One-child policy

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
One-child policy
Chinese family with one child at Beihai Park, Beijing.jpg
A one-child Chinese family at a park in Beijing
Traditional Chinese 計劃生育政策
Simplified Chinese 计划生育政策
Literal meaning family planning policy

The one-child policy, officially the family planning policy,[1] was the population control policy of the People's Republic of China. Many demographers consider the term "one-child" a misnomer, as the policy allows many exceptions: for example, rural families may have a second child if the first child is a girl or is disabled and ethnic minorities are exempt. Families in which neither parent has siblings are also allowed to have two children.[2] Foreigners living in China and residents of the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau are also exempt from the policy. In 2007, approximately 35.9% of China's population was subject to the one-child restriction.[3] In November 2013, the Chinese government announced that it would further relax the policy by allowing families to have two children if one of the parents is an only child.[2][4]

The policy was introduced in 1979 to alleviate social, economic, and environmental problems in China.[5] Demographers estimate that the policy averted 200 million births between 1979 and 2009.[6] The policy is controversial both within and outside China for many reasons, including because of the manner in which the policy has been implemented and because of concerns about negative social consequences.[7] It has been implicated in an increase in forced abortions,[8] female infanticide, and under-reporting[9] of female births, and has been suggested as a possible cause behind China's sex imbalance. Nonetheless, a 2008 survey undertaken by the Pew Research Center reported that 76% of the Chinese population supports the policy.[10]

The policy is enforced at the provincial level through fines that are imposed based on the income of the family and other factors. "Population and Family Planning Commissions" (计划生育委员会) exist at every level of government to raise awareness and carry out registration and inspection work.[11]

Overview[edit]

Population in China
Year Million Change
1964 694.6 --------
1982 1008.2 + 313.6
2000 1265.8 + 257.6
2010 1339.7 + 73.9
Source: Census of China
Population of China, showing growth despite the one-child policy

History[edit]

During the period of Chairman Mao's leadership in the People's Republic of China, the crude birth rate fell from 37 to 20 per thousand,[12] infant mortality declined from 227/1000 births in 1949 to 53/1000 in 1981, and life expectancy dramatically increased from around 35 years in 1949 to 66 years in 1976.[12][13] Until the 1960s, the government encouraged families to have as many children as possible[14] because of Mao's belief that population growth empowered the country, preventing the emergence of family planning programs earlier in China's development.[15] The population grew from around 540 million in 1949 to 940 million in 1976.[16] Beginning in 1970, citizens were encouraged to marry at later ages and have only two children. Although the fertility rate began to decline significantly, future population growth proved overwhelming and the one-child policy was announced by Chinese leaders. The one child policy had been planned as early as 1977, although it was not mandated nationwide until 1979.[17][18][19]

The system of the work unit (Danwei) was crucial to implementing the one-child policy, as workers' reproductive behaviors could be monitored. As part of China's planned-birth policy, unit supervisors monitor the fertility of married women and may decide whose turn it is to have a baby. In 2003, it became possible to marry or divorce someone without needing authorization from the work unit.[20]

Administration[edit]

The policy was managed by the National Population and Family Planning Commission under the central government since 1981. The Ministry of Health of the People's Republic of China and the National Health and Family Planning Commission were made defunct and a new single agency National Health and Family Planning Commission took over national health and family planning policies in 2013. The agency reports to the State Council.

Current status[edit]

The limit has been strongly enforced in urban towns, but the actual implementation varies from location to location.[21] In most rural areas, families are allowed to apply to have a second child if their first-born is a daughter[22] or suffers from physical disability, mental illness, or intellectual disability.[23] Second children are subject to birth spacing (usually 3 or 4 years). Additional children will result in large fines. Families violating the policy are required to pay monetary penalties and may possibly be denied bonuses at their workplace. Children born in overseas countries are not counted under the policy if they do not obtain Chinese citizenship. Chinese citizens returning from abroad are allowed to have a second child.[24]

As of 2007, 35.9% of the population were subject to a strict one-child limit. 52.9% were permitted to have a second child if their first was a daughter; 9.6% of Chinese couples were permitted two children regardless of their sex; and 1.6%—mainly Tibetans—had no limit at all.[25]

The Danshan, Sichuan Province Nongchang Village people Public Affairs Bulletin Board in September 2005 noted that RMB 25,000 in social compensation fees were owed in 2005. Thus far 11,500 RMB had been collected leaving another 13,500 RMB to be collected.

