Many Chileans and Argentines have some Mapuche ancestry
|Regions with significant populations|
|Christianity (Catholicism and Evangelicalism) adapted to traditional beliefs|
|Related ethnic groups|
|Picunche, Huilliche, Chileans, Benei Sión|
The Mapuche are a group of indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of present-day Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who shared a common social, religious and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers. Their influence once extended from the Aconcagua River to the Chiloé Archipelago and spread later eastward to the Argentine pampa. Today the collective group makes up 80% of the indigenous peoples in Chile, and about 9% of the total Chilean population They are particularly concentrated in Araucanía. Many have migrated to the Santiago area for economic opportunities.
The term Mapuche is used both to refer collectively to the Picunche (people of the north), Huilliche (people of the South) and Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía, or at other times, exclusively to the Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía. The Mapuche traditional economy is based on agriculture; their traditional social organisation consists of extended families, under the direction of a lonko or chief. In times of war, they would unite in larger groupings and elect a toki (meaning "axe, axe-bearer") to lead them. They are known for the textiles woven by women, which have been goods for trade for centuries, since before European encounter.
The Araucanian Mapuche inhabited at the time of Spanish arrival the valleys between the Itata and Toltén rivers. South of it, the Huilliche and the Cunco lived as far south as the Chiloé Archipelago. In the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, Mapuche groups migrated eastward into the Andes and pampas, fusing and establishing relationships with the Poya and Pehuenche. At about the same time, ethnic groups of the pampa regions, the Puelche, Ranquel and northern Aonikenk, made contact with Mapuche groups. The Tehuelche adopted the Mapuche language and some of their culture, in what came to be called Araucanization.
Historically the Spanish colonizers of South America referred to the Mapuche people as Araucanians (araucanos). However, this term is now mostly considered pejorative by some people. The name was likely derived from the placename rag ko (Spanish Arauco), meaning "clayey water". The Quechua word awqa, meaning "rebel, enemy", is probably not the root of araucano.
Some Mapuche mingled with Spanish during colonial times, and their descendants make up the large group of mestizos in Chile. But, Mapuche society in Araucanía and Patagonia remained independent until the Chilean Occupation of Araucanía and the Argentine Conquest of the Desert in the late 19th century. Since then Mapuches have become subjects, and then nationals and citizens of the respective states. Today, many Mapuche and Mapuche communities are engaged in the so-called Mapuche conflict over land and indigenous rights in both Argentina and in Chile.
- 1 History
- 2 Culture
- 3 Mapuche, Chileans and the Chilean state
- 4 See also
- 5 Notes
- 6 References
- 7 Further reading
- 8 External links
The origin of the Mapuche is not clear, and there is no consensus on the linguistic affiliation of their language. Croese (1989, 1991) has advanced the hypothesis that Mapudungun is related to Arawak. A hypothesis put forward by Ricardo E. Latcham, and later expanded by Francisco Antonio Encina, theorizes the Mapuche migrated to present-day Chile from the Pampas east of the Andes. The hypothesis further claims that previous to the Mapuche, there was a "Chincha-Diaguita" culture, which was geographically cut in half by the Mapuche penetrating from mountain passes around the head of the Cautín River. The Latcham hypothesis is rejected by modern scholars due to the lack of conclusive evidence, and the possibility of alternative hypotheses. Archaeological finds have shown the existence of a Mapuche culture in Chile as early as 600 to 500 BC.
Possible Polynesian contact
In 2007, evidence appeared to have been found that suggested pre-Columbian contact between Polynesians from the western Pacific and the Mapuche people. Chicken bones found at the site El Arenal in the Arauco Peninsula, an area inhabited by Mapuche, support a pre-Columbian introduction of chicken to South America. The bones found in Chile were radiocarbon-dated to between 1304 and 1424, before the arrival of the Spanish. Chicken DNA sequences taken were matched to those of chickens in present-day American Samoa and Tonga; they did not match the DNA of European chickens. But, a later report in the same journal, assessing the same mtDNA, concluded that the Chilean chicken specimen clusters with the European/Indian subcontinental/Southeast Asian sequences. Thus it does not support a Polynesian introduction of chickens to South America.
