Abul A'la Maududi
|Abul Ala Maududi|
Artist portrait of Maududi
25 September 1903|
Aurangabad, Hyderabad State, British India
|Died||22 September 1979
Buffalo, New York, United States
|Alma mater||Darul Uloom Deoband|
|Notable work(s)||The Meaning of the Qur'an
The Islamic Law and Constitution
The Qadiani Question
The Finality of Prophethood
|Awards||King Faisal International Prize (1979)|
|The Islamic State, jahilliyah (ignorance)|
Abul Ala Maududi (Urdu: ابو الاعلی مودودی – alternative spellings of last name Maudoodi, Mawdudi, and Modudi) ( 25 September 1903 – 22 September 1979 ), known also as Mawlana, was a widely read and very influential 20th-century Islamist political philosopher, journalist, Islamic scholar, and Muslim revivalist leader in India, and later Pakistan. He was also a political figure in Pakistan as the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, the Islamic revivalist party, and thought to have influenced General Zia-ul-Haq and his "Sharization" policy. He was the first recipient of the Saudi Arabian King Faisal International Award for his service to Islam in 1979.
- 1 Early life
- 2 Political activity
- 3 Beliefs and ideology
- 4 Criticism and controversy
- 5 Late life
- 6 Legacy
- 7 Timeline
- 8 See also
- 9 References
- 10 Further reading
- 11 External links
Maududi was born in Aurangabad, India, then part of the princely state enclave of Hyderabad, until it returned to India in 1948. He was born to Maulana Ahmad Hasan, a lawyer by profession. He was the youngest of his three brothers. His father was the descendant of the Chishti line of saints; in fact his last name was derived from the first member of the Chishti Silsilah i.e. Khawajah Syed Qutb ul-Din Maudood Chishti (d. 527 AH)
At an early age, Maududi was given home education, he "received religious nurture at the hands of his father and from a variety of teachers employed by him." He soon moved on to formal education, however, and completed his secondary education from Madrasah Furqaniyah. For his undergraduate studies he joined Darul Uloom, Hyderabad (India). His undergraduate studies, however, were disrupted by the illness and death of his father, and he did not graduate from the Darul Uloom. His instruction included very little of the subject matter of a modern school, such as European languages, like English. He reportedly translated Qasim Amin's The New Woman into Urdu at the age of 14 and about 3,500 pages from Asfar, a work of mystical Persian thinker Mulla Sadra.
For formal education, Syed Maududi was admitted to eight class directly in Madrassa Furqania, Aurangabad. Where he excelled his class mates, in all respects, despite being the youngest of all. It was the time when Maududi was attracted to Physics, Chemistry and Mathematics, and he studied the fundamental concepts in Physics and Mathematics in depth. Meanwhile his father shifted to Bhopal where he suffered a severe paralysis attack and died leaving no property or money, as he belonged to a middle-class family. Therefore, Maududi had to sever his education due to financial hardship.
Founding the Jamaat-i-Islami
In 1941, Maududi founded Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) in British India as a religious political movement to promote Islamic values and practices. Maududi proposed forming a Muslim state based on Islamic law and in which Islam would guide all areas of life. This would not be theocracy Maududi held, because it would not be ruled by the ulema (scholars) but by the entire Muslim community.
As JI Ameer (leader) he was in favor of an Islamic State but he argued that the leaders of the Muslim League did not have an Islamic outlook. He believed that the leaders seeking an independent state in the name of Pakistan, were in no case competent enough to lead an Islamic state; that was why, they pleaded for a Muslim state where only Muslims would be majority in numbers and quantity. Maulana Maududi argued that, a Muslim state did not necessarily mean an Islamic state. He said,
"An Islamic state is a Muslim state, but a Muslim state may not be an Islamic state unless and until the Constitution of the state is based on The Holy Qura'an and Sunnah."
His arguments were criticized by many Muslim League Leaders fighting to create independent state of Pakistan. After the Partition of India, the JI was redefined in 1947 to support an Islamic state in Pakistan. The JI claims to be the oldest religious party in Pakistan."
With the Partition of India, the JI decided to split the organization with the new political boundaries of new countries carved out of British India. The organisation headed by Maududi is now known as Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan. Also existing are Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, and autonomous groups in Indian Kashmir, and also in Sri Lanka.
Maududi remained JI's Ameer (leader) until 1972 when he withdrew from the responsibility for reasons of health.
