Lagmann mac Gofraid

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Lagmann mac Gofraid
King of the Isles
Lagmann mac Gofraid.jpg
Lagmann's name as it appears on folio 33v of British Library Cotton MS Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Lagmannus".[1]
Dynasty Crovan dynasty
Father Gofraid Crobán

Lagmann mac Gofraid (Old Norse: Lǫgmaðr and Lögmaðr) was a late eleventh-century King of the Isles, whose rise, reign, and fall from power are obscure.[note 1] He was the eldest son of Gofraid Crobán, King of Dublin and the Isles, a Norse-Gaelic dynast who conquered and ruled the kingdoms of the Isles and Dublin, before dying in 1095. Three years after the latter's death, the Isles was conquered by Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway, whose regime in the region lasted until his death in 1103. The chronology of Lagmann's reign is uncertain: he may have begun his reign either before Magnús' conquest, during his regime, or after his demise.

As King of the Isles, Lagmann faced significant opposition from factions supporting his younger brothers, Aralt and Amlaíb. At some point, the Islesmen are reported to have petitioned Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster to select a temporary ruler in the region. This act may have been initiated on behalf of a faction supporting Amlaíb. Whatever the case, Ua Briain responded by placing an Uí Briain relative upon the throne. The Uí Briain interlopers, however, do not appear to have been well received; and were evidently ejected by the Islesmen, perhaps led by supporters of Lagmann himself.

The chronology and circumstances surrounding the conclusion of Lagmann's reign are uncertain. According to one source, he voluntarily resigned the kingship and journeyed to Jerusalem where he died. This account could be evidence that he died on crusade: one possibility is the First Crusade, perhaps in the entourage of Robert II, Duke of Normandy; another possibility is the so-called Norwegian Crusade, in the entourage of Sigurðr Magnússon, King of Norway. Although one source claims that Lagmann's trek to the Holy Land was undertaken in remorse for the cruelty he had inflicted upon Aralt, another possibility is that he was forced into exile instead. Whatever the case, it is apparent that about a decade after Magnús' death, the Crovan dynasty was restored to the kingship in the person of Lagmann's youngest brother.

Antecedents, accession, and insurrection[edit]

Some locations mentioned in the article.

Lagmann was one of three sons of Gofraid Crobán, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095).[10] Gofraid first emerges into history in the mid eleventh century.[11] Although his precise parentage is uncertain, he appears to have been a descendant of Amlaíb Cuarán, King of Dublin and Northumbria (died 981).[12] Gofraid's apparent Uí Ímair antecedents appear to have endowed him with ancestral claims to the Norse-Gaelic kingdoms to Dublin and the Isles.[13] In the 1070s, he secured the kingship of the Isles through his conquest of Mann, and forcefully added Dublin to his realm in 1091. Gofraid's downfall came in 1094, when he was driven out of Ireland by the Uí Briain, and died the following year in the Hebrides.[14]

There is uncertainty concerning the political situation in the Isles in the last decade of the eleventh century.[15] What is known for sure is that, before the end of the century, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) led a marauding fleet from Scandinavia into the Isles, seized control of the kingdom, and held onto power in the Irish Sea region until his death in 1103.[16] According to the Chronicle of Mann, when Gofraid died in 1095, Lagmann succeeded him as his eldest son, and went on to reign for seven years.[17] Unfortunately for scholars, the numerical calculations and chronology of this source are suspect;[18] and it is uncertain if Lagmann's reign began before Magnús' arrival, during Magnús' overlordship, or even after Magnús' death.[19] One possibility is that Lagmann commenced his reign in the Isles immediately after his father assumed the kingship of Dublin in 1091. If so, this transfer of power would seem to evidence the eminent status of Dublin's kinship amongst the Norse-Gaelic elite.[20]

