|3rd Chairman of the Organization of African Unity|
21 October 1965 – 24 February 1966
|Preceded by||Gamal Abdel Nasser|
|Succeeded by||Joseph Arthur Ankrah|
|1st President of Ghana|
1 July 1960 – 24 February 1966
|Preceded by||Elizabeth II
as Head of State
as Head of Government
|Succeeded by||Joseph Arthur Ankrah
as Chairman of the National Liberation Council
|1st Prime Minister of Ghana|
6 March 1957 – 1 July 1960
|Governor General||Sir Charles Arden-Clarke until 24 June 1957
Lord Listowel 24 June 1957 - 1 July 1960
|Preceded by||Office Established|
as President of Ghana
10 October 1909|
Nkroful, Gold Coast
|Died||27 April 1972
|Political party||Convention People's Party|
|Children||Francis, Gamal, Samia and Sekou|
Kwame Nkrumah (21 September 1909 – 27 April 1972), P.C., was the leader of Ghana and its predecessor state, the Gold Coast, from 1951 to 1966. Overseeing the nation's independence from British colonial rule in 1957, Nkrumah was the first President of Ghana and the first Prime Minister of Ghana. An influential 20th-century advocate of Pan-Africanism, he was a founding member of the Organization of African Unity and was the winner of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1963. He saw himself as an African Lenin.
Early life and education 
Kwame Nkrumah was born in 1908 in Nkroful, Gold Coast. Nkrumah trained to be a teacher at Achimota School in Accra from 1925 to 1935. For the following five years he worked as a teacher in several schools in the Gold Coast including a Catholic school in Axim, while saving money to continue his education in the USA. In 1935 he sailed from Takoradi, the Gold Coast's main port, to Liverpool in England, and made his way to London where he obtained his student visa from the US Embassy. It was while he was in London in late 1935 that he heard the news of Fascist Italy's invasion of Abyssinia, an event that outraged the young Nkrumah and influenced his political development. In October 1935 Nkrumah sailed from Liverpool to the United States and enrolled in Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. He graduated with a BA in 1939, and received a Bachelor of Sacred Theology in 1942. Nkrumah earned a Master of Science in education from the University of Pennsylvania in 1942, and a Master of Arts in philosophy the following year. While lecturing in political science at Lincoln he was elected president of the African Students Organization of America and Canada. As an undergraduate at Lincoln he participated in at least one student theater production and published an essay on European government in Africa in the student newspaper, The Lincolnian.
During his time in the United States, Nkrumah preached at black Presbyterian Churches in Philadelphia and New York City. He read books about politics and divinity, and tutored students in philosophy. Nkrumah encountered the ideas of Marcus Garvey and in 1943 met and began a lengthy correspondence with Trinidadian Marxist C. L. R. James, Russian expatriate Raya Dunayevskaya, and Chinese-American Grace Lee Boggs, all of whom were members of a US-based Trotskyist intellectual cohort. Nkrumah later credited James with teaching him "how an underground movement worked". Nkrumah's association with these radicals drew him to the attention of the FBI and he was under surveillance by early 1945.
He arrived in London in May 1945, intending to study at the LSE. After meeting with George Padmore, he helped organize the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester, England. Then he founded the West African National Secretariat to work towards the decolonization of Africa. Nkrumah served as Vice-President of the West African Students' Union (WASU). Nkrumah's association with left wing radicals meant that he was watched by Special Branch while he was in England between 1945 and 1947.
Return to the Gold Coast 
In the autumn of 1947, Nkrumah was invited to serve as the General Secretary to the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) under Joseph B. Danquah. This political convention was exploring paths to independence. Nkrumah accepted the position and sailed for the Gold Coast. After brief stops in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the Ivory Coast, he arrived in the Gold Coast on 10 December 1947.
On 28 February 1948, police fired on African ex-servicemen protesting the rising cost of living, killing or injuring sixty eight. The shooting spurred riots in Accra, Kumasi, and elsewhere. The government suspected the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) was behind the protests and on 12 March 1948 arrested Nkrumah and other party leaders. Realizing their error, the British released the convention leaders on 12 April 1948. After his imprisonment by the colonial government, Nkrumah emerged as the leader of the youth movement in 1948.
