Ledo Kaili language

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Ledo Kaili
Native to Indonesia
Region Sulawesi
Native speakers
350,000  (2000 census)[1]
Language codes
ISO 639-3 lew
Glottolog ledo1238[2]
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters.

Ledo Kaili is the largest member of the Kaili languages, which are a dialect chain within the Kaili–Pamona language family. These languages are spoken in Central Sulawesi (Indonesia). Kaili with all of its dialects is one of the largest languages in Sulawesi. One third of the population of Sulawesi Tengah province were (1979) native speakers of a Kaili language. The object language of this article is the main dialect Ledo, which is spoken in the Donggala and Sigi districts (Kabupaten) in and around the provincial capital Palu.

Phonology[edit]

Consonants[edit]

  bilabial labio-
dental
alveolar post-
alveolar
palatal velar glottal
voiceless voiced voiceless voiced voiceless voiced voiceless voiced voiceless voiced voiceless voiced voiceless voiced
Plosives p b     t d         k g ʔ  
Nasals   m       n       ɲ   ŋ    
Vibrants           r                
Fricatives       β s               h  
Affricates                        
Approximants   w               j        
lateral Approximant           l                

Vowels[edit]

  front central back
rounded unrounded r. unr. r. unr.
closed i         u
half-closed e         o
mid        
open a          

Intonation[edit]

Kaili has word-level stress on the penultimate syllable, secondary stress alternates from there on. I have no information on sentence- and phrase-level intonation.

Phonotactics[edit]

Unaffixed words have to four (in most cases two) syllables with CV structure

each C = simple C or Nasal + C 
each V = simple V from series 1 resp. 2 or V from 1a/b + V from 1.

Writing and orthography[edit]

Kaili has a Latin alphabet without f, q and x (which only occur in loan words) and without diacritics. The orthography follows the reformed (1975) rules for Bahasa Indonesia:

/tʃ/ : c, /dʒ/ : j, /ɲ/ : ny, /ŋ/ : ng, /j/ : y
/ʔ/ can be written  if necessary (e.g. between identical vowels)

In some grammars and papers long vowels are represented by doubling them (e.g. /aː/ : aa), this seems not to be a standard, however. Kaili did not have a writing system and a written tradition before the introduction of the Latin script.

Morphology[edit]

Kaili is a typical Malayo-Polynesian language with a morphology that has isolating as well as a few agglutinative features. There are lots of affixes for derivation and verbal inflection. Nouns and adjectives do not have any inflection. There is no overt marking (and no category) of gender, number, and case. (Natural) gender and number (plurality) can be expressed by lexical means if necessary, semanto-syntactic roles are indicated by syntax and verbal inflection, but not morphologically on nouns/NPs.

Comparation and gradation of adjectives are partly morphologic, partly lexical. See section 4 for verbal morphology. Some vowels or nasals might undergo or set off (progressive and regressive) morphophonological processes (nasalization, labialization, and palatalization) at morpheme boundaries. Unaffixed words out of context tend to be neutral with respect to word class and grammatical categories.

Verbal categories[edit]

The inflection of Kaili verbs (some authors prefer: predicatives) is dominated by the two categories of mood and voice, which are conjoined by fused affixes. Apart from voice in the stricter sense there are many other valency-related functions, e.g. causative and factitive. Only direct objects and undergoers of passive sentences are marked by cliticized personal markers.

Mood[edit]

ESSER (1934) described this category as two distinct tenses comparable to nonfuture/future, even though temporal relations are mostly expressed by lexical rather than morphological means. It should therefore rather be regarded as a distinction between realis for (factual) actions in the present or past from irrealis which is used for future actions/events on the one hand and putative, imaginary, fictional (VAN DEN BERG: “contrafactual”) actions on the other hand.

The allomorphs {na-}~{ne-}~{no-} stand for realis, the allomorphs {ma-}~{me-}~{mo-} for irrealis; the form of the allomorphs is constituting a kind of inflectional classes and is (synchronically at least) not conditioned by phonology. There are few exceptions where a stem can take two or all three of the allomorphs, yielding verbs with different meanings: e.g. kande ‘eat’

na-ngande / ma-ngande ‘eat’ (transitive)
ne-kande / me-kande ‘cut or bite into’ (intransitive)
no-kande-si / mo-kande-si ‘eat up sth. from so.’

Diatheses[edit]

Kaili has two different verbal diatheses which can be described either as focus (agent focus vs. object focus) or voice (active vs. passive), the latter being more suitable if one follows HIMMELMANN’s (2002) definitions of focus and voice.

active realis
Yaku       na-ngande       loka    riavi.  
1SG     REA-eat banana  yesterday       
‘I ate [the] banana(s) yesterday.’              
active irrealis
Ia ma-ngande       loka    haitu.
3 SG    IRR-eat banana  DEM
‘He will/would [probably] eat the banana(s).’
passive realis
Ni-kande=ku        loka    riavi.  (1d)    
PASS.REA-eat=1SG        banana  yesterday       
‘[The] Banana(s) was/were eaten by me yesterday.’       
passive irrealis
Ra-kande=na        loka    haitu.
PASS.IRR-eat=3SG        banana  DEM
‘[The] Banana[s] will be/may have been eaten by him.’

