under Military Rule, p. 25.
- Anthony, S. (1969). "The State of Ghana". African Affairs 68 (273): 337–39. JSTOR 720657.
- Pierre Englebert & Kevin C. Dunn (2013), Inside African Politics, London: Lynne Reinner, p. 320 - 321
- Egon Schwelb, “The Republican Constitution of Ghana”; American Journal of Comparative Law 9.4, Autumn 1960.
- Eboe Hutchful, “The Development of the Army Officer Corps in Ghana, 1956–1955” ; Journal of African Studies 12.3, Fall 1985.
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, pp. 22–32.
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, p. 75.
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, p. 74.
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, pp. 67–68.
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, p. 93. “Within a week, 1,193 Ghanaian soldiers were in Léopoldvile and 192 more were waiting for transport in Accra with 156 trucks and 160 tons of stores. In terms of its resources, Ghana made one of the heaviest manpower contributions to the Congo. By the end of August 1960, she had 2,394 army officers and men in the country. The Ghana contingent remained for three of the four years of the UN operations, contributing a total of more than 39,000 man-months.”
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, p. 94.
- Baynham (1988), Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana, pp. 95–97.
- Ama Biney, “The Legacy of Kwame Nkrumah in Retrospect”; ; Journal of Pan African Studies 2.3, March 2008.
- Kwame Nkrumah, "African Socialism Revisited", 1967.
- Afari-Gyan, Kwadwo. "KWAME NKRUMAH, GEORGE PADMORE AND W.E.B. DU BOIS." RESEARCH REVIEW NS VOL.7 (1991): 1-5. Print.
- Daurius Figueira (2007). Tubal Uriah Butler of Trinidad and Tobago Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana:The Road to Independence. iUniverse. ISBN 978-0-59-545858-5. Retrieved January 30, 2015.
- Stockwell, John (1978). In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. p. 201n. ISBN 0-393-00926-2.
- Hersh, Seymour (09-05-1978), "CIA Said to Have Aided Plotters Who Overthrew Nkrumah in Ghana," New York Times. Reprinted in: Ray, Ellen; Schaap, William; Van Meter, Karl; Wolf, Louis (1979). Dirty Work 2: The CIA in Africa. Secaucus, N.J.: Lyle Stuart Inc. pp. 159–162. ISBN 0-8184-0294-6.
- John Prados, Safe For Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2006), p. 329.
- "Kwame Nkrumah's Vision of Africa", BBC World Service, 14 September 2000.
- "Nkrumah's birthday declared a holiday". modernghana.com. September 4, 2009. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Sources & further reading
- Arhin, Kwame (1993). The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, Inc. ISBN 9780865433953 (08543395X)
- Baynham, Simon (1988). The Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana. Westview Special Studies on Africa. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, Inc. (Frederick A. Praeger), ISBN 0-8133-70639
- Birmingham, David (1998). Kwame Nkrumah: The Father of African Nationalism. Athens: Ohio University Press. ISBN 0-8214-1242-6.
- Davidson, Basil (2007) . Black Star: A View of the Life and Times of Kwame Nkrumah. Oxford, UK: James Currey. ISBN 978-1-84701-010-0.
- Defense Intelligence Agency, "Supplement, Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana", 12-January-1966.
- Fuller, Harcourt (2014). Building the Ghanaian Nation-State. New York: Palgrave Macmillan (St. Martin's Press LLC). ISBN 978-1-137-44856-9
- James, C. L. R. (1977). Nkrumah and the Ghana Revolution. London: Allison & Busby. ISBN 0-85031-461-5.
- Mazrui, Ali (1966). "Nkrumah: The Leninist Czar". Transition (26): 8–17. JSTOR 2934320.
- Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2006). "Nyerere and Nkrumah: Towards African Unity". Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era (Third ed.). Pretoria, South Africa: New Africa Press. pp. 347–355. ISBN 0-9802534-1-1.
- Owusu-Ansah, David (2014). Historical Dictionary of Ghana. Fourth Edition. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014. ISBN 9780810875005
- Pinkney, Robert (1972). Ghana Under Military Rule 1966–1969. London: Methuen & Co Ltd. SBN 41675080X
- Poe, D. Zizwe (2003). Kwame Nkrumah's Contribution to Pan-African Agency. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-203-50537-9.
- Rooney, David (1988). Kwame Nkrumah: The Political Kingdom in the Third World. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-02479-7
- Sherwood, Marika (1996). Kwame Nkrumah: the years abroad 1935–1947. Legon, Ghana: Freedom Publications. ISBN 9988771606
- Sanders, Charles L. (September 1966). "Kwame Nkrumah: the Fall of a Messiah". Ebony (USA).
- Tuchscherer, Konrad (2006). "Kwame Francis Nwia Kofie Nkrumah". In Coppa, Frank J. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators. New York: Peter Lang. pp. 217–20. ISBN 0-8204-5010-3.
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|Party political offices|
|New office||Leader of the Convention People's Party
|New office||Prime Minister of the Gold Coast
|Prime Minister of Ghana
Title next held byKofi Abrefa Busia
|Minister for Foreign Affairs
|Minister for Defence
Charles de Graft Dickson
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Ashford Emmanuel Inkumsah
as Queen of Ghana
|President of Ghana
Joseph Arthur Ankrah
|Minister for Foreign Affairs
Gamal Abdel Nasser
|Chairperson of the Organisation of African Unity
Joseph Arthur Ankrah