After founding of Pakistan
Maududi at first opposed the creation of a separate Muslim state in the subcontinent. In the beginning of the struggle for the state of Pakistan, Maududi and his party criticized other leaders of the Muslim League for wanting Pakistan to be a state for Muslims and not as an Islamic state. After realizing that India was going to be partitioned and Pakistan created, he began the struggle to make Pakistan an Islamic state. Maududi moved to Pakistan in 1947 and worked to turn it into an Islamic state, resulting in several arrests and periods of incarceration.
In 1953, he and the JI led a campaign against the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Pakistan, on the ground that the Ahmadiyya (they believed) did not embrace Muhammad as the last and greatest prophet (khatam-e-nubuwwat). Maududi as well as the traditionalist ulama of Pakistan wanted Ahmadi designated as kafirs (non-Muslims), Muhammad Zafarullah Khan and other high level Ahmadis sacked from office, and intermarriage between Ahmadis and other Muslims prohibited.
The Lahore riots of 1953, led to the deaths of at least 200 Ahmadis, and selective declaration of martial law. Maududi was arrested by the military deployment headed by Lieutenant General Azam Khan and sentenced to death for his part in the agitation against the Ahmadiyya. However, the anti-Ahmadi campaign enjoyed much popular support, and strong public pressure from in and outside Pakistan ultimately convinced the government to commute his death sentence to 14 years imprisonment and finally annul it after he had served two years.
Although his Jamaat-i Islami party never developed a mass following, it did develop significant political influence. It played a "prominent part" in the agitation which brought about the downfall of the President Ayub Khan in 1969 and also in the overthrow of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977. When General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq came to power in 1977, Maududi initially enthusiastically supported him and his program of Islamization or "Sharization" which instituted major elements of sharia law that Maududi supported.
Beliefs and ideology
Maududi wrote more than 120 books and pamphlets and made more than 1000 speeches and press statements. His magnum opus was the 30 years in progress translation (tafsir) in Urdu of the Qur’an, Tafhim ul-Qur’an (The Meaning of the Qur'an), intended to give the Qur’an a self-claim interpretation. It became widely read throughout the subcontinent and has been translated into several languages.
His views on Qur'an "The Qur'an is ... a Book which contains a message, an invitation, which generates a movement. The moment it began to be sent down, it impelled a quiet and pious man to ... raise his voice against falsehood, and pitted him in a grim struggle against the lords of disbelief, evil and iniquity. ... it drew every pure and noble soul, and gathered them under the banner of truth. In every part of the country, it made all the mischievous and the corrupt to rise and wage war against the bearers of the truth."
Maududi saw Muslims not as those whom followed the religion of Islam, but as everything: "Everything in the universe is 'Muslim' for it obeys Allah by submission to His laws." The only exception to this universe of Muslims were human beings who failed to follow Islam. In regard to the non-Muslim:
“His very tongue which, on account of his ignorance advocates the denial of God or professes multiple deities, is in its very nature 'Muslim' ... The man who denies God is called Kafir (concealer) because he conceals by his disbelief what is inherent in his nature and embalmed in his own soul. His whole body functions in obedience to that instinct… Reality becomes estranged from him and he in the dark".
Maududi believed that Islam covered all aspects of life. He stated:
"Islam is not a ‘religion’ in the sense this term is commonly understood. It is a system encompassing all fields of living. Islam means politics, economics, legislation, science, humanism, health, psychology and sociology. It is a system which makes no discrimination on the basis of race, color, language or other external categories. Its appeal is to all mankind. It wants to reach the heart of every human being."
Maududi supported the complete veiling and segregation of women as practiced in the India of his time. Women, he believed, should remain in their homes except when absolutely necessary. The only room for argument he saw in the matter of veiling/hijab was "whether the hands and the face" of women "were to be covered or left uncovered." On this question Maududi came down on the side of the complete covering of women's faces whenever they left their homes.
Concerning the separation of the genders, he preached that men should avoid looking at women other than their wives, mothers, sisters, etc. (mahram), much less trying to make their acquaintance. He opposed birth control as a "rebellion against the laws of nature". Family planning was unnecessary because population growth led to economic development.
Maududi opposed allowing women to be either a head of state or a legislator, since "according to Islam, active politics and administration are not the field of activity of the womenfolk." They would be allowed to elect their own all-woman legislature which the men's legislature should consult on all matters concerning women's welfare. Their legislature would also have "the full right to criticize matters relating to the general welfare of the country," though not to vote on them.
While socialism and capitalism were fraught with exploitation and restriction on property frights, Islam would solve mankind's economic problems, Maududi believed, through payment of zakat and other Islamic taxes and the elimination of interest on loans (riba). A system of private wealth and property as such, did not cause exploitation or poverty. It was the lack of "virtue and public welfare" among the wealthy brought about by the lack of adherence to sharia law.