Despite the uncertainly surrounding the inception of his reign, the chronicle reveals that Lagmann faced continued opposition from within his own family, in the form of an ongoing rebellion by his brother, Aralt. Lagmann eventually overcame Aralt, however, and is stated to have had the latter blinded and emasculated. Afterwards, if the chronicle is to be believed, Lagmann repented the cruelty that he had inflicted upon Aralt, and remorsefully resigned his kingdom, before setting off to Jerusalem, where he died.[21]

Irish intervention[edit]

Although the Chronicle of Man maintains that Lagmann voluntarily vacated his throne, there is reason to suspect that he was forced from power.[22] In about 1096, the chronicle claims that the leading Islesmen sought assistance of Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster (died 1119), and petitioned him to provide a regent from his own kin to govern the kingdom until Lagmann's younger brother, Amlaíb (died 1153), was old enough to assume control.[23] The chronicle's account could be evidence that, by about 1096, Lagmann faced a faction formed around his younger brother; and that, when this faction was unable to topple Lagmann by itself, it approached Ua Briain for assistance in placing Amlaíb upon the throne.[24]

Ua Briain was certainly a formidable potential ally, having recently imposed his dominance over the kingdoms of Connacht, Leinster, Mide, and Dublin as well.[25] In fact, it was through his conquest of the latter that Ua Briain had banished Lagmann's father from Ireland once and for all, and thereby secured control of Dublin's awesome naval power.[26] In consequence of this predominance, the clause as stated by the chronicle—that Ua Briain was to provide the Isles with a regent from his own kin—may well have been a condition on his intervention, rather than a request of the Islesmen themselves.[27] Whatever the case, the chronicle reveals that Ua Briain then installed Domnall mac Taidc (died 1115) upon the throne.[28] Although Domnall had previously opposed Ua Briain over the kingship of Munster, he was the son of Ua Briain's brother, and further possessed strong familial connections with the Isles through his maternal descent from Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064 or 1065).[29] In fact, the Annals of Ulster reveal that at least two apparent members of the Meic Ragnaill—Echmarcach's royal kindred—were killed less than a decade before in a repulsed invasion of Mann.[30] As a result, Domnall may have been the leading representative of Meic Ragnaill claims in the region.[29][note 2] The slaying of Domnall's brother, Amlaíb, as recorded by the Annals of the Four Masters in 1096,[32] suggests that Domnall and the rest of the Meic Taidc faced significant opposition in the Isles, possibly in the form of Lagmann's adherents.[33] The chronicle credits Domnall with an oppressive three-year reign that ended when the leading Islesmen revolted against him, and drove him from the kingdom back to Ireland.[34]

Norwegian domination and diminishment[edit]

The extent of Domnall's rule in the kingdom is unknown, and it is questionable whether he had any real authority in the northern Hebrides, furthest from Mann.[35] According to the Chronicle of Mann, Magnús sent a delegate, Ingimundr, into the Isles in about 1097, with orders to take possession of the kingdom.[36] Although the latter is only mentioned in this one particular source, it is not implausible that Magnús sent someone to seize control of the Isles on his behalf.[37] The chronicle continues by stating that Ingimundr installed himself on Lewis, only to be overthrown and killed by the leading Islesmen whilst attempting to usurp the kingship.[38] Ingimundr's rationale for seating himself on Lewis, an island on the edge of the kingdom, may have been due to the fact that he was unable to gain any authority on Mann, a wealthier and more strategically located island.[39][note 3] In fact, the chronicle reveals that civil war erupted on Mann the following year,[42] and the twelfth-century chronicler Orderic Vitalis indicates that the island was devastated to point of being a virtual desert by the time Magnús later appeared on the scene.[43] The warring itself may have been related to the struggles between Lagmann and Aralt.[44] The fact that the chronicle makes no mention of Domnall during this conflict may be evidence that he had lost control of Mann by then.[45] Within the year, the same source records the arrival of Magnús himself, which could suggest that it was Ingimundr's slaying, at the hands of the Islesmen, that had incited Magnús to take matters into his own hands.[46]

To Gudrod's son no rock or cave,
Shore-side or hill, a refuge gave;
Hunted around from isle to isle,
This Lawman found no safe asyle.
From isle to isle, o'er firth and sound,
Close on his track his foe he found.
At Ness the Agder chief at length
Seized him, and iron-chained his strength.