Other valency-related mechanisms[edit]

Valency can be increased or realigned/shifted by transitivizations, factitives or causatives. Here, let's demonstrate a few of these mechanisms which might be interesting from a typological perspective.

Transitivization[edit]

Intransitive verbs can be transitivized by {po-}, making the S of the intransitive verbs not the A but the O of the transitive verbs (hidden causative):

Mano    na-tuvu.    
chicken REA-live                
‘[The] chicken live.’           

I    Esa     nom-pa-tuvu     mano.
PM      Esa     REA-TR-live     chicken
‘Esa breeds chicken.’

Causative[edit]

If {po-} is added once more, the transitivized verb can be augmented by a causative. Historically, {popo-} is thus bimorphemic, there are, however, verbs that synchronically do not have a form with only one {po-} attached to them.

No-berei-mo     i       Dula.
REA-spouse-COMPL        PM      Dula
‘Dula is already married’

I    Dula    no-berei        nte     i       Ani.
PN      Dula    REA-spouse      with    PM      ANI
‘Dula  married  {with] Ani.’

Ia   nom-po-berei    i       Ani.
3SG     REA-TR-spouse   PM      Ani
‘He married Ani.’

Totua-na     ni-po-po-berei  ia.
parent-3SG      PASS.REA-CAUS-TR-spouse 3SG
‘His parents married him off.’
I       Ni      no-tulisi       sura.
PN      Ni      REA-write       letter
‘Ni writes [a] letter[s].’

Yaku nom-popo-tulisi i       Ni      sura.
1SG     REA-CAUS-write  PN      Ni      letter
‘I have Ni write [a] letter[s].’

I    Ni      ni-popo-tulisi=ku       sura.
PN      Ni      PASS.REA-CAUS-write=1SG letter
‘Ni is being caused to write [a] letter[s] by me.’

Sura ni-popo-tulisi=ku       i       Ni.
letter  PASS.REA-write=1SG      PN      Ni
‘This letter I had written by Ni.’

There is another causative construction (EVANS: requestive) using {peki-}/{meki-}/{neki-}, which adds a semantic role (causer), while syntactically reducing valency, since the causee can only be expressed in a PP (and is mostly omitted).

I       Tira    no-dau  baju.
PM      Tira    REA-sew dress                           
‘Tira sews [a] dress[es].’                                      

Yaku meki-dau        baju.                       
1SG     REQ.IRR-sew     dress                           
‘I want to have a dress sewn.’                                  

Yaku mom-peki-dau    baju    nte     Tira.
1SG     IRR-REQ-sew     dress   with    Tira
‘I want to have a dress sewn by Tira.’
Ia      nom-paka-belo   dua=ra
3SG     REA-CAUS-well   sickness=3PL
‘He cures their disease(s).’

Ira  nom-peki-paka-belo      dua=ra
3PL     REA-REQ-CAUS-well       sickness=3PL
‘They asked him to cure their disease(s).’

Syntax[edit]

Kaili is a strict head-initial type language. Heads precede dependents in compounds, phrases, and sentences. Basic sentence order is SVO or VOS (that is: VO generally) with NGen, NAdj, NRel, PrepN, NegV, etc. There is no obligatory copula, the use of the facultative copula is marked for emphasis. In passives, the agent pronoun can be cliticized to the verb, the subject of the passive can stand on either side of the verb.

sakaya  mbaso
boat    big                                                                     
N               Adj                                                                             
‘a/the big boat’, also: ‘the boat is big’                                                       
banua   geira
house   3PL
N       Gen
‘their house’
Yaku       noriapu uta.                                            
1SG     REA:cook        vegetables                                                              
S       V               O                                                                       
‘I’m cooking vegetables.’                                                               
Kaluku     hai     nalanga
coconut_tree    DEM     REA:be_high
N       Dem
‘This coconut tree is tall.’
Tuamaku    hau     ri      talua.                                  
father:1SG      [REA]go in      garden                                                  
S               V               Prep    N                                       
‘My father goes into the garden.’                                                               

Hau     ri      talua   tuamaku
[REA]go in      garden  father:1SG              
V       Prep    N       S
‘My father goes into the garden.’
I  mangge  nangali bengga.                                 
PM      uncle   buy     buffalo                                                 
S       V       O                                       
‘(The) uncle buys (water) buffalo.’                                                             

Ningali bengga.    
PASS.REA:buy    buffalo
V               S       
‘Buffalo are sold / for sale.’