After his release, Nkrumah hitchhiked around the country. He proclaimed that the Gold Coast needed "self-governance now", and built a large power base. Cocoa farmers rallied to his cause because they disagreed with British policy to contain swollen shoot disease. He invited women to participate in the political process at a time when women's suffrage was new to Africa. The trade unions also allied with his movement. On 12 June 1949, he organized these groups into a new political party: The Convention People's Party (CPP).
The British convened a selected commission of middle-class Africans to draft a new constitution that would give Ghana more self-government. Under the new constitution, only those with sufficient wage and property would be allowed to vote. Nkrumah organized a "People's Assembly" with CPP party members, youth, trade unionists, farmers, and veterans. They called for universal franchise without property qualifications, a separate house of chiefs, and self-governing status under the Statute of Westminster 1931. These amendments, known as the Constitutional Proposals of October 1949, were rejected by the colonial administration.
When the colonial administration rejected the People's Assembly's recommendations, Nkrumah organized a "Positive Action" campaign on 1 January 1950, including civil disobedience, non-cooperation, boycotts, and strikes. That day the colonial administration immediately arrested Nkrumah and many CPP supporters, and he was sentenced to three years in prison.
Facing international protests and internal resistance, the British decided to leave the Gold Coast. Britain organized the first general election to be held under universal franchise on 5–10 February 1951. Though Nkrumah was in jail, his CPP was elected by a landslide, taking 34 out of 38 elected seats in the Legislative Assembly. Komla Agbeli Gbedemah is credited with organizing Nkrumah's entire campaign while he (Nkrumah) was still in prison at Fort James. Nkrumah was released from prison on 12 February and was summoned by Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, the Governor, and asked to form a government on 13 February. The new Legislative Assembly met on 20 February, with Nkrumah as Leader of Government Business, and E.C. Quist as President of the Assembly.
A year later, the constitution was amended to provide for a Prime Minister on 10 March 1952, and Nkrumah was elected to that post by a secret ballot in the Assembly, 45 to 31, with eight abstentions on 21 March.
He presented his "Motion of Destiny" to the Assembly, requesting independence within the British Commonwealth "as soon as the necessary constitutional arrangements are made" on 10 July 1953, and that body approved it.
As a leader of this government, Nkrumah faced many challenges: first, to learn to govern; second, to unify the four territories of the Gold Coast; third, to win his nation’s complete independence from the United Kingdom. Nkrumah was successful at all three goals. Within six years of his release from prison, he was the leader of an independent nation.
On 6 March 1960, Nkrumah announced plans for a new constitution which would make Ghana a republic. The draft included a provision to surrender Ghanaian sovereignty to a Union of African States. On 19, 23, and 27 April 1960 a presidential election and plebiscite on the constitution were held. The constitution was ratified and Nkrumah was elected president over J. B. Danquah, the UP candidate, 1,016,076 to 124,623.
In 1961, Nkrumah laid the first stones in the foundation of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute created to train Ghanaian civil servants as well as promote Pan-Africanism. In 1964, all students entering college in Ghana were required to attend a two-week "ideological orientation" at the Institute. Nkrumah remarked that "trainees should be made to realize the party's ideology is religion, and should be practiced faithfully and fervently."
The Gold Coast had been among the wealthiest and most socially advanced areas in Africa, with schools, railways, hospitals, social security and an advanced economy. Under Nkrumah’s leadership, Ghana adopted some socialist policies and practices. Nkrumah created a welfare system, started various community programs, and established schools.
Nkrumah’s time in office was initially successful, with forestry, fishing, and cattle-breeding expanded, production of cocoa (Ghana’s main export) doubled, and modest deposits of bauxite and gold exploited more effectively. The construction of a dam on the Volta River (launched in 1961) provided water for irrigation and hydro-electric power, which produced enough electricity for the towns as well as for a new aluminimum plant. Government funds were also provided for village projects in which local people built schools and roads, while free health care and education were introduced.
He generally took a non-aligned Marxist perspective on economics, and believed capitalism had malignant effects that were going to stay with Africa for a long time. Although he was clear on distancing himself from the African socialism of many of his contemporaries, Nkrumah argued that socialism was the system that would best accommodate the changes that capitalism had brought, while still respecting African values. He specifically addresses these issues and his politics in a 1967 essay entitled "African Socialism Revisited":
"We know that the traditional African society was founded on principles of egalitarianism. In its actual workings, however, it had various shortcomings. Its humanist impulse, nevertheless, is something that continues to urge us towards our all-African socialist reconstruction. We postulate each man to be an end in himself, not merely a means; and we accept the necessity of guaranteeing each man equal opportunities for his development. The implications of this for socio-political practice have to be worked out scientifically, and the necessary social and economic policies pursued with resolution. Any meaningful humanism must begin from egalitarianism and must lead to objectively chosen policies for safeguarding and sustaining egalitarianism. Hence, socialism. Hence, also, scientific socialism."