— nineteenth-century translation of a poem by the contemporary skald Bjǫrn krepphendi, depicting the capture of Lagmann ("Gudrod's son", "this Lawman") by Magnús ("the Agder chief"), from Magnúss saga berfœtts within Heimskringla.[47]

Magnús' takeover of the Isles is colourfully depicted in the chronicle,[48] and several mediaeval Norse sources, such as the early thirteenth-century Morkinskinna,[49] Fagrskinna,[50] Orkneyinga saga,[51] and Magnúss saga berfœtts within the early thirteenth-century saga-compilation Heimskringla.[52] In the latter's account of the Norwegian fleet's descent upon the Isles, Magnúss saga berfœtts states that Lagmann was set to defend the Norðreyjum ("Northern Islands"), a term that likely refers to the Outer Hebrides.[53][note 4] A particular verse of poetry in Morkinskinna, attributed to the contemporary skald Gísl Illugason, describes Lagmann as "Ívistar gram"[55] ("Prince of Uist",[56] or "Lord of Uist").[57][note 5] This title not only appears to corroborate Lagmann's authority in the northern Isles,[60] but could also indicate that he was primarily based on Uist as well.[61]

At several points in the history of the kingdom, the Isles endured periods of fragmentation between rival factions. Whether the references to Lagmann in the north are evidence of a similarly partitioned kingdom is unknown.[62] The Norwegian subjugation of the Isles, and subsequent capture of Lagmann, are recounted by Orkneyinga saga;[63] whilst Morkinskinna specifies that Lagmann fled southwards and out to sea, as Magnús' fleet advanced, only to be captured and kept in the Norwegian king's company for some time afterwards.[64] Also in 1098, the Annals of Ulster, the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of Loch Cé indicate that three ships of Islesmen were slaughtered in Ireland.[65] These records could refer to Islesmen who were actively combating the Norwegian conquest, or perhaps to certain refugees from Mull referred to by a peace of poetry preserved by Morkinskinna.[66]

Nineteenth-century depiction of Magnús Óláfsson's forces in Ireland. He was slain in Ulster, in 1103.

Having overwintered in Isles, Magnús left for Norway in the summer, only to make his return nearly four years later, in 1102 or 1103.[67] Having re-established himself on Mann, Magnús entered into an alliance with Ua Briain, formalised through the marriage between Magnús's young son, Sigurðr (died 1130), and a daughter of Ua Briain. The fact that Magnús intended to return to Norway reveals that Ua Briain benefited to most from the arraignment, although the alliance appears to have bound the kings against a common enemy in the region, Domnall Mac Lochlainn, King of Ailech (died 1121).[68][note 6] Unfortunately for Ua Briain, and his long-term ambitions in Ireland and the Isles, Magnús was slain in Ulster in 1103, and Sigurðr immediately repudiated his bride and returned to Norway.[70] Although Ua Briain was able to regain control of Dublin, and still held considerable influence in the Isles, Magnús' death appears to have left a power vacuum in the region that neither Ua Briain nor Mac Lochlainn could fill.[68]

