Land reform in Zimbabwe

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Land apportionment in Rhodesia in 1965.

Land reform in Zimbabwe officially began in 1979 with the signing of the Lancaster House Agreement, an effort to more equitably distribute land between the historically disenfranchised blacks and the minority-whites who ruled Zimbabwe from 1890 to 1979. The government's land distribution is perhaps the most crucial and the most bitterly contested political issue surrounding Zimbabwe today.

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[edit] Background

The European farming population first arrived in Southern Rhodesia in the 1890s.[1] In 1918, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London ruled that the land of Southern Rhodesia was owned by the Crown and not by the British South Africa Company.

After self-government was granted in 1923, the Southern Rhodesia House of Assembly created a legal framework for the allocation of land. The Land Apportionment Act of 1930 divided the colony's land into three areas: zones where only whites could own property; zones where only Shona or Ndebele could own property; and zones which were held in trust for indigenous peoples on a collective basis (called "tribal trust lands" per 1965 statute and "communal areas" per 1981 statute);[citation needed]. One effect of the apportionment was that some Shona and Ndbele families were ejected from land they had held for generations. The Land Apportionment Act of 1930 formed the basis for subsequent laws and continued in effect until independence.

The lack of individual title in areas designated as tribal trust lands hindered the development of the land through soil improvement, grading, irrigation, drainage, and roads. Few blacks had access to the capital funds necessary to buy large plots of land designated for sale to them in the Native Purchase areas. Many whites, on the other hand, were able to buy and develop large areas of farmland. In addition, the areas designated to them tended to be in the uplands where the rainfall was higher and soil thinner. These areas were optimal for large scale, mechanised farming. Government policy also favored the more productive European commercial farms through training support, direct grants, loan guarantee schemes, and funding for agricultural research. Rural road building programs also favored European farming areas. To his credit, the government of Garfield Todd in the 1950s made some attempts to address problems of land tenure and development in the tribal trust lands.

Zimbabwean whites, although making up less than 1% of the population, owned more than 70% of the arable land, including most of the best. With no allocation of property rights, communal lands were characterised by slash-and-burn agriculture, resulting in a tragedy of the commons. Since the implementation of the most recent land reforms, only 300 of 4,500 commercial farmers remain on farms. The eviction of the mostly white farmers has been partly blamed by critics and aid agencies for Zimbabwe's worst famine in living memory, which left about two-thirds of the 11.6 million people facing severe food shortage.* [2]

[edit] Lancaster House Agreement

Main article: Lancaster House Agreement

After the Lancaster House Agreement was supposed to pave the way for democracy, in late February 1980, elections were won by Robert Mugabe. The three-month long Lancaster House conference nearly failed over land issues. However, the British agreed to fund reform on a willing buyer, willing seller principle, where farmers who were unwilling to stay in Zimbabwe would be bought out by funds provided by the British through the Zimbabwean government.

Under the agreement, the new Zimbabwean government could not seize European-owned land for the first ten years of independence. Britain provided 44 million pounds to the government for land resettlement projects. [3]

[edit] 1980s

In 1981, the British were instrumental in setting up the Zimbabwe conference on reconstruction and development in which more than £630 million of aid was pledged.

In 1981, the Communal Land Act shifted authority over these lands from traditional rulers to local authorities and changed the designation from Tribal Trust Lands into Communal Areas.

The 1985 Land Acquisition Act, though drawn in the spirit of the 1979 Lancaster House "willing seller, willing buyer" clause (which could not be changed for ten years), gave the government the first right to purchase excess land for redistribution to the landless. However, the Act had a limited impact, largely because the government did not have the money to compensate landowners. In addition, white farmers mounted a vigorous opposition to the Act, and because of the "willing seller, willing buyer" clause, the government was powerless in the face resistance. As a result, between 1980 and 1990, the government acquired 40 percent of the targeted 8 million hectares (19.77 million acres) of land, and 71,000 families out of a target of 162,000 were resettled.[3]

[edit] 1990s

[edit] 1992

The 1992 Land Acquisition Act was enacted to speed up the land reform process by removing the "willing seller, willing buyer" clause, limiting the size of farms and introducing a land tax (although the tax was never implemented.)[3] The Act empowered the government to buy land compulsorily for redistribution, and a fair compensation was to be paid for land acquired. Landowners could challenge in court the price set by the acquiring authority. Opposition by landowners increased throughout the period of 1992 to 1997.

While some land was purchased by the fund, few families were resettled. Instead, hundreds of abandoned and expropriated white-owned or leased farms ended up in the hands of cabinet ministers, senior government officials and wealthy indigenous businessmen. Most British and Americans cut their losses and money, alleging widespread corruption. To date, fewer than 70,000 of the people of Zimbabwe have been resettled, most without having the necessary infrastructure to work the huge commercial farms on the 12 hectare plots that have been allocated to them.