Nkrumah was also best known politically for his strong commitment to and promotion of Pan-Africanism. He was inspired by the writings of black intellectuals such as Marcus Garvey, W. E. B. Du Bois, and George Padmore, and his relationships with them. Much of his understanding and relationship to these men was created during his years in America as a student. Some would argue that his greatest inspiration was Marcus Garvey. Although he also had a meaningful relationship with C.L.R. James. Nkrumah looked to these men in order to craft a general solution to the ills of Africa. To follow in these intellectual footsteps Nkrumah had intended to continue his education in London, but ultimately found himself involved in direct activism. Then, motivated by advice from Du Bois, Nkrumah decided to focus on creating peace in Africa. Nkrumah's dedications to pan-africanism in action attracted these intellectuals to his Ghanian projects. Many Americans, such as Du Bois and Kwame Ture, moved to Ghana to join him in his efforts. These men are buried there today. Nkrumah's biggest success in this area was his significant influence in the founding of the Organization of African Unity.
Nkrumah attempted to rapidly industrialize Ghana's economy. He reasoned that if Ghana escaped the colonial trade system by reducing dependence on foreign capital, technology, and material goods, it could become truly independent. However, overspending on capital projects caused the country to be driven into debt—estimated as much as $1 billion USD by the time he was ousted in 1966.
Decline and fall 
The year 1954 was pivotal for the Nkrumah era. In that year's independence elections, he tallied some of the independence election vote. However, that same year saw the world price of cocoa rise from £150 to £450 per ton. Rather than allowing cocoa farmers to maintain the windfall, Nkrumah appropriated the increased revenue via central government levies, then invested the capital into various national development projects. This policy alienated one of the major constituencies that helped him come to power.
From 1958 onward, Nkrumah's regime became increasingly authoritarian. After the Gold Miners' Strike of 1955, Nkrumah introduced the Trade Union Act, which made strikes illegal. While Nkrumah had organized strikes just a few years before, he now opposed industrial democracy because it conflicted with rapid industrial development. When he suspected opponents in parliament of plotting against him, he wrote the Preventive Detention Act that made it possible for his administration to arrest and detain anyone charged with treason or otherwise deemed a security risk without due process of law in the judicial system. Prisoners were often held without trial, and their only legal method of recourse was personal appeal to Nkrumah himself.
When the railway workers went on strike in 1961, Nkrumah ordered strike leaders and opposition politicians arrested under the Trade Union Act of 1958. He told the unions that their days as advocates for the safety and just compensation of miners were over, and that their new job was to work with management to mobilize human resources. Wages must give way to patriotic duty because the good of the nation superseded the good of individual workers, Nkrumah's administration contended.
The Detention Act led to widespread disaffection with Nkrumah’s administration. Some of his associates used the law to arrest innocent people to acquire their political offices and business assets. Advisers close to Nkrumah became reluctant to question policies for fear that they might be seen as opponents. When the clinics ran out of pharmaceuticals, no one notified him. Some people believed that he no longer cared. Police came to resent their role in society, particularly after Nkrumah superseded most of their duties and responsibilities with his personal guard - the National Security Service and presidential Guard regiments. Nkrumah disappeared from public view out of a fear of assassination following multiple attempts on his life. In 1964, he proposed a constitutional amendment which would make the CPP the only legal party and himself president for life of both nation and party. The amendment passed with 99.91 percent of the vote, an implausibly high total that led observers to condemn the vote as "obviously rigged." In any event, Ghana had effectively been a one-party state since independence. The amendment transformed Nkrumah's presidency into a de facto legal dictatorship.