Maududi agreed with Islamic Modernists in believing that Islam contained nothing contrary to reason, and its being superior in rational terms to all other religious systems. He disagreed with them in their practice of examining the Quran and the Sunna using reason as the standard, instead of starting from the proposition that `true reason is Islamic` and accepting the Book and the Sunna, rather than reason, as the final authority. 
Maududi also criticized traditionalist clergy or ulama who he believed were unable to distinguish the fundamentals of Islam from the details of its application built up in the elaborate structure of medieval legal schools of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). To rid Islam of these obscure laws Muslims should return to the Quran and Sunna, ignoring judgements made after the reign of the first four caliphs (al-Khulafāʾu ar-Rāshidūn).
Maududi believed that without Sharia law Muslim society could not be Islamic:
That if an Islamic society consciously resolves not to accept the Sharia, and decides to enact its own constitution and laws or borrow them from any other source in disregard of the Sharia, such a society breaks its contract with God and forfeits its right to be called 'Islamic.'"
Sharia law would include abolition of interest-bearing banks, sexual segregation and veiling of women, hadd penalties such as flogging and amputation for alcohol consumption, theft, fornication, adultery and other crimes.
The modern conceptualization of the "Islamic state" is attributed to Maududi. In his book, The Islamic Law and Constitution, published in 1941 and subsequent writings, Maududi coined and popularized the term "Islamic state" itself. In addition, he coined and popularized the term "Islamic revolution" in the 1940s, even though this phrase is commonly associated with the 1979 Iranian Revolution that occurred 40 years later.
The state would be an "Islamic Democracy," and underlying it would be three principles: tawhid (oneness of God), risala (prophethood) and khilafa (caliphate). The "sphere of activity" covered by the Islamic state would be "co-extensive with human life ... In such a state no one can regard any field of his affairs as personal and private."
The state would follow Sharia Islamic law, a complete system covering
family relationships, social and economic affairs, administration, rights and duties of citizens, judicial system, laws of war and peace and international relations. In short it embraces all the various departments of life ... The Sharia is a complete scheme of life and an all-embracing social order where nothing is superfluous and nothing lacking.
Consequently, while this state has a legislature which the ruler must consult, its function "is really that of law-finding, not of law-making."
Maududi believed that the sovereignty of God (hakimiya) and the sovereignty of the people are mutually exclusive. Therefore, while Maududi stated in one of his books that "democracy begins in Islam," Islamic democracy according to him was to be the antithesis of secular Western democracy which transfers hakimiya (God's sovereignty) to the people, who may pass laws without regard for God's commands.
While Maududi warned of the danger of foreign influence and conspiracies, (nationalism, for example, was "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers") he also advocated personal freedom and condemned suspicion of government:
This espionage on the life of the individual cannot be justified on moral grounds by the government saying that it is necessary to know the secrets of the dangerous persons. ... This is exactly what Islam has called as the root cause of mischief in politics. The injunction of the Prophet is: "When the ruler begins to search for the causes of dissatisfaction amongst his people, he spoils them" (Abu Dawud).
Model of government
In expanding on what the government of an Islamic state should look like in his book The Islamic Law and Constitution, Maudid took as his model the government of Muhammad as the first four caliphs (al-Khulafāʾu ar-Rāshidūn). The head of state should be the supreme head of legislature, executive and judiciary alike, but under him these three organs should function "separately and independently of one another." This head of state should be elected and must enjoy the country's confidence, but he is not limited to terms in office.
The state's legislature "should consist of a body of such learned men who have the ability and the capacity to interpret Quranic injunctions and who in giving decisions, would not take liberties with the spirit or the letter of the Shariah" They must also be "persons who enjoy the confidence of the masses". They may be chosen by "the modern system of elections" or by some other method which which is appropriate to "the circumstances and needs of modern times." No non-Muslims or women could be a head of state and would vote for separate legislators legislators.
On dealing with possible conflicts between the head of state and the legislature, Maududi proposed referendums should be used to decide who is in the right, with the referendum loser resigning.
Maududi would allow the formation of parties and factions during elections of representatives but not within the legislature.
Uselessness of Western democracy
Secular Western representative democracy—despite its free elections and civil rights—is a failure for two reasons. Because secular society has "divorced" politics and religion, its leaders have "ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics" and so ignore their constituents interests and the common good. Furthermore, without Islam "the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests". An example being the Prohibition law in the United States, where despite the fact that "it had been rationally and logically established that drinking is injurious to health, produces deleterious disorder in human society" (Maududi states), the law banning alcohol consumption was repealed by the American Congress. 