In 1111, according to the Annals of Inisfallen, Domnall mac Taidc seized the kingship of the Isles by force.[71] In fact, this annal-entry is the only notice of Domnall's lordship in the Isles preserved in Irish sources. This could, therefore, indicate that the chronicle's aforesaid account of the petitioning of Ua Briain is incorrectly dated by the chronicle, and instead refers to the events of 1111. However, the fact that the chronicle places the petitioning during a period of new-found Uí Briain dominance in the region, before Magnús' arrival in the Isles, and at about the same time as Domnall's brother's death, suggests that the chronicle's chronology concerning these events is sound, and that Domnall's seizure of the kingship in 1111 was indeed a return to the Isles.[72] Whatever the case, there is uncertainty as to whether Domnall was supported in his venture by the rest of the Uí Briain. Although it is possible that he had backing from Ua Briain himself,[73] the fact that the latter had imprisoned Domnall three years before could be evidence that he had made his move into the Isles without Ua Briain's consent.[74] In fact, the annal-entry reveals that Domnall launched his campaign from northern Ireland, and a further entry shows that Dublin was occupied by Ua Briain within the year.[75] These records, therefore, appear to indicate that Domnall was aided in his undertaking in the Isles by Ua Briain's northern opponents, and that Ua Briain attempted to deny Domnall any additional support from the Dubliners.[76] Not long after his intrusion into the Isles, Domnall appears to have been either forced from the Isles,[77] or drawn back to Ireland in an attempt to capitalise on Ua Briain's failing health, only to be slain himself in 1115.[78]

The encroachment of competing Irish factions into the Isles may well have been as unpalatable to the English and Scots as the power vacuum left in the wake of Magnús' demise.[79] Since the chronicle records that the subsequent reign of (Lagmann's brother) Amlaíb lasted forty years, the latter's accession to the kingship of the Isles appears to date to about 1112 or 1113, not long after Domnall launched his bid for the throne. In fact, the chronicle indicates that Amlaíb spent his youth at the court of Henry I, King of England (died 1135), and it appears that this restoration of the Crovan dynasty, in the person of Lagmann's youngest brother, was the work of the English king.[80]

Departure and death[edit]

Some locations mentioned in the article.

Late in 1095, Pope Urban II (died 1099) first proclaimed an armed pilgrimage, or penitential holy war, that led to the First Crusade of 1096–1102.[81] Before the end of the year, tens of thousands of men, women, and children answered his call to re-establish Christian control of Jerusalem.[82] The particular terminology employed by the Chronicle of Mann—that Lagmann departed the kingdom "marked with the sign of the Lord's cross"—suggests that he participated in a crusade.[83] On the other hand, since the chronicle was compiled in the thirteenth century, during a period when the idea of a cross-bearing pilgrim was well established, it is possible that this depiction of Lagmann has been contaminated by anachronistic conceptions.[84]

There are many reasons why crusaders volunteered to "take the cross". One particular reason was the desire of repentance.[85] Remorse for the cruelty that he had inflicted upon his own brother may well have played a part in Lagmann's decision.[86] On the other hand, embarking upon a crusade could also be a means of escaping political tribulations and pressure at home, as in the case of the embattled Robert II, Duke of Normandy (died 1134).[87] In Lagmann's case, his participation may have been a direct after-effect of Magnús' conquest of the Isles in 1098.[88]

Eighteenth-century illustration of a now-lost twelfth-century stained glass window of the Basilica of St Denis, Paris. The window depicted the crusader's capture of Jerusalem,[89] an event that came to be the climax of the First Crusade.

If Lagmann was indeed a crusader, it is uncertain which particular crusade he undertook. One possibility is that he took part in the First Crusade,[90] a movement that reached its climax with the successful siege and capture of Jerusalem in mid 1099.[91] Lagmann could have embarked upon this enterprise in about 1096, the year the pope's calls reached England, and perhaps joined Robert's assembling forces that summer.[92] There is an abundance of sources dealing with the First Crusade;[93] particular ones such as the chronicles of Hugh of Flavigny (died after c. 1144) and Fulcher of Chartres (died 1127 or 1128), as well as Gesta Francorum amongst others,[94] reveal that Robert's route took him from Normandy to Pontarlier,[95] across the Alps to Lucca, and Rome.[96] These sources indicate that Robert crossed the Adriatic Sea to somewhere near Durazzo, from where he marched to Constantinople.[97] The sources report that Robert partook in numerous notable military actions such as the capture of Nicaea in early 1097,[98] the triumphant clash near Dorylaeum in mid 1097,[99] the drawn-out siege and warring at Antioch that spanned from late 1097 to mid 1098,[100] the aforesaid fall of Jerusalem,[101] and finally the culminating victory at Ascalon also in mid 1099.[102]

