Settlement of the Americas

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"Three maps of prehistoric North America. (A) then gradual population expansion of the Amerind ancestors from their East Central Asian gene pool (blue arrow). (B) Proto-Amerind occupation of Beringia with little to no population growth for ≈20,000 years. (C) Rapid colonization of the New World by a founder group migrating southward through the ice-free, inland corridor between the eastern Laurentide and western Cordilleran Ice Sheets (green arrow) and/or along the Pacific coast (red arrow). In (B), the exposed seafloor is shown at its greatest extent during the last glacial maximum at ≈20–18 kya [25]. In (A) and (C), the exposed seafloor is depicted at ≈40 kya and ≈16 kya, when prehistoric sea levels were comparable. A scaled-down version of Beringia today (60% reduction of A–C) is presented in the lower left corner. This smaller map highlights the Bering Strait that has geographically separated the New World from Asia since ≈11–10 kya."
Maps depicting each phase of the three-step early human migrations for the peopling of the Americas.

The question of how, when, where and why humans first entered the Americas is of intense interest to archaeologists and anthropologists, and has been a subject of heated debate for centuries. Several models for the Paleo-Indian settlement of the Americas have been proposed by various academic communities. Modern biochemical techniques, as well as more thorough archaeology, have shed progressively more light on the subject.

Current understanding of human migration to and throughout the Americas derives from advances in four interrelated disciplines: archeology, physical anthropology, DNA analysis and linguistics. While there is general agreement that the Americas was first settled from Asia by people who migrated across Beringia, the pattern of migration, its timing, and the place of origin in Asia of the people who migrated to the Americas remains unclear.[1][2] In recent years, researchers have sought to use familiar tools to validate or reject established theories, such as Clovis first.[3] As new discoveries come to light, past hypotheses are reevaluated and new theories constructed. The archeological evidence suggests that the Paleo-Indians' first "widespread" habitation of the Americas occurred during the end of the last glacial period or, more specifically, what is known as the late glacial maximum, around 16,500–13,000 years ago.[4]

Understanding the debate[edit]

The chronology of migration models is currently divided into two general approaches.[5][6] The first is the short chronology theory, with the first movement beyond Alaska into the New World occurring no earlier than 15,000–17,000 years ago, followed by successive waves of immigrants.[7][8] The second belief is the long chronology theory, which proposes that the first group of people entered the hemisphere at a much earlier date, possibly 21,000–40,000 years ago,[9][10] with a much later mass secondary wave of immigrants.[11][12][13]

One factor fueling the debate is the discontinuity of archaeological evidence between North and South American Paleo-Indian sites. A roughly uniform techno-complex pattern, known as Clovis, appears in North and Central American sites from at least 13,500 years ago onwards.[14] South American sites of equal antiquity do not share the same consistency and exhibit more diverse cultural patterns. Archaeologists conclude that the "Clovis-first", and Paleo-Indian time frame do not adequately explain complex lithic stage tools appearing in South America. Some theorists seek to develop a colonization model that integrates both North and South American archaeological records.

Availability of unobstructed routes for human migration southward from Beringia during the ice age (summarized)[15]
Dates BCE Beringia "Land Bridge" Coastal route Mackenzie Corridor
38,000–34,000 accessible (open) open closed
34,000–30,000 submerged (closed) open open
30,000–22,000 accessible (open) closed open
22,000–15,000 accessible (open) open closed
15,000–today submerged (closed) open open

Indigenous Amerindian genetic studies indicate that the "colonizing founders" of the Americas emerged from a single-source ancestral population that evolved in isolation, likely in Beringia.[16][17][18][19][20] Age estimates based on Y-chromosome micro-satellite place diversity of the American Haplogroup Q1a3a (Y-DNA) at around 10,000 to 15,000 years ago.[6][21] This does not address if there were any previous failed colonization attempts by other genetic groups, as genetic testing can only address current population ancestral heritage.[6]

Migrants from northeastern Asia could have walked to Alaska with relative ease when Beringia was above sea level. But traveling south from Alaska to the rest of North America may have posed significant challenges. The two main possible southward routes proposed for human migration are: down the Pacific coast; or by way of an interior passage (Mackenzie Corridor) along the eastern flank of the Rocky Mountains.[19] When the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets were at their maximum extent, both routes were likely impassable. The Cordilleran sheet reached across to the Pacific shore in the west, and its eastern edge abutted the Laurentide, near the present border between British Columbia and Alberta.