Maududi believed that copying cultural practices of non-Muslims was forbidden in Islam, having
very disastrous consequences upon a nation; it destroys its inner vitality, blurs its vision, befogs its critical faculties, breeds inferiority complexes, and gradually but assuredly saps all the springs of culture and sounds its death-knell. That is why the Holy Prophet has positively and forcefully forbidden the Muslims to assume the culture and mode of life of the non-Muslims.
Maududi strongly opposed the small Ahmadiyya sect, which considers itself Muslim but which Maududi did not. He preached against Ahmadiyya in his pamphlet The Qadiani Question and the book The Finality of Prophethood.
The rights of non-Muslims are limited under Islamic state as laid out in Maududi's writings. Although non-Muslim "faith, ideology, rituals of worship or social customs" would not be interfered with, non-Muslims would have to accept Muslim rule.
Islamic 'jihad' does not recognize their right to administer state affairs according to a system which, in the view of Islam, is evil. Furthermore, Islamic 'jihad' also refuses to admit their right to continue with such practices under an Islamic government which fatally affect the public interest from the viewpoint of Islam."
Non-Muslim would be eligible for "all kinds of employment", but must be "rigorously excluded from influencing policy decisions" and so not hold "key posts" in government and elsewhere They would not have the right to vote in presidential elections or in elections of Muslim representatives. This is to ensure that "the basic policy of this ideological state remains in conformity with the fundamentals of Islam." An Islamic Republic may however allow non-Muslims to elect their own representatives to parliament, voting as separate electorates (as in the Islamic Republic of Iran).
Non-Muslims would also have to pay a special tax known as jizya. This tax is applicable to all able adult non-Muslims, except old and women, who do not render military service. Those who serve in the military are exempted. Non-Muslims would also be barred from holding certain high level offices in the Islamic state. All adult Muslim men are subject to compulsory military service, whenever required by the Islamic state. Jizya is thus seen as a protection tax payable to the Islamic state for protection of those non-Muslim adult men who do not render military service.
Because Islam is all-encompassing, Maududi believed that the Islamic state was for all the world and should not be limited to just the "homeland of Islam". 'Jihad' should be used to eliminate un-Islamic rule and establish the worldwide Islamic state:
Islam wishes to destroy all states and governments anywhere on the face of the earth which are opposed to the ideology and programme of Islam, regardless of the country or the nation which rules it. The purpose of Islam is to set up a state on the basis of its own ideology and programme, regardless of which nation assumes the role of the standard-bearer of Islam or the rule of which nation is undermined in the process of the establishment of an ideological Islamic State. Islam requires the earth—not just a portion, but the whole planet .... because the entire mankind should benefit from the ideology and welfare programme [of Islam] ... Towards this end, Islam wishes to press into service all forces which can bring about a revolution and a composite term for the use of all these forces is ‘Jihad’. .... the objective of the Islamic ‘ jihād’ is to eliminate the rule of an un-Islamic system and establish in its stead an Islamic system of state rule.
Maududi taught that the destruction of the lives and property of others was lamentable (part of the great sacrifice of jihad), but that we must follow the Islamic principle that it is better to "suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss". Though in jihad "thousands" of lives may be lost, this cannot compare "to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God." 
He explained that jihad was not only combat for God but any effort that helped those waging combat (qitaal), including non-violent work:
“In the jihad in the way of Allah, active combat is not always the role on the battlefield, nor can everyone fight in the front line. Just for one single battle preparations have often to be made for decades on end and the plans deeply laid, and while only some thousands fight in the front line there are behind them millions engaged in various tasks which, though small themselves, contribute directly to the supreme effort.”
Criticism of the Mughal Empire
Abul A'la Maududi, referred to the Mughal Emperor Akbar's reforms (controversially known as the Din-e Ilahi) as a form of apostasy. Although contemporary scholars such as S. M. Ikram proved that Akbar's true intentions were to create an iradat or muridi (discipleship) and not a new religion.
Criticism and controversy
While seen by supporters as an "intellectual pioneer who affirmed true Islamic values and ... sought to actualize the idea of an Islamic state and society", opponents have criticized him as a "self-promoting" preacher of a "restrictive interpretation of Islam." His opposition to Pakistan founder Muhammed Ali Jinnah and "every government of Pakistan -- save" that of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's -- "made him a dubious patriot, and whose version of Islam threatened the pluralistic fabric of Pakistani civil society," according to these critics. His party spent much time and resources on educational and social welfare projects, but its methods of recruitment involved a membership initiation of pledging allegiance to the organization rather than to Pakistan and its constitution. This gave it a "cult-like reputation" which led to accusations by critics of "brainwashing".