In December 2007, several human skulls with Polynesian features, such as a pentagonal shape when viewed from behind, were found lying on a shelf in a museum in Concepción. These skulls turned out to have come from people of Mocha Island, an island just off the coast of Chile in the Pacific Ocean, today inhabited by Mapuche. Professor Lisa Matisoo-Smith of the University of Otago and José Miguel Ramírez Aliaga of the University of Valparaíso hope to win agreement soon with the locals of Mocha Island to begin an excavation to search for Polynesian remains on the island.
Conflict with the Inca Empire
The Mapuche successfully resisted many attempts by the Inca Empire to subjugate them, despite their lack of state organization. They fought against the Sapa Inca, led by Tupac Yupanqui and his army. The result of the bloody three-day confrontation, known as the Battle of the Maule, was that the Inca conquest of the territories of Chile ended at the Maule river. They fell back to the north behind the Rapel and Cachapoal rivers, where they established a fortified border guarded by fortresses such as the Pucará de La Compañía and the Pucará del Cerro La Muralla.
War of Arauco
Although the Spanish subjugated the Picunche in the Conquest of Chile, the Moluche (of the area which the Spanish called Araucanía) fought against the invaders for over 300 years. The Mapuche repelled the Spanish after their initial conquests in the late 16th century so effectively that there were areas to which Europeans did not return until late in the 19th century. One of the main geographical boundaries was the Bío-Bío River, which the Mapuche used as a natural barrier to Spanish and Chilean incursion. The 300 years were not uniformly a period of hostility, and there was often substantial trade and interchange between Mapuche and Spaniards or Chileans. The long Mapuche resistance has become primarily known as the War of Arauco. Its early phase was immortalized in Alonso de Ercilla's epic poem La Araucana.
From the mid-17th century, the Mapuche and the governors of Chile made a series of treaties in order to end the hostilities. By the late eighteenth century, many Mapuche lonkos (chiefs) had accepted the de jure sovereignty of the Spanish king, while operating with de facto independence.
When Chile revolted from the Spanish Crown during the Chilean War of Independence, some Mapuche chiefs sided with the royalists of Vicente Benavides in the Guerra a muerte (war to death). The Spanish depended on the Mapuche, as they had lost control of all cities and ports north of Valdivia. The Mapuche valued the treaties made with the Spanish authorities and believed they helped control colonial encroachment; however, many regarded the war with indifference and took advantage of both sides. After Chile's independence from Spain, the Mapuche coexisted and traded with their neighbors, who prudently remained north of the Bío-Bío River, although clashes frequently occurred.
Occupation of the Araucanía
Chilean population pressures increased on the Mapuche borders while the Mapuche population and economy had stagnated. The Chilean state expanded after its founding to both the north and south of the Mapuche heartlands. Based on the uti possidetis juris principle, the Chilean state claimed sovereignty over the Mapuche lands in Araucanía. Chile's first effective moves into the core lands of the Araucanía Mapuche begun in the 1860s. As a result of its preparation for and victory in the War of the Pacific against Bolivia and Peru, Chile had a large standing army and relatively modern arsenal. Finally, in the early to mid-1880s, partially on the pretext of crushing a French adventurer, Orelie-Antoine de Tounens, who had declared himself King of Araucania, Chile overwhelmed the Mapuche in the course of the so-called "pacification of the Araucanía".
Using a combination of force and diplomacy, Chile's government obliged some Mapuche leaders to sign a treaty agreeing to the absorption of the Araucanian territories into Chile. The disruption of war caused widespread disease and starvation to many villages. The American historian Ward Churchill has claimed that the Mapuche population dropped from a total of half a million to 25,000 within a generation. Noted historians of the period have argued, however, that the latter figure is exaggeratedly low. In the post-conquest period, Chile placed a significant percentage of the Mapuche in internment camps. Its forces destroyed the Mapuche herding, agricultural and trading economies, while also looting Mapuche property (real and personal - including a large amount of silver jewelry to replenish the Chilean national coffers).
The government created a system of reserves called reducciones that were similar to North American Indian reservation systems, and relocated the Mapuche to these areas. Subsequent generations of Mapuche have lived in extreme poverty as a result of having been conquered and lost their traditional lands.
Many ethnic Mapuche now live across southern Chile and Argentina; some maintain their traditions and continue living from agriculture, but a majority have migrated to cities in search of better economic opportunities. Many are concentrated around Santiago. Chile's Araucanía Region, the former Araucanía, has a rural population that is 80% Mapuche; substantial Mapuche populations occupy areas of the regions of Los Lagos, Bío-Bío, and Maule.