Geological evidence suggests that the Pacific coastal route was open for overland travel before 23,000 years ago and after 15,000 years ago. During the coldest millennia of the last ice age, roughly 23,000 to 19,000 years ago, lobes of glaciers hundreds of kilometers wide flowed down to the sea.[17] Deep crevasses scarred their surfaces, making travel across them dangerous. Even if people traveled by boat—a claim for which there is currently no direct archaeological evidence, as sea level rise has hidden the old coastline—the journey would have been difficult with abundant icebergs in the water. Around 15,000 to 13,000 years ago, the coast is presumed to have been ice-free. Additionally, by this time the climate had warmed, and lands were covered in grass and trees. Early Paleo-Indian groups could have readily replenished their food supplies, repaired clothing and tents, and replaced broken or lost tools.[17]

Coastal or "watercraft" theories have broad implications, one being that Paleo-Indians in North America may not have been purely terrestrial big-game hunters, but instead were already adapted to maritime or semi-maritime lifestyles.[13] Additionally, it is possible that "Beringian" (western Alaskan) groups migrated into the northern interior and coastlines only to meet their demise during the last glacial maximum, approximately 20,000 years ago,[22] leaving evidence of occupation in specific localized areas. However, they would not be considered a founding population unless they had managed to migrate south, populate and survive the coldest part of the last ice age.[23]

Timeline of selected archaeological, geological and genetic evidence[edit]

30,000–20,000 years ago:

(Note: The dates given for the Old Crow and Topper digs have not been completely accepted by the archaeology community.)[13][31]

(Note: The conclusions reached in Alberta on dates have not been accepted by the entire archaeology community.)[35]