Maududi’s philosophy has been alleged to have encouraged "self-righteous coercion, political intrigues and violence" in the 1953 and 1974 violence against the small Ahmadiyya minority, the Pakistani Army’s actions against pro-independence civilians in the former East Pakistan; and the introduction of the violent ‘Kalashnikov Culture’ to Pakistan's college campuses in the 1980s by his party's student wing, the Islami Jamiat-e-Taleba (IJT).
In 2010, his books were banned in Bangladesh, including in 24,000 mosque libraries across the country. According to the Islamic Foundation director-general Shamim Mohammad Afjal, “His writings are against the peaceful ideology of Islam." Maududi's Jamaat-e Islami party is accused of having participated in the atrocities committed during the war of independence in 1971, where between 300,000–3,000,000 people where killed and between 200,000–400,000 Bangladeshi women were raped.
A general complaint of one critic is that Maududi's theo-democracy is an
ideological state in which legislators do not legislate, citizens only vote to reaffirm the permanent applicability of God's laws, women rarely venture outside their homes lest social discipline be disrupted, and non-Muslims are tolerated as foreign elements required to express their loyalty by means of paying a financial levy.
On a more conceptual level, journalist and author Abdel Wahab Meddeb questions the basis of Maududi's reasoning that the sovereignty of the truly Islamic state must be divine and not popular, saying "Maududi constructed a coherent political system, which follows wholly from a manipulation." The manipulation is of the Arabic word hukm, usually defined as to "exercise power as governing, to pronounce a sentence, to judge between two parties, to be knowledgeable (in medicine, in philosophy), to be wise, prudent, of a considered judgment." The Quran contains the phrase `Hukm is God's alone,` thus, according to Maududi, God – in the form of Sharia law – must govern. But Meddeb argues that a full reading of the ayah where the phrase appears reveals that it refers to God's superiority over pagan idols, not His role in government.
Those whom you adore outside of Him are nothing but names that you and your fathers have given them. God has granted them no authority. Hukm is God's alone. He has commanded that you adore none but Him. Such is the right religion, but most people do not know. [Quran 12:40]
Abdel Meddab's view is contradicted by Wahhabi Islamic scholars such as Saleh Al-Fawzan. He writes in his book Aqidah ul-Tawhid: "He who accepts a law other than Allah's ascribes a partner to Allah. Whatever act of worship that is not legislated (hukam) by Allah and His Messenger is Bid'ah, and every Bid'ah is a means of deviation... Any other law which is legislated (hukam) by neither Allah nor His Messenger in politics, or for judging in people's disputes, it is considered as the law of Taghut and Jahiliyyah.
Maududi received "sustained hostility" from some of the conventional clerics of Pakistan. However, such attacks against Maududi's work haven't affected their widespread influence in the Islamic community, nor did they conflict with the majority of Maududi's views. The only thing that was disputed was Maududi's usage of certain terms relating to Islamic Prophets and Muhammad's Companions
In April 1979, Maududi's long-time kidney ailment worsened and by then he also had heart problems. He went to the United States for treatment and was hospitalized in Buffalo, New York, where his second son worked as a physician. Following a few surgical operations, he died on September 22, 1979, at the age of 76. His funeral was held in Buffalo, but he was buried in an unmarked grave at his residence in Ichhra, Lahore after a very large funeral procession through the city.
Maududi's influence was widespread. According to historian Philip Jenkins, Egyptians Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb read him. Qutb "borrowed and expanded" Maududi's concept for being a modern as well as pre-Islamic phenomenon, and of the need for an Islamist revolutionary vanguard movement. His ideas influenced Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian Islamist jurist. The South Asian diaspora, including "significant numbers" in Britain, were "hugely influenced" by Maududi's work. Maududi even had a major impact on Islamic Iran, where Shiite Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is reputed to have met Maududi as early as 1963 and later translated his works into Persian. "To the present day, Iran's revolutionary rhetoric often draws on his themes."