Alternately, in light of Lagmann's capture by the Norwegians in 1098, it is conceivable that his release from custody was made conditional upon his exile and participation in the First Crusade.[103] On the other hand, it is not impossible that Lagmann originally undertook a pilgrimage before catching wind of the crusade en route.[104] Whatever the case, if Lagmann indeed participated and perished in the First Crusade, he may have met his end on campaign in Syria or Anatolia.[105][note 7]

Another possibility is that Lagmann regained some form of control in the Isles following Magnús' death, and afterwards joined Sigurðr's expedition to Holy Land in the first decade of the twelfth century.[107] According to various Norse accounts, such as Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sögum, Historia de Antiquitate Regum Norvagiensium, Morkinskinna, Fagrskinna, and Magnússona saga in Heimskringla, Sigurðr's expedition took him from England to Galicia, Sintra, Lisbon, the Balearic Islands, Sicily, Acre, and Jerusalem, before he assisted Baldwin I, King of Jerusalem (died 1118) in the siege and capture of Sidon in late 1110.[108][note 8] Whether Sigurðr's undertaking was a planned crusade per se, or merely an eventful and violent pilgrimage, is debatable. The precise chronology of this enterprise is similarly uncertain, although the Norwegian fleet certainly reached England before the end of the first decade of the twelfth century.[110] It may have been at this point, whilst Sigurðr overwintered at the English royal court, that Lagmann joined up with him.[111] If Lagmann and Sigurðr indeed rendezvoused in England, it may well have been at this point when Amlaíb, the future King of the Isles, was entrusted to the safekeeping of the English king.[112]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Scholars have rendered Lagmann's personal name variously in the recent secondary sources: Lagman,[2] Lagmann,[3] Logmaðr,[4] Lögmaðr,[5] and Lǫgmaðr.[6] The Gaelic Lagmann is derived from the Old Norse lǫgmaðr ("lawman"). The latter word originally referred to a profession, and was later adopted as a personal name. The name itself is historically found in the Isles as early the tenth century, although not in Scandinavia proper.[7] The name was rather uncommon amongst contemporary Irish families. In 1167, however, the Annals of Ulster record the slaying of a certain member of the Uí Duib Dírma, a branch of the Northern Uí Néill, whose father bore the name.[8] The rarity of this father's name, as well as his apparent floruit, appear to suggest some sort of link with Lagmann himself.[9]
  2. ^ According to Banshenchas, Domnall's father, Tadc Ua Briain, married Mór, daughter of Echmarcach. The source states that the couple had three sons and a daughter: Donnchad, Domnall, Amlaíb, and Bé Binn.[31] The descendants of Tadc are known as the Meic Taidc. The descendants of Echmarcach's father are known as the Meic Ragnaill and Uí Ragnaill.
  3. ^ Magnúss saga berfœtts, within the thirteenth century Heimskringla, states that Mann was the best of all the Suðreyjar ("Southern Islands").[40] This Old Norse term refers to the Hebrides and Mann;[41] although in this particular case, the saga includes the peninsula of Kintyre as well.
  4. ^ The Old Norse Norðreyjar usually refers to the Northern Isles, as opposed to the Isles (the Hebrides and Mann) which are called Suðreyjar ("Southern Islands").[54]
  5. ^ Another interpretation of "Ívistar gram" is "Lord of North Uist".[58] although this translation of Ívistar to "North Uist" may be too specific. Uist, itself, refers to three main Outer Hebridean islands: North Uist, Benbecula, and South Uist.[59]
  6. ^ Mac Lochlainn had Hebridean connections which would have threatened Magnús's control of the Isles, and had previously raided lands surrounding Uí Briain-controlled Dublin.[68] According to Heimskringla, Magnús' Old Norse epithets berfœttr ("barefoot") and berbeinn ("bare-legged") refer to the clothing that he and his men adopted from the natives during their time spent in the British Isles. Specifically, the saga states that they went bare-legged in the streets, and wore short tunics and overcoats. This source also accords Magnús two other epithets: hávi ("the tall"), and Styrjaldar- ("Age of Unrest", in reference to war).[69]
  7. ^ In the early twentieth century, excavations at Rushen Abbey uncovered a grave that was identified as that of Lagmann. Consequently dubbed "Lagman's Grave", the excavation contained two bronze brooches or buckles that were originally thought to date to the eleventh century, as well as a figurine of Osiris, an Ancient Egyptian god. More recent analysis, however, has revealed that the brooches/buckles and grave likely date to the thirteenth century, and that the figurine's association with the skeleton is dubious.[106]
  8. ^ Sigurðr's Old Norse epithet Jórsalafari ("Jerusalem-farer") refers to this expedition.[109]