  • Cambridge DNA Services estimates humans entered the Americas around 25,000 years ago.[36] Other geneticists have variously estimated that peoples of Asia and the Americas were part of the same population from about 42,000 to 21,000 years ago.[12]
  • Siberian mammoth hunters were believed to have penetrated far into the Arctic where ice-free corridors north during the time are believed found. Theory first introduced by geologists in the late 1970s when core samples indicate the ice is no older than 17,000 years old.[17]
23,000–16,500 years ago:
  • The Ice Age entombs the northern hemisphere in glaciers, cutting off routes from Siberia to the south.[37]
  • 2002 the presence of the X haplogroup was found in a small percentage of modern indigenous Americans that is known to exist in a few locations in Europe and the Middle East. Subsequent research indicated that this DNA was not the result of genetic mixing after Columbus. However, the time estimates on haplogroup X entering Americas is around 15,000 to 20,000 years ago.[38]
  • Genetic evidence (2007–2009) suggests the Beringia population's first genetic diversification from Asian populations occurred.[39] 86 complete mitochondrial genomes show all Native American haplogroups, including haplogroup X, descend from a single founding population.[12][39][40]
16,500–13,000 years ago:
  • Receding glaciers reopened an ice-free corridor through Canada between Alaska and the rest of the Americas. Massive flooding would have created large lakes covering vast areas of North America with glacial waters.[41]
  • Age estimates based on Y-chromosome micro-satellite place diversity of the so-called "American Haplo" Q1a3a1 at around 10,000 to 15,000 years ago.[6]
  • Mass extinction of large fauna begins due to hunting and perhaps climate change. The dire wolf, Smilodon, American lion, giant beaver, ground sloths, mammoths, American mastodon, American camel and American equine all become extinct by 11,000 years ago.[42][43]
  • Pre-Clovis sites uncovered from 1973 to 1978 Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania site indicated occupancy as early as 16,000 years ago and possibly as long as 19,000 years ago. Dates in excess of 19,000 years have been claimed for the deepest occupation layer uncovered.[44]
  • pre-Clovis sites found in Monte Verde, located along Chinchihuapi Creek, in Chile. A crew of eighty people, led by Tom Dillehay of the University of Kentucky, excavated the site from 1977 to 1985.[45] A coastal migration could explain how people arrived in Monte Verde.[45]
  • 2000, archaeologists say people were living at Cactus Hill, Virginia where stone tools and charcoal from a fire pit are found.[46]
15,000–13,000 years ago:
  • The Taima Taima mastodon kill/butchering site in Falcón, Venezuela was first excavated by J.M. Cruxent in the 1960s and 1970s. It is one of the earliest archaeological sites that is pre-Clovis. In 1976 a broken El Jobo point (red arrow) was found inside the pubic cavity of a partially disarticulated and butchered young mastodon whose bones had been cut, with a jasper flake found near the left ulna of the animal.[47]
  • Peñon woman found by an ancient lake bed near Mexico City in 1959.[48]
  • El Abra sites located in the valley east of the city of Zipaquirá, Colombia. First excavated by Gonzalo Correal and associates in the late 1970s and early 1980s. 3,072 pieces found indicate it was inhabited continuously for over 7,000 years.[49]
  • At Paisley Caves in the Cascade Range of Oregon, archaeologists find a scattering of human coprolites, or fossil feces in 2003.[50] The mitochondrial DNA extracted from coprolites linked the cave dwellers to two genetic groups of early Americans that arose 14,000 to 18,000 years ago.[50] These two genetic groups were the founding Paleo-Indians and later Na-Dené migration.[18][51]
  • Taima-Taima contains 11,000–14,000-year-old mastodon bones believed chipped by humans.[52]
13,500–12,000 years ago:
  • The Ice Age is ending, melting glaciers have raised sea levels 120 meters and submerged the land bridge between Alaska and Siberia. Geologic evidence indicates that by 11,500 years ago, the Cordilleran and Laurentide ice sheets had retreated far enough to open a habitable ice-free corridor between them. The exposed land was dry and probably restored enough to support plants and animals, which the migrating hunter-gatherer followed.[53]
  • Clovis theory – People were living near Clovis, New Mexico where tools from this era were found in the 1930s. This find gave rise to the widely held "Clovis First" theory that people spread through the Americas only after the Ice Age.[54] The Clovis culture was believed replaced by several more localized regional cultures, such as the Folsom tradition, from the time of the Younger Dryas cold climate period.[12]
  • Los Toldos Cave in the Argentine Patagonia believed dated to 12,600 years.[55]
12,000–10,000 years ago:
  • Ice age over, climate similar to present temperatures. Old migration theories believe first widespread migration in South America and subsequently a dramatic rise in population all over the Americas, introduced in the 1930s.[56]
  • The Maritimes of Canada are settled by Paleo-Indians. Sites in and around Belmont, Nova Scotia have evidence indicating small seasonal hunting camps, perhaps re-visited over many generations.[57]
  • Luzia Woman's skull and other bones excavated in Lagoa Santa, Brazil area by French archaeologist Annette Laming-Emperaire in the 1970s.[58] By 2006, Lagoa Santa sites had produced no fewer than 75 well-preserved ancient skulls.[58]
  • 1994, University of California, Riverside anthropologist R. Erv Taylor examined seventeen of the Spirit Cave artifacts near Fallon, Nevada from the 1940s using mass spectrometry. The results indicated that a mummy was approximately 9,400–10,200 years old — older than any previously known North American mummy.[59]
  • Unique markers found in DNA recovered from an Alaskan tooth were found in specific coastal tribes, and were rare in any of the other indigenous peoples in the Americas. This finding lends substantial credence to a migration theory that at least one set of early peoples moved south along the west coast of the Americas in boats.[60]
9,000–8,000 years ago:
  • Remains, known as Kennewick Man, are found in 1996 on the Columbia River near Kennewick, Washington. A skull and more than 300 bones and bone fragments were found at the site, making up among the oldest, best preserved, and most complete human remains ever found in North America. Initial radiocarbon dating indicated the remains were between 7,000 and 9,500 years old.[61] A leaf-shaped projectile found on the body was long, broad and had serrated edges, all fitting the definition of a Cascade point. This type of point is a feature of the Cascade phase, occurring in the archaeological record from roughly 6,000 to over 8,500 years ago.
  • 1930s–1990s no major Central American archaeological sites that go back more than 9,000 years have been found. Isolated finds of stone tools in Belize, Nicaragua and Costa Rica indicate that such sites almost certainly exist. Lack of funding for exploration in the areas has postponed likely finds.[58]
  • Tehuacan Valley of Mexico – people are living in rock shelters and using stone cooking pots, which were left in the center of the hearth. Maize was cultivated in the same valley between 7,000–6,000 years ago.[62]