||This article is in a list format that may be better presented using prose. (February 2014)|
- 1903 – Born in Aurangabad, Hyderabad Deccan, India
- 1918 – Started career as journalist in Bijnore newspaper
- 1920 – Appointed as editor of the daily Taj, Jabalpur
- 1921 – Learned Arabic from Maulana Abdul Salam Niazi in Delhi
- 1921 – Appointed as editor daily Muslim
- 1926 – Took the Sanad of Uloom e Aqaliya wa Naqalia from Darul Uloom Fatehpuri, Delhi
- 1928 – Took the Sanad in Jamay Al-Tirmidhi and Muatta Imam Malik Form same Teacher
- 1925 – Appointed as editor Al-jameeah, New Delhi
- 1927 – Wrote Al- Jihad fil Islam
- 1930 – Wrote and published the famous booklet Al- Jihad fil Islam
- 1933 – Started Tarjuman-ul-Qur'an from Hyderabad (India)
- 1937 – Aged 34, introduced to South Asia's premier Muslim poet-philosopher, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, by Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan at Lahore
- 1938 – Aged 35, moved to Pathankot from Hyderabad Deccan and joined the Dar ul Islam Trust Institute, which was established in 1936 by Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan on the advice of Allama Muhammad Iqbal for which Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan donated 66 acres (270,000 m2) of land from his vast 1,000-acre (4.0 km2) estate in Jamalpur, 5 km west of Pathankot
- 1941 – Founded Jamaat-e-Islami Hind at Lahore, appointed as Amir
- 1942 – Jamaat's headquarters moved to Pathankot
- 1942 – Started writing a commentary of the Qur'an called Tafhim-ul-Quran
- 1947 – Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan headquarters moved to Lahore (Ichhra)
- 1948 – Campaign for Islamic constitution and government
- 1948 – Thrown in jail by the government for fatwa on jihad in Kashmir
- 1949 – Government accepted Jamaat's resolution for Islamic constitution
- 1950 – Released from jail
- 1953 – Sentenced to death for his historical part in the agitation against Ahmadiyah to write a booklet Qadiani Problem. He was sentenced to death by a military court, but it was never carried out;
- 1953 – Death sentence commuted to life imprisonment and later canceled.
- 1958 – Jamaat-e-Islami banned by Martial Law Administrator Field Martial Ayub Khan
- 1964 – Sentenced to jail
- 1964 – Released from jail
- 1971 – In the question of united Pakistan or separation of the East Pakistan (Later Bangladesh) he relinquished his authority to East Pakistan Shura (Consultative body of Jamaat)
- 1972 – Completed Tafhim-ul-Quran
- 1972 – Resigned as Ameer-e-Jamaat
- 1978 – Published his last book "Seerat-e-Sarwar-e-Aalam" in two volumes.
- 1979 – Departed to United States for medical treatment
- 1979 – Died in United States
- 1979 – Buried in Ichhra, Lahore
- Zebiri, Kate. Review of Maududi and the making of Islamic fundamentalism. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 61, No. 1.(1998), pp. 167–168.
- Martín, Richard C. (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam & the Muslim World. Granite Hill. p. 371.
- Devichand, Mukul (10 November 2005). "How Islam got political: Founding fathers". http://news.bbc.co.uk/. BBC News. Retrieved 8 November 2014. "Maududi made plenty of enemies in his lifetime - but his most significant domestic impact came after his death. Pakistan's military ruler General Zia Ul-Haq put some of Maududi's ideas into practice in 1979, turning Islamic Sharia-based criminal punishments into law."
- Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi. Official website of the Jamaat-e-Islami.
- Adams, p.100-101
- Oliver Leaman (2005), The Qur'an: an encyclopedia, Routledge, p. 396
- Muhammad Suheyl Umar, "…hikmat i mara ba madrasah keh burd? The Influence of Shiraz School on the Indian Scholars", October 2004 – Volume: 45 – Number: 4, note 26
- Ullah, Haroon K. Vying for Allah's Vote: Understanding Islamic Parties, Political Violence .... Georgetown University Press. p. 79. Retrieved 1 November 2014.
- Jamaat-e-Islami, GlobalSecurity.org. Retrieved 1 July 2007.
- Ruthven, Malise (2000). Islam in the World (2nd ed.). Penguin. pp. 330–1.
- Ruthven, Malise (2000). Islam in the World (2nd ed.). Penguin. pp. 332–3.
- Abul Ala Maududi| famousmuslims.com
- 1979, Tafhimul Qur'an, Vol. I, Lahore, pp. 334
- "A. Maududi's 'Towards Understanding Islam'". Archived from the original on 2009-10-24.
- Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi, Towards Understanding the Quran, Chapter 7, Lahore, Pakistan.
- Ruthven, Malise (2000). Islam in the World (2nd ed.). Penguin. p. 329.
