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Merengue (//) is a style of Dominican music and dance. Partners hold each other in a closed position. The leader holds the follower's waist with the leader's right hand, while holding the follower's right hand with the leader's left hand at the follower's eye level. Partners bend their knees slightly left and right, thus making the hips move left and right. The hips of the leader and follower move in the same direction throughout the song. Partners may walk sideways or circle each other, in small steps. They can switch to an open position and do separate turns without letting go each other's hands or releasing one hand. During these turns they may twist and tie their handhold into intricate pretzels. Other choreographies are possible.
Merengue was made by the official music and dance of the Dominican Republic by Rafael Trujillo. In an origin's version, the dance originated from the enslaved laborers working in sugar beet fields. These workers were connected to one another by a chain strapped to their ankles and had to walk in such a manner as to drag one leg.
Although the tempo of the music may be frenetic, the upper body is kept majestic and turns are slow, typically four beats/steps per complete turn.
In the social dancing of the United States the "empalizada" style is replaced by exaggerated Cuban motion, taught in chain ballroom studios for dances of Latin American origin (cha-cha-cha, rumba, mambo, salsa).
According to Merengue: Dominican Music and Dominican Identity by Paul Austerlitz, "we will probably never know with certainty the true origin of this music, but theories about it express deep-noted feelings about Dominican identity. One theory links merengue to the Haitian mereng. Although they differ in important ways, the Dominican Republic and Haiti share many cultural characteristics. Like merengue in the Dominican Republic, mereng (in Haitian Creole; méringue in French) is a national symbol in Haiti. According to Jean Fouchard, Mereng evolved from the fusion of the enslaved peoples' musics such as the chica and calenda with ballroom forms related to the French contredance (1988: 5-9). Mereng's name, he says, derives from the mouringue music of the Bara, a Bantu people of Madagascar (1973: 110, 1988: 77-82). That few Malagasies came to the Americas renders this etymology dubious, but it is significant because it foregrounds what Fouchard, and most Haitians, consider the essentially African-derived nature of the music and national identity. Dominican merengue, Fouchard suggests, developed directly from Haitian mereng (1988: 66)."
Also, according to  mentioned that Merengue actually comes from acoustic groups, and in the Dominican Republic, the folklore, is the merengue, and during the 20th century Merengue’s original lead instrument was the guitar. By the 1940s and 1950s it was performed with accordions. On the other hand Burr explains that today, modern Merengue that is heard in nightclubs is epitomized by artist such as Elvis Crespo and Olga Tanon. According to  Merengue Tipico originated in the rural Northern Valley region around the city of Santiago. That’s the reason this type of Merengue is known as Merengue Cibaeno. Also Merengue Tipico emphasizes traditional songs dating back as far as the last century. Its performance context and practices differ in their emphasis on close personal relationship between audience, and performers. That’s the reason the genre of Merengue Tipico is more complex than one familiar of merengue. The rhythm of merengue includes of merengue derecho, and merengue apanbichao.
- William R Trumble, Angus Stevenson, ed. (2002). "merengue". Shorter Oxford English Dictionary 1 (fifth ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 1750. ISBN 0-19-860575-7.
- Blatter, Alfred (2007). Revisiting music theory: a guide to the practice, p.28. ISBN 0-415-97440-2.
- Burr, Ramiro. (2004). Joaquin Diaz: Montreal's Dominican merengue master. p20
- Hutchinson, Sydney.( 2006). Merengue Típico in Santiago and New York: Transnational Regionalism in a Neo-Traditional Dominican Music. Ethnomusicology, Vol. 50, No. 1 (Winter, 2006), pp. 37-72. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20174423