Nkrumah's advocacy of industrial development, with help of longtime friend and Minister of Finance, Komla Agbeli Gbedema, led to the construction of a hydroelectric power plant, the Akosombo Dam on the Volta River in eastern Ghana. Kaiser Aluminum agreed to build the dam for Nkrumah, but restricted what could be produced using the power generated. Nkrumah borrowed money to build the dam, and placed Ghana in debt. To finance the debt, he raised taxes on the cocoa farmers in the south. This accentuated regional differences and jealousy. The dam was completed and opened by Nkrumah amidst world publicity on 22 January 1966.
Nkrumah wanted Ghana to have modern armed forces, so he acquired aircraft and ships, and introduced conscription.
He also gave military support to rebels fighting against the government of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), which had declared independence from Britain in 1965. In February 1966, while Nkrumah was on a state visit to North Vietnam and China, his government was overthrown in a military coup led by Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka and the National Liberation Council. Nkrumah believed that the CIA had supported the coup, but this accusation was based off forged evidence given to him by the KGB. No official documentary evidence exists implicating the United States in the coup.
Exile, death and tributes 
Nkrumah never returned to Ghana, but he continued to push for his vision of African unity. He lived in exile in Conakry, Guinea, as the guest of President Ahmed Sékou Touré, who made him honorary co-president of the country. He read, wrote, corresponded, gardened, and entertained guests. Despite retirement from public office, he was still frightened of western intelligence agencies. When his cook died, he feared that someone would poison him, and began hoarding food in his room. He suspected that foreign agents were going through his mail, and lived in constant fear of abduction and assassination. In failing health, he flew to Bucharest, Romania, for medical treatment in August 1971. He died of skin cancer in April 1972 at the age of 62.
Over his lifetime, Nkrumah was awarded honorary doctorates by Lincoln University, Moscow State University; Cairo University in Cairo, Egypt; Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland; Humboldt University in the former East Berlin; and many other universities.
In 2000, he was voted Africa's man of the millennium by listeners to the BBC World Service, being described by the BBC as a "Hero of Independence," and an "International symbol of freedom as the leader of the first black African country to shake off the chains of colonial rule."
In September 2009, then President John Atta Mills declared 21 September (the 100th anniversary of Kwame Nkrumah's birth), Founder's Day. A statutory holiday in Ghana to celebrate the legacy of Kwame Nkrumah.
Works by Kwame Nkrumah 
- "Negro History: European Government in Africa", The Lincolnian, 12 April 1938, p. 2 (Lincoln University, Pennsylvania) - see Special Collections and Archives, Lincoln University
- Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (1957). ISBN 0-901787-60-4
- Africa Must Unite (1963). ISBN 0-901787-13-2
- African Personality (1963)
- Neo-Colonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965). ISBN 0-901787-23-X
- With this book Nkrumah coined the term "neo-colonialism" –
- "The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside." (Introduction)
- Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah (1967). ISBN 0-901787-54-X
- African Socialism Revisited (1967)
- Voice From Conakry (1967). ISBN 90-17-87027-3
- Dark Days in Ghana (1968). ISBN 0-7178-0046-6
- Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare (1968) - first introduction of Pan-African pellet compass. ISBN 0-7178-0226-4
- Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De-Colonisation (1970). ISBN 0-901787-11-6
- Class Struggle in Africa (1970). ISBN 0-901787-12-4
- The Struggle Continues (1973). ISBN 0-901787-41-8
- I Speak of Freedom (1973). ISBN 0-901787-14-0
- Revolutionary Path (1973). ISBN 0-901787-22-1
See also 
- E. Jessup, John. An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Conflict and Conflict Resolution, 1945-1996. p. 533.
- Mazrui 1966, p. 9: "There is little doubt that, quite consciously, Nkrumah saw himself as an African Lenin. He wanted to go down in history as a major political theorist—and he wanted a particular stream of thought to bear his own name. Hence the term 'Nkrumahism'—a name for an ideology that he hoped would assume the same historic and revolutionary status as 'Leninism'."
- "Rulers - Appiah Kofi". Lists of heads of state and heads of government. Rulers.org. Retrieved 2007-03-24.
- Asante Fordjour (6 March 2006). Feature Article (Ghana Home Page).
- "Kwame Nkrumah Biography". Ghana to Ghana The Place for Ghana News and Entertainment. Retrieved 31 July 2011.
- Yaw Owusu, Robert (2005). Kwame Nkrumah's Liberation Thought: A Paradigm for Religious Advocacy in Contemporary Ghana. p. 97.
- Susan Altman, The Encyclopedia of African-American Heritage, Chapter M, p. 179.