At that time, British contribution in terms of aid to Zimbabwe stood at a half billion pounds since independence. Of this total, £47 million was targeted for land reform, and approximately £100 million was budgetary support which could have been used for land reform.

In the 1990s, less than 1 million hectares (2.47 million acres) were acquired, and fewer than 20,000 families were resettled. Much of the land acquired during what has become known as "phase one" of land reform was of poor quality, according to Human Rights Watch. Only 19 percent of the almost 3.5 million hectares (8.65 million acres) of resettled land was considered prime, or farmable.

Britain's initial 44 million pound resettlement grant, which Mugabe's government spent by 1988, formally expired in 1996.[3]

[edit] 1997

As part of the implementation of the 1992 Land Acquisition Act, the government published a list of 1,471 farmlands it intended to buy compulsorily for redistribution. The list was compiled via a nationwide land identification exercise undertaken throughout the year. Landowners were given thirty days (as the act demanded) to submit written objections.

On 5 November 1997, Britain's then secretary of state for international development, Clare Short, described the new Labour government's approach to Zimbabwean land reform. She said that the UK did not accept that Britain had a special responsibility to meet the costs of land purchase in Zimbabwe. Notwithstanding the Lancaster House commitments, Short stated that her government was only prepared to support a programme of land reform that was part of a poverty eradication strategy. She had other questions regarding the way in which land would be acquired and compensation paid, and the transparency of the process. Her government's position was spelt out in a letter to Zimbabwe's Agriculture Minister, Kumbirai Kangai[4]:

I should make it clear that we do not accept that Britain has a special responsibility to meet the costs of land purchase in Zimbabwe. We are a new government from diverse backgrounds without links to former colonial interests. My own origins are Irish and, as you know, we were colonised, not colonisers.
We do, however, recognise the very real issues you face over land reform. We believe that land reform could be an important component of a Zimbabwean programme designed to eliminate poverty. We would be prepared to support a programme of land reform that was part of a poverty eradication strategy but not on any other basis.

The letter concluded by stating that a programme of rapid land acquisition would be impossible to support, citing concern about the damage which this might do to Zimbabwe's agricultural output and its prospects of attracting investment. [4][5]

Kenneth Kaunda, former president of Zambia, responded dismissively by saying "when Tony Blair took over in 1997, I understand that some young lady in charge of colonial issues within that government simply dropped doing anything about it."[6]

[edit] 1998

In June 1998, the Zimbabwe government published its "policy framework" on the Land Reform and Resettlement Programme Phase II (LRRP II), which envisaged the compulsory purchase over five years of 50,000 square kilometers from the 112,000 square kilometers owned by commercial farmers (both black and white), public corporations, churches, non-governmental organizations and multinational companies. Broken down, the 50,000 square kilometers meant that every year between 1998 and 2003, the government intended to purchase 10,000 square kilometers for redistribution.

In September 1998, the government called a donors conference in Harare on LRRP II to inform the donor community and involve them in the program: Forty-eight countries and international organizations attended and unanimously endorsed the land program, saying it was essential for poverty reduction, political stability and economic growth. They agreed that the inception phase, covering the first 24 months, should start immediately, particularly appreciating the political imperative and urgency of the proposal.

[edit] 1999

The Commercial Farmers Union freely offered to sell the government 15,000 sq. kilometers for redistribution, but landowners once again dragged their feet. In response to moves by the National Constitutional Assembly, a group of academics, trade unionists and other political activists, the government drafted a new constitution. The draft was discussed widely by the public in formal meetings and amended to include restrictions on presidential powers, limits to the presidential term of office, and an age limit of 70 for presidential candidates. This was not seen as a suitable outcome for the government, so the proposals were amended to replace those clauses with one to compulsorily acquire land for redistribution without compensation. The opposition mostly boycotted the drafting stage of the constitution claiming that this new version was to entrench Mugabe politically.

[edit] 2000s

[edit] 2000

The government organised a referendum on the new constitution, despite having a sufficiently large majority in parliament to pass any amendment it wished. Had it been approved, the new constitution would have empowered the government to acquire land compulsorily without compensation. Despite vast support in the media, the new constitution was defeated, 55% to 45%. There was wild jubilation by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)'s local and foreign supporters, prompting end-of-Mugabe headlines in the British and Zimbabwean media.

A few days later, the pro-Mugabe War Veterans Association organised like-minded people (not necessarily other war veterans, as many of them were too young to have fought in the Liberation War) to march on white-owned farmlands, initially with drums, song and dance. As the march continued, seizing began. When the violence ended, a total of 110,000 square kilometers of land had been seized.

The referendum result had prompted the government to delay the parliamentary elections, so that an intensive voter registration exercise could take place. In the June parliamentary elections, Zimbabwe African National Union's Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) received 51.7% of the vote (62 seats), the MDC got 47.5% (57 seats) and ZANU-Ndonga got 0.8% (1 seat). The composition of the new parliament prevented the government from making further amendments to the constitution support from the opposition.