Citations[edit]

  1. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  2. ^ Power (2005); Duffy (1999); Fleming; Woolf (1992); Butler (1988); Power (1986).
  3. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Hudson (2005); Macquarrie (2001).
  4. ^ Oram (2011).
  5. ^ Power (1986).
  6. ^ McDonald (2007); Power (2005).
  7. ^ Downham (2004) p. 61; Ó Corráin (1998); Ó Corráin (1998) § 16.
  8. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1167.1; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1167.1; Duffy (1999) p. 354; Ó Corráin (1998); Ó Corráin (1998) § 16.
  9. ^ Duffy (1999) p. 354.
  10. ^ Power (2005) p. 34; Duffy (2004).
  11. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 170–171.
  12. ^ Oram (2011) p. 31; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 232; Hudson (2005) pp. 53–54, 83 fig. 3, 170–171; Duffy (2004).
  13. ^ Woolf (2004) pp. 100–101.
  14. ^ Duffy (2004); Woolf (2004) pp. 100–101.
  15. ^ Davey (2016); Power (1986) p. 115.
  16. ^ Power (1994) p. 216.
  17. ^ Oram (2011) p. 48; Power (1986) p. 116; Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  18. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235.
  19. ^ Power (1986) p. 116.
  20. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235.
  21. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 48–49; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Power (2005) pp. 11–12; Power (1986) p. 115; Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  22. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  23. ^ Oram (2011) p. 48; Duffy (2009) p. 296; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 235–236; Power (2005) pp. 11–12; Bracken (2004); Ó Cuív (1994) p. 116; Duffy (1992) pp. 108–110; Power (1986) p. 115; Anderson (1922) p. 100; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  24. ^ Oram (2011) p. 48; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 235–236.
  25. ^ Oram (2011) p. 48; Flanagan (2008) p. 909; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Bracken (2004).
  26. ^ Oram (2011) p. 48; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235.
  27. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 235–236; Anderson (1922) pp. 100–101; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  28. ^ Oram (2011) p. 48; Duffy (2009) p. 296; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (2005) pp. 11–12; Bracken (2004); Duffy (1992) pp. 108–110; Anderson (1922) pp. 100–101; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  29. ^ a b Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Duffy (1992) p. 109.
  30. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1087.7; Oram (2011) p. 32; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1087.7; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 233, 236; Duffy (1992) pp. 105, 109.
  31. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 105, 105 n. 59; Dobbs (1931) p. 196.
  32. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1096.8; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1096.8; Ó Corráin (2010) p. 225; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (2005) pp. 11–12; Duffy (1992) p. 109; Anderson (1922) p. 99.
  33. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236.
  34. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (2005) pp. 11–12; Power (1986) p. 115; Anderson (1922) p. 101; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  35. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236.