Bengga  ningali                                                 
buffalo PASS.REA:buy                                                    
S               V                                                               
‘Buffalo for sale / are sold.’                                          
Tona       hai     ledo    nangande        kandea.
human   DEM     NEG     REA:eat rice    
N       Dem     Neg     V
‘This person doesn’t eat rice.’
Langgai    haitu   no-boba i        Tira.                          
man     DEM     REA-beat        PM       Tira                                   
N       Dem                                                                             
‘That man beat[s] Tira.’                                                

Yaku    nang-gita       langgai no-boba  i      Tira.
1SG     REA-see         man     REA-beat PM     Tira
                       N                Rel     
‘I see the man who beat[s] Tira.’

Sample text[edit]

“Panguli nu tesa ntotua nggaulu, naria vei saito madika nipokonona mpu noasu. Ane madotamo rarana haumo ia noasu ante tadulakona. 
Bara santipa sanggani, bara eo-eo. Ane nambela tonji belo norasi, ane nambela tonji daa vai, mau valeana ledo naria nikava.” (SARO, p. 39)
Pa-nguli   nu      tesa       n-totua      nggaulu,        
PASS;NMLZ-say   SRC     (hi)story  SRC-parent   former_times    

na-ria  vei     saito   madika  ni-pokono=na      mpu   no-asu.
REA-be  AFF     one     king    PASS.REA-like=3SG very  REA-hunt

Ane     ma-dota-mo      rara-na         hau-mo          ia      no-asu   ante   tadulako=na.
When    IRR-will-COMPL  heart-POSS.3SG  go-COMPL        3SG     REA-hunt with   Leader=POSS;3SG

Bara       sa-ntipa     sa-nggani,      bara      eo~eo.
sometimes  one-week     once (one-time) sometimes day~all

Ane     nambela tonji   belo    norasi, 
When    get     bird    good    success/harvest/result

ane     nambela tonji   daa     vai,    mau     valeana ledo    naria   ni-kava.
when    get     bird    bad     again   even    track   NEG     be      PASS.REA-find


“According to a story from my parents, there was once a king who really liked to go hunting. Whenever he wanted to [lit.: it was the will of his heart], 
he went hunting with his leaders – Sometimes once a week, sometimes every day. When he was lucky [lit good bird], he was successful; when he was unlucky [lit. bad bird], not a single  track was to be found.”

Sociolinguistics[edit]

Dialects and numbers of speakers[edit]

There are 13 doculects in the Kaili languages' dialect continuum: Rao, Tajio (or Ajio), Kori, Doi, Unde (or Ndepu, Undepu), Ledo (or Palu), Da’a, Inde, Ija, Edo, Ado, Ava, Tara. Not all dialects are mutually intelligible. Generally they share between 60% and 90% of their vocabulary. (Other sources state 7 dialects which are then sharing 80-95%). Most dialect names simply are the negation words of the respective dialects (cf. ledo above).

Ledo is the main variety, having the highes prestige. It is spoken in and around the provincial capital Palu; furthermore, Ledo serves as a lingua franca in broader parts of central Sulawesi and in few scattered places around Tomini Bay.

Speakers (total): 334.000 (1978) / 290.000 (1983) / 228.500 (1996)

Media and culture[edit]

National newspapers and broadcasting stations almost exclusively use Bahasa Indonesia (BI), the national language. Some private local radio stations in Palu have a program in Ledo. Regional publishers incidentally have books in Kaili available, mostly folk tales and traditional style literature but no translations from other languages into Kaili. Local newspapers and non-oral literature are mostly in Ledo, the oral tradition is still strong and common to the generation older than 20. Some modern bands use Kaili for their lyrics. Bands participating in the annual Palu Rock festival are obliged to perform at least one song in Kaili.

Linguistic imbalance[edit]

Cities vs. rural areas[edit]

In the larger cities, the transmigrasi-policy of SOEHARTO had its effects, and there are many native speakers of regional languages from outside Sulawesi that have been moved there during the 1960es, 70es, and 80es. Communication with their migrants is almost always in BI. Thus, many bi- or trilingual families came into being since then. In these families, usually BI is the main vehicle of communication. In the more remote parts of the region, Kaili is still the main or only language for the generations born before the 1930es.

Generation gap[edit]

Older people (childhood before 1940es) in most cases grew up monolingual in Kaili. Those born and raised after Indonesia gained independence (1945), generally grew up bilingual (Kaili and BI), using Kaili at home and BI at school/work. The youngest generations (language acquisition since the 1970es) mostly had BI as their first language at home as well and learned Kaili – if at all – only sporadically and tend to be semi-speakers or to have only passive knowledge.