[edit] 2002

Mugabe defeated Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC in presidential elections in March 2002. The incumbents had picked land reform as the basis of their campaign.

[edit] 2004

On June 10, 2004, a spokesperson for the British embassy Sophie Honey said: [7]

The UK has not reneged on commitments (made) at Lancaster House. At Lancaster House the British Government made clear that the long-term requirements of land reform in Zimbabwe were beyond the capacity of any individual donor country.
Since [Zimbabwe's] independence we have provided 44 million pounds for land reform in Zimbabwe and 500 million pounds in bilateral development assistance.
The UK remains a strong advocate for effective, well managed and pro-poor land reform. Fast-track land reform has not been implemented in line with these principles and we cannot support it.

The Minister for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement John Nkomo had declared five days earlier, that all land, from crop fields to wildlife conservancies, would soon become state property. Farmland deeds would be replaced with 99-year leases, while leases for wildlife conservancies would be limited to 25 years. There have since been denials of this policy, however.

[edit] 2005

Parliament, dominated by Zanu-PF, passed a constitutional amendment, signed into law on September 12, 2005, that nationalised farmland acquired through the "Fast Track" process and deprived original landowners of the right to challenge in court the government's decision to expropriate their land.[8]

[edit] 2006

In January 2006, Agriculture Minister Joseph Made said Zimbabwe was considering legislation that would compel commercial banks to finance black peasants who had been allocated formerly white-owned farmland in the land reforms. Made warned that banks failing to lend a substantial portion of their income to these farmers would have their licenses withdrawn.

The newly resettled peasants had largely failed to secure loans from commercial banks because they did not have title over the land on which they were resettled, and thus could not use it as collateral. With no security of tenure on the farms, banks have been reluctant to extend loans to the new farmers, many of whom do not have much experience in commercial farming, nor assets to provide alternative collateral for any borrowed money. [9]

[edit] 2008

The rival MDC and ZANU parties meet to draft yet another constitution. The resulting version is called the Kabira draft. On March 29, 2008, the presidential election was held with Mugabe representing the ZANU-PF, Tsvangirai the MDC, and Simbi Makoni running as an independent.

See also 2008 Zimbabwe presidential election.

[edit] 2009

On July 12, 2009, an all-stakeholders' conference in Harare was disrupted by ZANU PF thugs. MDC councillor for a Bindura Rural ward and Mashonaland Central province organizing secretary Gilson Chitakunye sustained serious head injuries and had to be treated at a private clinic. The meeting had started 3 hours late waiting for the principals of the Global Political Agreement such as Mugabe and Tsvangirai to turn up, none of whom did. Allegedly, the thugs were led by 3 ZANU PF ministers of Parliament, including Robert Mugabe's nephew, Patrick Zhuwawo, a former MP, and leader of war veterans Joseph Chinotimba. [10].

[edit] Economic consequences

Main article: Economy of Zimbabwe

The results of the post-2000 land reform have been disastrous for the economy of Zimbabwe. Prior to land redistribution, land-owning farmers, mostly white, had large tracts of land and utilized economies of scale to raise capital, borrow money when necessary, and purchase modern mechanised farm equipment to increase productivity on their land. As the primary beneficiaries of the land reform were members of the Government and their families, despite the fact that most had no experience in running a farm, the drop in total farm output has been tremendous and produced widespread claims by aid agencies of starvation and famine. However, Mugabe's expulsion of the international media has prevented full analysis of the scale of the famine and the resultant deaths. What is not in dispute is that a country once so rich in agricultural produce that it was dubbed the "bread basket" of Southern Africa, is now struggling to feed its own population. A staggering 45 percent of the population is considered malnourished. Foreign tourism has also plummeted, resulting in tens of millions of dollars a year in lost revenue.[11]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ Timeline: Zimbabwe
  2. ^ Zim: More white farms listed
  3. ^ a b c d Zimbabwe's Land Program PBS Backgrounder, by Annie Schleicher, Online NewsHour, posted on April 14, 2004
  4. ^ a b Letter to Kumbirai Kangai Clare Short, 5 November 1997
  5. ^ Why Mugabe is deaf to the West By Peter Greste, BBC News, Johannesburg. 15 April 2008
  6. ^ Viewpoint: Kaunda on Mugabe BBC
  7. ^ UK clarifies land reform stance Financial Gazette Nelson Banya 6/10/2004
  8. ^ Zimbabwe's President Signs Controversial Constitutional Amendments into Law
  9. ^ Harare may force banks to fund black farmers
  10. ^ http://www.swradioafrica.com/news130709/drama130709.htm
  11. ^ Zimbabwe, 'Outpost of Tyranny,' Seeks Tourists

[edit] Further reading

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Robert Mugabe
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