  36. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (1986) pp. 115–116; Anderson (1922) p. 101; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 56–57.
  37. ^ Power (1986) p. 116.
  38. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (1986) pp. 115–116; Anderson (1922) p. 101; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 56–57.
  39. ^ Power (1986) p. 116.
  40. ^ Power (2005) p. 13; Anderson (1922) p. 113; Laing (1844) p. 133.
  41. ^ McDonald (2012).
  42. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (1986) pp. 118–119; Anderson (1922) pp. 101–102; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 56–57.
  43. ^ Power (2005) p. 13; Power (1986) p. 119; Forester (1854) p. 217; Le Prevost (1852) p. 29.
  44. ^ Power (1986) pp. 118–119.
  45. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236.
  46. ^ Power (1986) p. 116; Anderson (1922) p. 102; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 56–59.
  47. ^ Hollander (2009) p. 676; Anderson (1922) pp. 108–109; Laing (1844) p. 131.
  48. ^ Power (2005) pp. 12–13; Anderson (1922) pp. 102–103; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 56–59.
  49. ^ Power (2005) pp. 12–13; Andersson; Gade (2000) pp. 298–300; Jónsson (1932) pp. 316–318; Unger (1867) pp. 143–144.
  50. ^ Power (2005) p. 12; Finlay (2004) pp. 245–246; Anderson (1922) pp. 105–106.
  51. ^ Power (2005) p. 12; Vigfusson (1887) pp. 68–69; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 54–55 (§ 29).
  52. ^ Hollander (2009); Power (2005) p. 12; Hollander (2002); Anderson (1922) pp. 106–109; Laing (1844) pp. 129–131.
  53. ^ McDonald (2012); McDonald (2007) p. 91, 91 n. 21; Power (1986) p. 114 n. 1; Anderson (1922) p. 108, 108 n. 8; Laing (1844) p. 131.
  54. ^ McDonald (2012).
  55. ^ McDonald (2012); McDonald (2007) pp. 91–92; Andersson; Gade (2000) p. 299; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 348; Jónsson (1932) p. 317; Vigfusson; Powell (1883) pp. 241–242; Unger (1867) p. 144.
  56. ^ McDonald (2012); McDonald (2007) pp. 91–92; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 348.
  57. ^ Vigfusson; Powell (1883) pp. 241–242.
  58. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 92 n. 22; Andersson; Gade (2000) p. 299.
  59. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 92 n. 22.
  60. ^ Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 348.
  61. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 92; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 348.
  62. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 92.
  63. ^ Power (2005) p. 12; Vigfusson (1887) pp. 68–69; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 54–55 (§ 29).
  64. ^ Power (2005) p. 12; Andersson; Gade (2000) pp. 298–300; Jónsson (1932) p. 318; Unger (1867) p. 144.
  65. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § M1098.10; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § M1098.10; The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1098.2; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1098.1; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1098.2; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1098.1; Power (2005) p. 13.
  66. ^ Power (2005) p. 13; Andersson; Gade (2000) p. 299; Jónsson (1932) p. 317; Unger (1867) p. 144.
  67. ^ Oram (2011) p. 51; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 239.
  68. ^ a b c Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 239–240.
  69. ^ Peterson (2012) p. 44.
  70. ^ Oram (2011) p. 51; Byrne (2008) pp. 898; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 239–240.