- Maududi, Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam, (Lahore, 1979), p.20
- Mawdudi, Abul A'la (November 1979). Towards Understanding Islam. Khurshid Ahmad. Islamic Publications. p. 112. "Outside the pale of the nearest relations between whom marriage is forbidden men and women have been asked not to mix freely with each other and if they do have to have contact with each other they should do so with purdah. When women have to go out of their homes, they should ... be properly veiled. They should also cover their faces and hands as a normal course. Only in genuine necessity can they unveil, and they must recover as soon as possible. ... men have been asked to keep down their eyes and not to look at women. ... To try to see them is wrong and to try to seek their acquaintance is worse."
- Maududi, Birth Control, (Lahore, 1978), p.73
- Maududi, S. Abul A'al (1977). The Islamic Law and Constitution. Lahore. p. 308.
- Ruthven, Malise (2000). Islam in the World (2nd ed.). Penguin. pp. 329–30.
- Mortimer, Edward (1982). Faith and Power : the Politics of Islam. Vintage Books. p. 204. "He agreed with them in holding that Islam required the exercise of reason by the community to understand God's decrees, in believing, therefore, that Islam contains nothing contrary to reason, and in being convinced that Islam as revealed in the Book and the Sunna is superior in purely rational terms to all other systems. But he thought they had gone wrong in allowing themselves to judge the Book and the Sunna by the standard of reason. They had busied themselves trying to demonstrate that `Islam is truly reasonable` instead of starting, as he did, from the proposition that `true reason is Islamic`. Therefore they were not sincerely accepting the Book and the Sunna as the final authority, because implicitly they were setting up human reason as a higher authority (the old error of the Mu'tazilites). In Maududi's view, once one has become a Muslim, reason no longer has any function of judgement. From then on its legitimate task is simply to spell out the implications of Islam's clear commands, the rationality of which requires no demonstration."
- Mortimer, Edward (1982). Faith and Power : the Politics of Islam. Vintage Books. p. 203.
- Maududi, S. Abul A'la, Islamic Law and Its Introduction, Islamic Publications, LTD, 1955, pp. 13-4.
- Nasr, S.V.R. 1996. Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism, Ch. 4. New York: Oxford University Press
- Maududi, Abul A'la. The Islamic law and constitution, ed. and tr. Khurshid Ahmad, Lahore 1955
- Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, "Political Theory of Islam," in Khurshid Ahmad, ed., Islam: Its Meaning and Message (London: Islamic Council of Europe, 1976), pp. 159–61.
- Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, Islamic Way of Life (Delhi: Markazi Maktaba Islami, 1967), p. 40
- Esposito and Piscatory, "Democratization and Islam," pp. 436–7, 440.
- Esposito, The Islamic Threat, pp. 125–6; Voll and Esposito, Islam and Democracy, pp. 23–6.
- Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p.154
- Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p.57 quoted in Adams p.113
- Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p.77 quoted in Adams p.125
- Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, "Political Theory of Islam," in John J. Donahue and John L. Esposito, eds., Islam in Transition: Muslim Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 253.
- Islam and Democracy
- Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, Political Theory of Islam (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1976), pp. 13, 15–7, 38, 75–82.
- Political Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, by Frederic Grare South Asia| BOOK REVIEW |Anatomy of Islamism| Asia Times
- Maududi, Human Rights in Islam, p.11
- Maududi, S. Abul A'al (1977). The Islamic Law and Constitution. Lahore. pp. 211–32.
- Maududi, S. Abul A'al (1977). The Islamic Law and Constitution. Lahore. p. 237.
- Mawdudi, Abul A'la (1993) . Political Theory of Islam. Khurshid Ahmad (8th ed.). Islamic Publications. pp. 23–5. "The people delegate their sovereignty to their elected representative [who] make and enforce laws. [Because of the] divorce ... between politics and religion ... society ... have ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics ... these representatives ... soon set themselves up as an independent authority and assume the position of overlords ... They often make laws not in the best interest of the people ... but to further their own sectional and class interests ... This is the situation which besets people in England, America and in all those countries which claim to be the haven of secular democracy.
[Second reason is] it has been established by experience that the great mass of the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests [and] quite often ... reject the pleas of reason simply because it conflicts with [their] passion and desire. [An example being the] Prohibition Law of America. It had been rationally and logically established that drinking is injurious to health, produces deleterious disorder in human society. [But after] the law was passed by the majority vote [the people] revolted against it ... because the people had been completely enslaved by their habit and could not forgo the pleasure of self-indulgence. They delegated their own desires and passions as their ilahs (gods) at whose call they all went in for the repeal of [prohibition]."