Genetics and blood type[edit]

For more details on this topic, see Genetic history of indigenous peoples of the Americas.
Schematic illustration of maternal geneflow in and out of Beringia.Colours of the arrows correspond to approximate timing of the events and are decoded in the coloured time-bar. The initial peopling of Berinigia (depicted in light yellow) was followed by a standstill after which the ancestors of indigenous Americans spread swiftly all over the New World, while some of the Beringian maternal lineages–C1a-spread westwards. More recent (shown in green) genetic exchange is manifested by back-migration of A2a into Siberia and the spread of D2a into north-eastern America that post-dated the initial peopling of the New World.
Schematic illustration of maternal (mtDNA) gene-flow in and out of Beringia.

By the 1920s studies indicated that blood type O was predominant in pre-Columbian populations, with a small admixture of type A in the north. Further blood studies combining statistics and genetic research were pioneered by Luigi Cavalli-Sforza and applied to population migrations predating historical records. This led Jacob Bronowski to assert in 1973 (in The Ascent of Man) that there were at least two separate migrations:

"I can see no sensible way of interpreting that but to believe that a first migration of a small, related kinship group (all of blood group O) came into America, multiplied, and spread right to the South. Then a second migration, again of small groups, this time containing either A alone or both A and O, followed them only as far as North America."[63]

Modern Amerindian genetics studies focus primarily on human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroups (yDNA haplogroups) and human mitochondrial DNA haplogroups (mtDNA haplogroups). The genetic pattern emerging shows two very distinctive genetic episodes occurred, first with the initial peopling of the Americas, and secondly with European colonization of the Americas.[6][64][65] The former is the determinant factor for the number of gene lineages, zygosity mutations and founding haplotypes present in today's indigenous Amerindian populations.[64]

Genetics and blood studies indicate human settlement of the New World occurred in stages from the Bering sea coastline, with an initial layover on Beringia for the small founding population.[6][18][23] The micro-satellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonization of the region.[66] The Na-Dené, Inuit and Indigenous Alaskan populations exhibit haplogroup Q (Y-DNA) mutations, but are distinct from other indigenous Amerindians with various mtDNA and autosomal DNA (atDNA) mutations.[51][67][68] This suggests that the earliest migrants into the northern extremes of North America and Greenland derived from later migrant populations.[69][70]

Land bridge theory[edit]

Shrinking of the Bering land bridge

Also known as the Bering Strait Theory or Beringia theory, the Land Bridge theory has been widely accepted since the 1930s. The idea was first postulated in a rudimentary fashion in 1590 by the Jesuit scholar José de Acosta.[71] This model of migration into the New World proposes that people migrated from Siberia into Alaska, tracking big game animal herds. They were able to cross between the two continents by a land bridge called the Bering Land Bridge, which spanned what is now the Bering Strait, during the Wisconsin glaciation, the last major stage of the Pleistocene beginning 50,000 years ago and ending some 10,000 years ago, when ocean levels were 60 metres (200 ft) lower than today. This information is gathered using oxygen isotope records from deep-sea cores. An exposed land bridge that was at least 1,000 miles (1,600 km) wide existed between Siberia and the western coast of Alaska. In the "short chronology" version, from the archaeological evidence gathered, it was concluded that this culture of big game hunters crossed the Bering Strait at least 12,000 years ago and could have eventually reached the southern tip of South America by 11,000 years ago.