In the 2002 Chilean census 604,349 people identified as Mapuche, and of these the two regions with the largest numbers were Araucanía with 203,221, and Santiago Metropolitan Region with 182,963. Each major population is greater than the total Mapuche population in Argentina as of 2004-2005.
In recent years, the Chilean government has tried to redress some of the inequities of the past. The Parliament passed in 1993 Law n° 19 253 (Indigenous Law, or Ley indígena), which officially recognized the Mapuche people and seven other ethnic minorities, as well as the Mapudungun language and culture. Mapundungun, which use was prohibited before, is now included in the curriculum of elementary schools around Temuco.
Despite representing 4.6% of the Chilean population, few Mapuche have reached government positions. In 2006 among Chile's 38 senators and 120 deputies, only one identified as indigenous. The number of indigenous politicians in electoral office is higher at municipal levels.
Representatives from Mapuche organizations have joined the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO), seeking recognition and protection for their cultural and land rights.
Land disputes and violent confrontations continue in some Mapuche areas, particularly in the northern sections of the Araucanía region between and around Traiguén and Lumaco. In an effort to defuse tensions, the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatments issued a report in 2003 calling for drastic changes in Chile's treatment of its indigenous people, more than 80 percent of whom are Mapuche. The recommendations included the formal recognition of political and "territorial" rights for indigenous peoples, as well as efforts to promote their cultural identities.
Though Japanese and Swiss interests are active in the economy of Araucanía (Mapudungun: "Ngulu Mapu"), the two chief forestry companies are Chilean-owned. In the past, the firms have planted hundreds of thousands of acres with non-native species such as Monterey pine, Douglas firs and eucalyptus trees, sometimes replacing native Valdivian forests, although such substitution and replacement is now forbidden.
Chile exports wood to the United States, almost all of which comes from this southern region, with an annual value of $600 million and rising. Forest Ethics, a conservation group, has led an international campaign for preservation, resulting in the Home Depot chain and other leading wood importers agreeing to revise their purchasing policies to "provide for the protection of native forests in Chile." Some Mapuche leaders want stronger protections for the forests.
In recent years, the delicts committed by Mapuche activists have been prosecuted under counter-terrorism legislation, originally introduced by the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet to control political dissidents. The law allows prosecutors to withhold evidence from the defense for up to six months and to conceal the identity of witnesses, who may give evidence in court behind screens. Violent activist groups, such as the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (an extremist Chilean Communist Party branch), use tactics such as burning of structures and pastures, and death threats against people and their families. Protesters from Mapuche communities have used these tactics against properties of both multinational forestry corporations and private individuals. In 2010 the Mapuche launched a number of hunger strikes in attempts to effect change in the anti-terrorism legislation.
At the time of the arrival of Europeans, the Mapuche organized and constructed a network of forts and complex defensive buildings. They also built ceremonial constructions such as some earthwork mounds recently discovered near Purén. They quickly adopted iron metal-working (they already worked copper) They learned horseback-riding and the use of cavalry in war from the Spaniards, along with the cultivation of wheat and sheep. In the long 300-year coexistence between the Spanish colonies and the relatively well-delineated autonomous Mapuche regions, the Mapuche also developed a strong tradition of trading with Spaniards and Chileans. Such trade lies at the heart of the Mapuche silver-working tradition, for they wrought their jewelry from the large and widely-dispersed quantity of Spanish and Chilean silver coins. They also made kokoshnik-type headdresses with coins, which were called trarilonko, etc.
Mapuche languages are spoken in Chile and to a smaller extent in Argentina. The two living branches are Huilliche and Mapudungun. Although not genetically related, lexical influence has been discerned from Quechua. Linguists estimate that only about 200,000 full-fluency speakers remain in Chile. The language receives only token support in the educational system. In recent years, it has started to be taught in rural schools of Bío-Bío, Araucanía and Los Lagos Regions.
Cosmology and beliefs
Central to Mapuche cosmology is the idea of a creator called ngenechen, who is embodied in four different components: an older man (fucha/futra/cha chau) and an older woman (kude/kuse) and a young man and a young woman. They believe in different worlds, known as the Wenu Mapu and Minche Mapu. Also, Mapuche cosmology is informed by complex notions of spirits that coexist with humans and animals in the natural world, and daily circumstances can dictate spiritual practices.