  71. ^ Annals of Inisfallen (2010) § 1111.5; Ó Corráin (2010) p. 225; Duffy (2009) p. 296; Annals of Inisfallen (2008) § 1111.5; Hudson (2005) p. 5; Ó Cuív (1994) p. 116; Duffy (1992) pp. 114–115; Power (1986) p. 116; Anderson (1922) p. 143.
  72. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 109 n. 78.
  73. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 5.
  74. ^ Etchingham (2001) p. 151; Duffy (1992) pp. 114–115.
  75. ^ Annals of Inisfallen (2010) § 1111.8; Annals of Inisfallen (2008) § 1111.8; Etchingham (2001) p. 151; Duffy (1992) pp. 114–115.
  76. ^ Duffy (1992) pp. 114–115.
  77. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 5.
  78. ^ Duffy (1992) pp. 114–115.
  79. ^ Oram (2011) p. 59; Duffy (1992) p. 115.
  80. ^ Oram (2011) p. 59; Hudson (2005) p. 5; Duffy (1992) p. 115; Anderson (1922) p. 134; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  81. ^ Morton (2010) p. 463; Tyerman (2007) pp. 72–74; Asbridge (2005) ch. 1; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 370; Riley-Smith (1999) pp. 1–2.
  82. ^ Asbridge (2005) ch. 2.
  83. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 198; Kostick (2003); Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 54–55.
  84. ^ Kostick (2003).
  85. ^ Riley-Smith (2002) p. 83.
  86. ^ Riley-Smith (2002) p. 83; Runciman (1995) p. 47; Macquarrie (1982) p. 19.
  87. ^ Tyerman (2007) pp. 116, 252; David (1920) pp. 89–90.
  88. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237.
  89. ^ Brown; Cothren (1986); Lavisse (n.d.).
  90. ^ Oram (2011) p. 49 n. 40; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237; Kostick (2003); Runciman (1995) p. 47; Macquarrie (1982) pp. 19, 56–59, 62.
  91. ^ Riley-Smith (1999) pp. 1–2.
  92. ^ Macquarrie (1982) pp. 53, 56–59.
  93. ^ Aird (2011) p. 155.
  94. ^ David (1920) pp. 96–116.
  95. ^ Aird (2011) p. 168, 168 n. 89; David (1920) p. 97; Pertz (1848) p. 475.
  96. ^ Aird (2011) p. 168, 168 n. 89; David (1920) pp. 96–97; Hagenmeyer (1913) pp. 163–168.
  97. ^ Aird (2011) p. 169; David (1920) pp. 97–100, 99 n. 51; Hagenmeyer (1913) pp. 168–176.
  98. ^ Aird (2011) p. 173; Dass (2011) pp. 37–38; David (1920) pp. 101–102; Hagenmeyer (1890) pp. 179–194.
  99. ^ David (1920) pp. 102–104; Hagenmeyer (1913) pp. 189–199.
  100. ^ Dass (2011) pp. 77–78, 84–85; David (1920) pp. 104–108, 230–244; Hagenmeyer (1913) pp. 255–258; Hagenmeyer (1890) pp. 335–341, 368–381.
  101. ^ Dass (2011) pp. 100–101; David (1920) pp. 111–114; Hagenmeyer (1913) pp. 292–301; Hagenmeyer (1890) pp. 448–460.
  102. ^ Aird (2011) p. 187; Dass (2011) pp. 105–106; David (1920) pp. 115–116; Hagenmeyer (1890) pp. 475–502.
  103. ^ Oram (2011) p. 49 n. 40; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237.
  104. ^ Kostick (2003).
  105. ^ Oram (2011) p. 49 n. 40.
  106. ^ Butler (1988) pp. 64, 85, 97–98 (§ 16), 98 (§ 19), 104 n. 52.
  107. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 198–199.
  108. ^ Hollander (2009) pp. 688–697 (§§ 1–11); Driscoll (2008) pp. 70–74; (§§ 52–54); McDougall; McDougall (2006) pp. 52–53; (§ 33), 113–114 nn. 319–322; Jesch (2005) pp. 132–133; Finlay (2004) pp. 253–256 (§§ 86–90), 255 n. 753; Hollander (2002) pp. 688–697 (§§ 1–11); Andersson; Gade (2000) pp. 313–323; (§ 61); Doxey (1996); Jónsson (1932) pp. 338–348; Unger (1867) pp. 156–163.
  109. ^ Jesch (2005) pp. 132–133; Doxey (1996) p. 157.
  110. ^ Doxey (1996).
  111. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 198–199.
  112. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 198.

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