Crossings by foot of the Bering Sea, however, are also possible when the sea is frozen.[72]

Synopsis[edit]

At some point during the last Ice Age, about 17,000 years ago, as the ice sheets advanced and sea levels fell, people first migrated from the Eurasian landmass to the Americas. These nomadic hunters were following game herds from Siberia across what is, today the Bering Strait into Alaska, and then gradually spread southward. Based upon the distribution of Amerind languages and language families, a movement of tribes along the Rocky Mountain foothills and eastward across the Great Plains to the Atlantic seaboard is assumed to have occurred at least some 13,000 to 10,000 years ago.

Clovis culture[edit]

Further information: Clovis culture and Clovis point
Map showing the approximate location of the ice-free corridor and specific Paleoindian sites (Clovis theory).

This big game-hunting culture has been labeled the Clovis culture, and is primarily identified by its artifacts of fluted projectile points. The culture received its name from artifacts found near Clovis, New Mexico, the first evidence of this tool complex, excavated in 1932. The Clovis culture ranged over much of North America and appeared in South America. The culture is identified by a distinctive Clovis point, a flaked flint spear-point with a notched flute by which it was inserted into a shaft. It could be removed from the shaft for traveling. This flute is one characteristic that defines the Clovis point complex.

Dating Clovis materials has been by association with animal bones and by carbon dating. Recent reexaminations of Clovis materials using improved carbon-dating methods produced results of 11,050 and 10,800 radiocarbon years B.P. (before present). This evidence suggests that the culture flowered somewhat later and for a shorter period of time than previously believed. Michael R. Waters of Texas A&M University in College Station and Thomas W. Stafford Jr., proprietor of a private-sector laboratory in Lafayette, Colorado and an expert in radiocarbon dating, attempted to determine the dates of the Clovis period. The heyday of Clovis technology has typically been set between 11,500 and 10,900 radiocarbon years B.P. (The radiocarbon calibration is disputed for this period, but the widely used IntCal04 calibration puts the dates at 13,300 to 12,800 calendar years B.P.). In a controversial move, Waters and Stafford conclude that no fewer than 11 of the 22 Clovis sites with radiocarbon dates are "problematic" and should be disregarded—including the type site in Clovis, New Mexico. They argue that the datable samples could have been contaminated by earlier material. This contention was considered highly controversial by many in the archaeological community.

In 2014, the autosomal DNA of a 12,500+-year-old infant from Montana was sequenced.[73][74][75][76] The DNA was taken from a skeleton referred to as Anzick-1, found in close association with several Clovis artifacts. Comparisons showed strong affinities with DNA from Siberian sites, and virtually ruled out any close affinity with European sources (the so-called "Solutrean hypothesis"). The DNA also showed strong affinities with all existing Native American populations, which indicated that all of them derive from an ancient population that lived in or near Siberia, the Upper Palaeolithic Mal'ta population.[76] The data indicate that Anzick-1 is from a population directly ancestral to present South American and Central American Native American populations, ruling out hypotheses which posit that invasions subsequent to the Clovis culture overwhelmed or assimilated previous migrants into the Americas. Anzick-1 is less closely related to present North American Native American populations, suggesting an early divergence between North American and Central plus South American populations, with the North American populations being basal to the rest.[76]

Problems with Clovis migration models[edit]

Significant problems arise with the Clovis migration model. If Clovis people radiated south after entering the New World and eventually reached the southern tip of South America by 11,000 years ago, this leaves only a short time span to populate the entire hemisphere.[77] Another complication for the Clovis-only theory arose in 1997, when a panel of authorities inspected the Monte Verde site in Chile. They concluded that the radiocarbon evidence predates Clovis sites in the North American Midwest by at least 1,000 years.[78] This supports the theory of a primary coastal migration route people used to move south along the coastline faster than those who migrated inland into the central areas of the Americas. Many excavations have uncovered evidence that subsistence patterns of early Americans included foods such as turtles, shellfish, and tubers. This is a change of diet from the big game mammoths, long-horn bison, horse, and camels that early Clovis hunters apparently followed east into the New World.

At the Topper archaeological site (located along the banks of the Savannah River near Allendale, South Carolina) investigated by University of South Carolina archaeologist Dr. Albert Goodyear, charcoal material recovered in association with purported human artifacts returned radiocarbon dates of up to 50,000 years before the present (BP). This would indicate the presence of humans well before the last glacial period. Considerable doubt over the validity of these findings has been raised by many other researchers, and the pre-Clovis Topper dates remain controversial. Charcoal could have originated from forest fires, and the crude stone artifacts may be misinterpreted geofacts.