The most well-known Mapuche ritual ceremony is the Ngillatun, which loosely translates "to pray" or "general prayer". These ceremonies are often major communal events that are of extreme spiritual and social importance. Many other different ceremonies are practiced, and not all are for public or communal participation but are sometimes limited to family.
Central to Mapuche belief is the role of the machi (shaman). It is usually filled by a woman, following an apprenticeship with an older machi, and has many of the characteristics typical of shamans. The machi performs ceremonies for curing diseases, warding off evil, influencing weather, harvests, social interactions and dreamwork. Machis often have extensive knowledge of regional medicinal herbs. As biodiversity in the Chilean countryside has declined due to commercial agriculture and forestry, the dissemination of such knowledge has also declined, but the Mapuche people are reviving it in their communities. Machis also have an extensive knowledge of sacred stones and the sacred animals.
Like many cultures, the Mapuche have a deluge myth (epeu) of a major flood in which the world is destroyed and recreated. The myth involves two opposing forces, Kai Kai (water, which brings death through floods) and Tren Tren (dry earth, which brings sunshine). In the deluge almost all humanity is drowned; the few not drowned survive through cannibalism. At last only one couple is left. A machi tells them that they must give their only child to the waters, which they do, and this restores order to the world.
Part of Mapuche ritual is prayer and animal sacrifice, required to maintain the cosmic balance. This belief has continued to current times. In 1960, for example, a machi sacrificed a young boy, throwing him into the water after an earthquake and a tsunami (tidal waves).
The Mapuche have also incorporated the remembered history of their long independence and resistance from 1540 (Spanish and then Chileans), and of the treaty with the Chilean government in the 1870s. Memories, stories, and beliefs, often very local and particularized, are a significant part of the Mapuche traditional culture. To varying degrees, this history of resistance continues to this day amongst the Mapuche. At the same time, a large majority of Mapuche in Chile identify with the state as Chilean, similar to a large majority in Argentina identifying as Argentines.
One of the best-known arts of the Mapuche is their textiles. The oldest data on textiles in the southernmost areas of the American continent (southern Chile and Argentina today) are found in some archaeological excavations, such as those of Pitrén Cemetery near the city of Temuco, and the Alboyanco site in the Biobío Region, both of Chile; and the Rebolledo Arriba Cemetery in Neuquén Province (Argentina). researchers have found evidence of fabrics made with complex techniques and designs, dated to between AD 1300-1350.
The oldest historical documents that refer to textile art among the indigenous peoples of southern Chilean and Argentine territory, date from the sixteenth century and consist of chronicles of European explorers and settlers. These accounts say that at the time of European arrival in the region of the Araucanía, local natives wore textiles made with camel's hair (alpaca and llamas), which they had made from the fur of these animals. Later, after the Spanish introduced sheep, the Indians began breeding these animals and using their wool for their weaving. Gradually it replaced the use of camelid hair. By the end of the sixteenth century, the indigenous people had developed sheep to have a more robust body and a thicker and longer wool than those imported by the Europeans. They bred higher quality animals for local conditions.
The Mapuche women were responsible for spinning and weaving these textiles, and transmitted their knowledge and local patterns from generation to generation. This usually took place within the family, where women would tell and show their daughters how to do the work. Women were highly prized for their textile knowledge and skills: through the development of their woven textiles, women played important economic and cultural roles. A measure of the importance associated with this was that, at the time of giving a dowry for a young woman's marriage, her man was expected to give a larger dowry if the woman was recognized as a good weaver.
Many Mapuche women continue to weave fabrics according to the customs of their ancestors and transmit their knowledge in the same way: within domestic life, from mother to daughter, and from grandmothers to granddaughters. This form of learning is based on gestural imitation, and only rarely, and when strictly necessary, the apprentice receives explicit instructions or help from their instructors. Knowledge is transmitted as fabric is woven, the weaving and transmission of knowledge go together.
In Andean societies, textiles had a great importance. They were developed to be used as clothing, as tool and shelter for the home, as well as a status symbol. In the Araucanía region in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as reported by various chroniclers of Chile, the Mapuche worked to have Hispanic clothing and fabrics included as a trophy of war in treaties with the Spanish. They dressed their dead in their best clothes and finest textiles for their funerals.