Domains[edit]

School, work life and contact with authorities requires the use of BI. Pupils use BI among each other's even if all of them know Kaili. In semi-formal and familiar contexts (e.g. grocery shopping, family visits) Kaili is used if all people present know the language.

Prestige[edit]

In highly formal traditional contexts, a fair command of Kaili (especially a “good Ledo”) is regarded important. Usually good knowledge of BI is considered much more advantageous, since it is more relevant for school and career. Yet, Kaili is still an important cultural asset, but one that is worthless outside the region.

Endangerment[edit]

Having a six-figure number of speakers, Kaili does at first glance not appear to be heavily endangered. Yet, the trend of the last 60, especially the last 20 years shows that Kaili will not be able to withstand the pressure of BI in the long run. Kaili itself, on the other hand, has been an important lingua franca in the area for centuries and thus exerted pressure on smaller local idioms itself. Its importance as lingua franca is diminishing; BI takes over its place. I am not aware of recent publications about the situation of Kaili, but cf. HIMMELMANN (forthc.) for the adjacent Tolitoli–Tomini family.

Bibliography[edit]

  • ALWI, HASAN et al. (eds.): Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia. (3rd ed.). Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa (Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan) / Balai Pustaka: 2000.
  • ESSER, S.J.: Handleiding voor de beoefening der Ledo-taal. Inleiding, Teksten met vertaling en aanteekeningen en woordenlijst. Bandung: A.C. Nix, 1934. (= Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen; Deel LXXII; eerste stuk).
  • EVANS, DONNA: Causation in Kaili. In: STEINHAUER (ed.), p. 173-189.
  • FRIBERG, BARBARA (ed.): Sulawesi Language Texts. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1990. (= Language Data; Asia-Pacific Series; 15).
  • HIMMELMANN, NIKOLAUS P. (1996): Person marking and grammatical relations in Sulawesi. In: STEINHAUER (ed.), p. 115-136.
  • HIMMELMANN, NIKOLAUS P. (2002): Voice in Western Austronesian: An Update. In: WOUK, FAY / ROSS, MALCOLM (eds.): The history and typology of western Austronesian voice systems. Canberra: Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, 2002. (= Pacific Linguistics; 518). p. 7-15.
  • HIMMELMANN, NIKOLAUS P. (forthc.): Language endangerment scenarios in northern Central Sulawesi. In: COLLINS, JAMES T. / STEINHAUER, HEIN (eds.): Endangered Languages and Literatures in South-East Asia. Leiden: KITLV Press. [Prereleased PDF: http://www.linguistics.ruhr-uni-bochum.de/~himmelmann/LG_ENDANGERment_centralsulawesi.pdf ].
  • KASENG, SYAHRUDDIN et al.: Bahasa-Bahasa di Sulawesi Tenggah. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa / Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan, 1979. (= Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa; Seri Bb 13).
  • MCGLYNN, JOHN H. et al. (eds.): Indonesian Heritage: Language and Literature. Reprint. Singapore: Archipelago Press, 1999. (= Indonesian Heritage Series; 10).
  • SARO, AHMAD et al.: Struktur Sastra Lisan Kaili. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan, 1991.
  • SNEDDON, J[AMES] N[EIL]: Northern Sulawesi. In: Wurm (ed.), Map 43.
  • SOFYAN, ANGHUONG ALIAS et al.: Morfologi dan Sintaksis Bahasa Kaili. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa / Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan, 1979. (= Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa; Seri Bb 21).
  • STEINHAUER, HEIN (ed.): Papers in Austronesian Linguistics No. 3. Canberra: Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 1996. (= Pacific Linguistics; A; 84).
  • VAN DEN BERG, RENÉ: The demise of focus and the spread of conjugated verbs in Sulawesi. In: STEINHAUER (ed.), p. 89-114.
  • WURM, STEPHEN A. (ed.): Language atlas of the Pacific area. Part 2. Japan area, Taiwan (Formosa), Philippines, Mainland and insular South-East Asia. Canberra: Australian Academy of the Humanities, 1983. Maps 25-47 (= Pacific linguistics; C; 67)
Internet

Additional source: Interviews with three (bilingual) speakers of Ledo; in Jakarta (March/April 2001) and via icq chat (April through August 2001).

Abbreviations[edit]

In general, I used the abbreviations and conventions suggested by the Leipzig Rules for Interlinear Morpheme-by-Morpheme Glosses. ( http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/files/morpheme.html ). In addition to that, the following abbreviations were used:

AFF        affirmative
PM      person marker; special DEM before person names
REA     realis
REQ     requestive
SRC     source
VBLZR   verbalizer

References[edit]

  1. ^ Ledo Kaili at Ethnologue (17th ed., 2013)
  2. ^ Nordhoff, Sebastian; Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2013). "Ledo Kaili". Glottolog 2.2. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.