Pre-Clovis dates have been claimed for several sites in South America, but these early dates have not been verified unequivocally.

Discoveries in 2002 and 2003 of human coprolites (fossilized feces)[79] as well as hunting tools found deeply buried in the Paisley Caves in Oregon indicate the presence of humans in North America as much as 1,200 years prior to the Clovis culture.[80][81][82]

Watercraft migration theories[edit]

Earlier finds have led to a pre-Clovis culture theory encompassing different migration models with an expanded chronology to supersede the "Clovis-first" theory.

Pacific coastal models[edit]

Main article: Coastal Migration

Pacific models propose that people first reached the Americas via water travel, following coastlines from northeast Asia into the Americas. Coastlines are unusually productive environments because they provide humans with access to a diverse array of plants and animals from both terrestrial and marine ecosystems. While not exclusive of land-based migrations, the Pacific 'coastal migration theory' helps explain how early colonists reached areas extremely distant from the Bering Strait region, including sites such as Monte Verde in southern Chile and Taima-Taima in western Venezuela. Two cultural components were discovered at Monte Verde near the Pacific Coast of Chile. The youngest layer is radiocarbon dated at 12,500 radiocarbon years (~14,000 cal BP)[citation needed] and has produced the remains of several types of seaweeds collected from coastal habitats. The older and more controversial component may date back as far as 33,000 years, but few scholars currently accept this very early component.[citation needed]

Other coastal models, dealing specifically with the peopling of the Pacific Northwest and California coasts, have been advocated by archaeologists Knut Fladmark, Roy Carlson, James Dixon, Jon Erlandson, Ruth Gruhn, and Daryl Fedje. In a 2007 article in the Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology, Erlandson and his colleagues proposed a corollary to the coastal migration theory—the "kelp highway hypothesis"—arguing that productive kelp forests supporting similar suites of plants and animals would have existed near the end of the Pleistocene around much of the Pacific Rim from Japan to Beringia, the Pacific Northwest, and California, as well as the Andean Coast of South America. Once the coastlines of Alaska and British Columbia had deglaciated about 16,000 years ago, these kelp forest (along with estuarine, mangrove, and coral reef) habitats would have provided an ecologically similar migration corridor, entirely at sea level, and essentially unobstructed.

East Asians: Paleoindians of the coast[edit]

The boat-builders from Southeast Asia may have been one of the earliest groups to reach the shores of North America.[citation needed] One theory suggests people in boats followed the coastline from the Kurile Islands to Alaska down the coasts of North and South America as far as Chile [2 62; 7 54, 57]. The Haida nation on the Queen Charlotte Islands off the coast of British Columbia may have originated from these early Asian mariners between 25,000 and 12,000.[citation needed] Early watercraft migration would also explain the habitation of coastal sites in South America such as Pikimachay Cave in Peru by 20,000 years ago and Monte Verde in Chile by 13,000 years ago [6 30; 8 383].

"'There was boat use in Japan 20,000 years ago,' says Jon Erlandson, a University of Oregon anthropologist. 'The Kurile Islands (north of Japan) are like stepping stones to Beringia,' the then continuous land bridging the Bering Strait. Migrants, he said, could have then skirted the tidewater glaciers in Canada right on down the coast." [7 64]'

Atlantic coastal model[edit]