In addition, the Mapuche used their textiles as an important surplus and an exchange trading good. Numerous 16th-century accounts describe their bartering the textiles with other indigenous peoples, and with colonists in newly developed settlements. Such trading enabled the Mapuche to obtain those goods that they did not produce or held in high esteem, such as horses. Tissue volumes made by Aboriginal women and marketed in the Araucanía and the north of the Patagonia Argentina were really considerable and constitute a vital economic resource for indigenous families. The production of fabrics in the time before European settlement was clearly intended for uses beyond domestic consumption.
At present, the fabrics woven by the Mapuche continue to be used for domestic purposes, as well as for gift, sale or barter. Most Mapuche women and their families now wear garments with foreign designs and tailored with materials of industrial origin, but they continue to weave ponchos, blankets, bands and belts for regular use. Many of the fabrics are woven for trade, and in many cases, are an important source of income for families.
Clava is a traditional stone hand-club used by the Mapuche. It has a long flat body. Its full name is clava mere okewa; in Spanish, it's known as clava cefalomorfa. It has some ritual importance as a special sign of distinction carried by tribal chiefs. Many kinds of clavas are known.
This is an object associated with masculine power. It consists of a disk with attached handle; the edge of the disc usually has a semicircular recess. In many cases, the face portrayed on the disc carries incised designs. The handle is cylindrical, generally with a larger diameter at its connection to the disk.
In the later half of the 18th century Mapuche silversmithing begun to produce large amounts of silver finery. The surge of silversmithing activity may be related to the 1726 parliament of Negrete that decreased hostilities between Spaniards and Mapuches and allowed trade to increase between colonial Chile and the free Mapuches. In this context of increasing trade Mapuches begun in late 18th century to accept payments in silver coins for their products; usually cattle or horses. These coins and silver coins obtained in political negotiations served as raw material for Mapuche metalsmiths (Mapudungun: rüxafe). Old Mapuche silver pendants did often included unmelted silver coins, something that has helped modern researchers to date the objects. The bulk of the Spanish silver coins originated from mining in Potosí in Upper Peru.
The great diversity in silver finery designs in indebted to the fact that designs were done to be identified with different reynma (families), lof mapu (lands) as well as specific lonkos and machis. Mapuche silver finery was also subject to changes in fashion albeit designs associated with philosophical and spiritual concepts have not undergone major changes.
In late 18th century and early 19th century Mapuche silversmithing activity and artistic diversity reached it climax. All impontant Mapuche chiefs of the 19th century are supposed to have had at least one silversmith. As of 1984 Mapuche scholar Carlos Aldunate noted that there were no silversmiths alive among contemporary Mapuches.
The Mapuche culture of the 16th century had an oral tradition and lacked a writing system. Since that time, a writing system for Mapudungun was developed, and Mapuche writings in both Spanish and Mapudungun have flourished. Contemporary Mapuche literature can be said to be composed of an oral tradition and Spanish-Mapudungun bilingual writings. Notable Mapuche poets include Sebastián Queupul, Pedro Alonzo, Elicura Chihuailaf and Leonel Lienlaf.
Mapuche, Chileans and the Chilean state
Following the independence of Chile in the 1810s, the Mapuche began to be perceived as Chilean by other Chileans, contrasting with previous perceptions of them as a separate people or nation. Historian Gonzalo Vial claims that the Republic of Chile owes a "historical debt" to the Mapuche. The Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco has the goal of a national liberation of Mapuche, with their regaining sovereignty over their own lands.
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- Eim, Stefan (2010). The Conceptualisation of Mapuche Religion in Colonial Chile (1545–1787)’’: http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/volltexte/2010/10717/pdf/Eim_Conceptualisation_of_Mapuche_Religion.pdf.
- Faron, Louis (1961). Mapuche Social Structure, Illinois Studies in Anthropology (Urbana: University of Illinois Press).
|Mapuche test of Wikipedia at Wikimedia Incubator|
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mapuche.|
- Mapuche International Link official website
- Rehue Foundation in Netherland
- Mapulink website
- Mapuche Health
- Website of the Kingdom of Araucania and Patagonia
- Trannie Mystics