- special Collections and Archives, Lincoln University.
- "Education For Leadership: The Vision of Kwame Nkrumah". kwamenkrumahcentenary.orgm. Retrieved 2012-01-09.
- "The Rise And Fall of Kwame Nkrumah". Ghana to Ghana The Place for Ghana News and Entertainment. December 30, 2010. Retrieved 28 July 2011.
- Birmingham, David. Kwame Nkrumah: The Father of African Nationalism (revised edition), Ohio University Press, 1998.
- Zimmerman, Jonathan (2008-10-23). "The ghost of Kwame Nkrumah". International Herald Tribune. Retrieved 2008-10-23.
- National Reconciliation Commission Report. 2004. p. 251
- Nkrumah's Deception of Africa. Ghana Ministry of Information. 1967.
- Norman Lowe, Mastering Modern World History.
- "The Road to Ghana's Healthcare Financing - From Nkrumah to Health Insurance.
- "African Socialism Revisited" by Kwame Nkrumah 1967
- Afari-Gyan, Kwadwo. "KWAME NKRUMAH, GEORGE PADMORE AND W.E.B. DU BOIS." RESEARCH REVIEW NS VOL.7 (1991): 1-5. Print.
- "Political and Economic History of Ghana". sjsu.edu. Retrieved 2012-01-09.
- Anthony, S. (1969), "The State of Ghana", African Affairs Vol. 68, No. 273, pp. 337-39.
- Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World (New York: Basic Books, 2005), 452-453, 583.
- John Prados, Safe For Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2006), 329.
- "Kwame Nkrumah's Vision of Africa", 14 September 2000.
- "Nkrumah's birthday declared a holiday". modernghana.com. September 4, 2009. Retrieved January 5, 2013.
Further reading 
- Birmingham, David (1998). Kwame Nkrumah: The Father of African Nationalism. Athens: Ohio University Press. ISBN 0-8214-1242-6.
- Tuchscherer, Konrad (2006). "Kwame Francis Nwia Kofie Nkrumah". In Coppa, Frank J. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators. New York: Peter Lang. pp. 217–20. ISBN 0-8204-5010-3.
- Davidson, Basil (2007) . Black Star: A View of the Life and Times of Kwame Nkrumah. Oxford, UK: James Currey. ISBN 978-1-84701-010-0.
- Mazrui, Ali (1966). "Nkrumah: The Leninist Czar". Transition (26): 8–17. JSTOR 2934320.
- Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2006). "Nyerere and Nkrumah: Towards African Unity". Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era (Third ed.). Pretoria, South Africa: New Africa Press. pp. 347–355. ISBN 0-9802534-1-1.
- Poe, D. Zizwe (2003). Kwame Nkrumah's Contribution to Pan-African Agency. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-203-50537-9.
- James, C. L. R. (1977). Nkrumah and the Ghana Revolution. London: Allison & Busby. ISBN 0-85031-461-5.
- Defense Intelligence Agency, "Supplement, Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana", 12-January-1966.
|Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Kwame Nkrumah|
- Kwame Nkrumah Mausoleum and Museum at Nkroful, Western Region
- Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park & Museum, Accra
- Ghana-pedia Dr. Kwame Nkrumah
- Ghana-pedia Operation Cold Chop: The Fall Of Kwame Nkrumah
- Dr Kwame Nkrumah
- Excerpt from Commanding Heights by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw
- Timeline of events related to the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah
- The Kwame Nkrumah Lectures at the University of Cape Coast, Ghana, 2007
- Kwame Nkrumah Information and Resource Site
- Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah by The Global Post
- Dr Kwame Nkrumah's Midnight Speech on the day of Ghana's independence – 6 March 1957.
|Party political offices|
|New title||Leader of the Convention People's Party
|New title||Prime Minister of the Gold Coast
Himself as Prime Minister of Ghana
Himself as Prime Minister of the Gold Coast
|Prime Minister of Ghana
Himself as President
Elizabeth II as Head of State
Himself as Head of Government
|President of Ghana
Lt. Gen. Joseph A. Ankrah
Military Head of State
|New title||Foreign Minister
Ashford Emmanuel Inkumsah
|New title||Minister for Defence
Charles de Graft Dickson
Gamal Abdel Nasser
|Chairperson of the Organization of African Unity
Joseph Arthur Ankrah