Archaeologists Dennis Stanford and Bruce Bradley champion the coastal Atlantic route. Their Solutrean Hypothesis is also based on evidence from the Clovis complex, but instead traces the origins of the Clovis toolmaking style to the Solutrean culture of Ice Age Western Europe.[83] The theory suggests that early European people (or peoples) may have been among the earliest settlers of the Americas.[84][85] Citing evidence that the Solutrean culture of prehistoric Europe may have provided the basis for the tool-making of the Clovis culture in the Americas, the theory suggests that Ice Age Europeans migrated to North America by using skills similar to those possessed by the modern Inuit peoples and followed the edge of the ice sheet that spanned the Atlantic. The hypothesis rests upon particular similarities in Solutrean and Clovis technology that have no known counterparts in Eastern Asia, Siberia or Beringia, areas from which, or through which, early Americans are known to have migrated. Most professionals discount the theory for a variety of reasons—including the fact that the differences between the two tool-making traditions far outweigh the similarities, the several thousand miles of the Atlantic Ocean they would have had to cross, and the 5,000-year-span that separates the two cultures.[86][87] Genetic studies of Native American populations have also shown that the Solutrean theory is unlikely, showing instead that the five main mtDNA haplogroups found in the Americas were all part of one gene pool migration from Asia.[88]

Problems with evaluating coastal migration models[edit]

The coastal migration models provide a different perspective on migration to the New World, but they are not without their own problems. One of the biggest problems is that global sea levels have risen over 100 metres since the end of the last glacial period, and this has submerged the ancient coastlines that maritime people would have followed into the Americas. Finding sites associated with early coastal migrations is extremely difficult—and systematic excavation of any sites found in deeper waters is challenging and expensive. On the other hand, there is evidence of marine technologies found in the hills of California's Channel Islands, circa 10,000 BCE.[89] If there was an early pre-Clovis coastal migration, there is always the possibility of a "failed colonization". Another problem that arises is the lack of hard evidence found for a "long chronology" theory. No sites have yet produced a consistent chronology older than about 12,500 radiocarbon years (~14,500 calendar years)[citation needed], but research has been limited in South America related to the possibility of early coastal migrations.

Notes and references[edit]

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  4. ^ Bonatto, Sandro L.; Salzano, Francisco M. (1997). "A single and early migration for the peopling of the Americas supported by mitochondrial DNA sequence data". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 94: 1866–1871. doi:10.1073/pnas.94.5.1866. PMC 20009. PMID 9050871. 
  5. ^ Phillip M. White (2006). American Indian chronology: chronologies of the American mosaic. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-313-33820-5. Retrieved 29 November 2011. 
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  8. ^ Axelrod, Alan (2003). The Complete Idiot's Guide to American History. Alpha Books. ISBN 0-02-864464-6. Retrieved 2010-02-05. 
  9. ^ "Introduction". Government of Canada. Parks Canada. 2009. Retrieved 2010-01-09. "Canada's oldest known home is a cave in Yukon occupied not 12,000 years ago like the U.S. sites, but at least 20,000 years ago" 
  10. ^ "Pleistocene Archaeology of the Old Crow Flats". Vuntut National Park of Canada. 2008. Retrieved 2010-01-10. "However, despite the lack of this conclusive and widespread evidence, there are suggestions of human occupation in the northern Yukon about 24,000 years ago, and hints of the presence of humans in the Old Crow Basin as far back as about 40,000 years ago." [dead link]
  11. ^ "Atlas of the Human Journey". National Genographic. 
  12. ^ a b c d "First Americans". Southern Methodist University-David J. Meltzer, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Archived from the original on 2009-11-01. 
  13. ^ a b c "Jorney of mankind". Brad Shaw Foundation. 
  14. ^ Lister, Adrian; Bahn, Paul G (2007-11-10). "Mammoths: Giants of the Ice Age". By Adrian Lister, Paul G. Bahn. ISBN 978-0-7112-2801-6. 
  15. ^ Jordan, David K (2009). "Prehistoric Beringia". University of California-San Diego. Retrieved 2010-04-15. 
  16. ^ Jody Hey, "On the Number of New World Founders: A Population Genetic Portrait of the Peopling of the Americas", Public Library of Science Biology, 3(6):e193 (2005)
  17. ^ a b c d "Beringian Standstill and Spread of Native American Founders". PLoS ONE (eISSN-1932-6203). 
  18. ^ a b c Than, Ker (2008). "New World Settlers Took 20,000-Year Pit Stop". National Geographic Society. Retrieved 2010-01-23. "Over time descendants developed a unique culture—one that was different from the original migrants' way of life in Asia but which contained seeds of the new cultures that would eventually appear throughout the Americas" 
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See also[edit]

External links[edit]