- Maududi, Towards Understanding Islam, p.131
- Islam and the Ahmadiyya Jama'at By Simon Ross Valentine
- Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi, Jihad in Islam, Islamic Publications (Pvt.) Ltd, p.28.
- Adams, Charles J., "Mawdudi and the Islamic State," in John L. Esposito, ed., Voices of Resurgent Islam, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983)
- Iqbal, Anwar (Sep 13, 2014). "Fighting the IS: Holes in the game plan". Dawn.com. Retrieved 8 November 2014.
- Maududi, S. Abul A'al (1977). The Islamic Law and Constitution. Lahore. pp. 236, 282, 288–97.
- Abul A'la Mawdudi, The Meaning of the Qur'an, (Islamic Publications Ltd., Lahore (1993 edition), vol 2, pp. 183 & 186 (last paragraph)).
- Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi, Jihad in Islam, p.6,7,22
- Mawdudi, Abul A'la (November 1979). Towards Understanding Islam. Khurshid Ahmad. Islamic Publications. p. 105. "The greatest sacrifice for God is made in Jihad, for in it a man sacrifices not only his own life and property in His cause but destroys those of others also. But, as already stated, one of the Islamic principles is that we should suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss. How can the loss of some lives - even if the number runs into thousands - be compared to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God. That would be a far greater loss and calamity, for as a result of it not only would the religion of God be under dire threat, the world would also become the abode of evil and perversion, and life would be disrupted both from within and without."
- Vol 2. No1. of The Faithful Struggle in the section entitled "Permanent Jihad."
- Laird, Kathleen Fenner (2008). Whose Islam? Pakistani Women's Political Action Groups Speak Out. ProQuest. pp. 131–2. Retrieved 6 November 2014.
- The General’s Isolation Asharq Alawsat Newspaper (English) aawsat.com
- PARACHA, NADEEM F. (11 June 2009). "Maududi’s Children". Blog.Dawn.com. Retrieved 8 November 2014. "Maududi’s philosophy has off and on found itself being used to encourage self-righteous coercion, political intrigues and violence – as seen in Jamat Islami’s role in the 1953 and 1974 anti-Ahmadiyya violence (for which Maududi was imprisoned); the role of the party in supporting (and taking part) in the Pakistani Army’s controversial actions in the former East Pakistan; and the role of the party’s student wing, the Islami Jamiat-e-Taleba (IJT), which was accused (in the 1980s) of introducing the violent ‘Kalashnikov Culture’ on the country’s campuses. Worst of all, Maududi-ism (as it is sometimes called), was also exploited by dictators (General Zia-ul-Haq), ulema and, of course, the Jamat Islami, as a way to deflect, deflate and denounce any other form of Islamic reformism. It actually eschewed tolerance."
- Maududi`s books banned in Bangladesh| Jul 17, 2010 ] Retrieved 27 August 10:00 GMT.
- "Bangladesh SC upholds death sentence of Jamaat stalwart". Times of India. PTI. November 3, 2014. Retrieved 7 November 2014.
- "Bangladesh sets up war crimes court – Central & South Asia". Al Jazeera. 25 March 2010. Archived from the original on 5 June 2011. Retrieved 23 June 2011.
- Sajjad, Tazreena (2012). "The Post-Genocidal Period and its Impact on Women". In Samuel Totten. Plight and Fate of Women During and Following Genocide (Reprint ed.). Transaction. pp. 219–248. ISBN 978-1-4128-4759-9.
- Choueiri, p.111, quoted in Ruthven, p.70
- Meddeb, Abdelwahab (2003). The malady of Islam. New York: Basic Books. p. 102. ISBN 0-465-04435-2. OCLC 51944373.
- Shaikh Salih al-Fawzan, Aqidah at-Tawhid Section 2 Chapter 7
- tnr.com The New Republic "The roots of jihad in India" by Philip Jenkins, December 24, 2008
- Azam, K.M., Hayat-e-Sadeed: Bani-e-Dar ul Islam Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan (A Righteous Life: Founder of Dar ul Islam Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan), Lahore: Nashriyat, 2010 (583 pp., Urdu) [ISBN 978-969-8983-58-1]
- Encyclopedia of World Biography© on Abul A'la Mawdudi
- Syed Moudoodi biography at a glance
- Masood Ashraf Raja. "Abul A'ala Maududi: British India and the Politics of Popular Islamic Texts." Literature of British India. S. S Towheed. Ed. Stuttgart/Germany: Ibidem, 2007: 173-191.
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