February 9, 2010 – Richard Hurlburt resigns from the legislature following revelations that he had spent his constituency allowance on a generator and a 40" television, which together cost over $11,000.
March 11, 2010 – Dave Wilson resigns from the legislature and is later charged and pleaded guilty.
March 25, 2010 – Trevor Zinck is suspended from the NDP caucus over problems with his constituency expenses.
August 16, 2010 – Karen Casey announces her resignation as interim leader of the Progressive Conservatives.
August 18, 2010 – Jamie Baillie is chosen as leader of the Progressive Conservative Party.
October 26, 2010 – Jamie Baillie wins a byelection and represents the constituency of Cumberland South.
January 10, 2011 – PC MLA Karen Casey crosses the floor to join the Liberal caucus.
February 14, 2011 – Trevor Zinck is announced as one of four people facing criminal charges in connection with the RCMP investigation into 2010s MLA expense scandal. Zinck is charged with fraud exceeding $5,000, breach of trust by a public officer, and 2 counts of theft over $5,000.
The election campaign began the week after Labour Day, when the legislature would normally have been expected to return to work, had there been no election campaign. As criticism or defense of government policy would dominate the agenda, and by convention electoral mandates are understood to last about four years, despite a lack of fixed election dates, the timing was not controversial.
The Muskrat Falls or Lower Churchill Project, along with its associated Maritime Link and electricity policy generally, immediately emerged as the key issue in the early campaign. . Liberals emphasized Nova Scotia Power's dominance of power generation, and its ability to exclude alternatives through its near-monopoly ownership of the distribution network, covering 129/130 Nova Scotians. They also promised to remove a conservation charge, named for demand response programs that never materialized (though many passive conservation programs run by Efficiency Nova Scotia did prove effective) – instead proposing that NSPI pay for it from its return. Liberals and Conservatives both criticized NSPIs unaccountable 9.2% guaranteed rate of return even for unwise investments. Conservatives acknowledged that it was under pressure to meet a tough renewable standard (which they would relax) but also promised to freeze rates. The NDP government continued to defend Muskrat Falls as the only viable alternative to replace coal-fired power, even though this project was before the Nova Scotia Utilities Review Board as of the election call, remained unchanged and this was reflected in their campaign materials – they criticized the Liberal plan as likely to lead to higher power rates. The basis for these criticisms was unclear. However, a similar attempt to open generation competition in New Brunswick failed, in part because New Brunswick Power retained monopoly control of the distribution and transmission network, which intimidates competitors and makes it easy in practice to exclude them.
Other issues in the campaign:
A proposed passenger ferry from Yarmouth, Nova Scotia to Portland, Maine, re-instituting summer service that ran for decades until the 1990s, replacing a car-focused service that ran to Bar Harbor, Maine until the NDP government cancelled it. This was of particular interest to South Shore candidates, especially Yarmouth. Associated issues include the collapse of all public transit on the South Shore (with the withdrawal of TryTown from operating public buses from Yarmouth to Halifax) and a general lack of transport strategy, that could potentially leave some of the 130,000 passengers per year stranded. It remained unclear as of election time whether an announced deal to resume service May 1, 2014, had held, and what other transport policy applied  Darrell Dexter had referred to stories from Yarmouth about the impact of the loss of ferries a "mythology"  which effectively made this a campaign issue before the campaign had begun.
On election night, the Nova Scotia Liberal Party formed a majority government by a comfortable margin. This was the first time the Liberals had formed government in Nova Scotia since 1999, and their first majority government victory since 1993. From mid 2012, the Liberals had led every public poll and entered the campaign with a 20-point lead over the NDP.
While the Liberals had been relatively successful in the Annapolis Valley and on Cape Breton Island during the 2009 election, they were completely shut out of the Shore Shore, Fundy, and Central Nova Scotia. More importantly, the NDP had dominated the Halifax metropolitan area, winning 14 out of 18 seats. In 2009, the NDP had been able to count on a large number of ridings in and around Halifax, while achieving historic gains across the province, including in traditionally PC and Liberal areas of rural Nova Scotia. In 2009, the PCs fell from first place to third place in the Legislature, and were completely shut out of the Halifax metropolitan area.
In the 2013 election, NDP support collapsed across the province, as they lost all of their seats in Central Nova Scotia, 3 of their seats in Fundy, and 3 of their seats on the South Shore. However, the most important shift was in the Halifax metropolitan area, where NDP support dropped from 54.07% in 2009 to 31.29% in 2013. The party wound up losing 13 of their seats, as the Liberals won 18 out of 20 seats in and around Halifax. Strong NDP areas in 2009, like Dartmouth, Central Halifax, and suburban areas north and east of the Harbour swung from the NDP to the Liberals.
Remarkably, the NDP had very poor vote concentration in the 2013 election. In Halifax, where they won 31.29% of the vote, they were only able to net 2 seats out of 20, and even though the party finished second in the popular vote ahead of the PCs, it was more diffusely spread out across the province and not as regionally concentrated, which allowed the PCs to win 11 seats to the NDP's 7, even though the PCs finished third in the popular vote.