The social fostering or maintenance fee (simplified Chinese: 社会抚养费; traditional Chinese: 社會撫養費; pinyin: shèhuì fǔyǎngfèi), sometimes called a "family planning fine" in the West, is collected as a fraction of either the annual disposable income of city dwellers or of the annual cash income of peasants, in the year of the child's birth.[26] In 2007, the formula for figuring the amount of the fine for a "private enterprise boss" was as follows: For an income of 200,000 yuan per year, the maximum social child-raising fee would be 20,000 × 6 + (200,000 – 20,000) × 2 = 480,000 yuan (about US$63,763) and a minimum 20,000 × 3 + (200,000 – 20,000) × 1 = 240,000 yuan (US$31,884). Both members of the couple would need to pay a fine, although it was left unclear whether they both would pay the same amount.[27] The parents also have to pay for both the children to go to school and all the family's health care. Some children who are in one-child families pay less than the children in other families.

The one-child policy was designed from the outset to be a one-generation policy.[28] It is enforced at the provincial level and enforcement varies; some provinces have relaxed the restrictions. After Henan loosened the requirement, the majority of provinces and cities[29][30] permit two parents who were only children themselves to have two children. Beginning in 1987, official policy granted local officials the flexibility to make exceptions and allow second children in the case of "practical difficulties" (such as cases in which the father is a disabled serviceman) or when both parents are single children,[31] and some provinces had other exemptions worked into their policies as well.[32] Following the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, a new exception to the regulations was announced in Sichuan province for parents who had lost children in the earthquake.[33][34] Similar exceptions have previously been made for parents of severely disabled or deceased children.[35] People have also tried to evade the policy by giving birth to a second child in Hong Kong, but at least for Guangdong residents, the one-child policy is also enforced if the birth was given in Hong Kong or abroad.[36]

In accordance with China's affirmative action policies towards ethnic minorities, all non-Han ethnic groups are subjected to different laws and are usually allowed to have two children in urban areas, and three or four in rural areas. Han Chinese living in rural towns are also permitted to have two children.[37] Because of couples such as these, as well as urban couples who simply pay a fine (or "social maintenance fee") to have more children,[38] the overall fertility rate of mainland China is close to 1.4 children per woman.[39]

An April 2007 study taken by the University of California, Irvine, which claimed to be the first systematic study of the policy, found that it had proved "remarkably effective".[40] Other reports have shown population ageing and negative population growth in some jurisdictions.[41]

On 15 November 2013, the Chinese government announced that it would further relax the policy by allowing families to have two children if one of the parents is an only child.[2][42]

Effects[edit]

After the introduction of the one-child policy, the fertility rate in China fell from 2.63 births per woman in 1980 (already a sharp reduction from more than five births per woman in the early 1970s) to 1.61 in 2009.[43] However, the policy itself is probably only partially responsible for the reduction in the total fertility rate.[44]

China, like many other Asian countries, has a long tradition of son preference.[45] The commonly accepted explanation for son preference is that sons in rural families are more helpful in farm work. Both rural and urban populations have economic and traditional incentives, including widespread remnants of Confucianism, to prefer sons over daughters. Sons are preferred as they provide the primary financial support for the parents in their retirement, and a son's parents typically are better cared for than his wife's. In addition, Chinese tradition holds that daughters, on their marriage, become primarily part of the groom's family. Male-to-female sex ratios in the current Chinese population are high in both rural and urban areas.[44]

Sex-based birth rate disparity[edit]

Sex ratio at birth in mainland China, males per 100 females, 1980–2010.
For more details on this topic, see Missing women of Asia.

The sex ratio at birth (between male and female births) in mainland China reached 117:100 and remained steady between 2000 and 2013, substantially higher than the natural baseline, which ranges between 103:100 and 107:100. It had risen from 108:100 in 1981—at the boundary of the natural baseline—to 111:100 in 1990.[46][unreliable source?] According to a report by the National Population and Family Planning Commission, there will be 30 million more men than women in 2020, potentially leading to social instability, and courtship-motivated emigration.[47] The correlation between the increase of sex disparity on birth and the deployment of one child policy would appear to have been caused by the one-child policy.

Other Asian regions also have higher than average ratios, including Taiwan (110:100) and South Korea (108:100), which do not have a family planning policy[48] and the ratio in South Korea was as high as 116:100 in the early 1990s but since then has moved substantially back toward a normal range, with a ratio of 107:100 in 2005.[49] Many studies have explored the reason for the sex-based birth rate disparity in China as well as other countries. A study in 1990 attributed the high preponderance of reported male births in mainland China to four main causes: diseases which affect females more severely than males; the result of widespread underreporting of female births; the illegal practice of sex-selective abortion made possible by the widespread availability of ultrasound; and finally, acts of child abandonment and infanticide.[9] The number of bachelors in China had already increased between 1990 and 2005, implying that China's lack of brides is not solely linked to the one-child policy, as single-child families were only enforced from 1979.[50]

In 2005, economist Emily Oster proposed a biological explanation for the sex imbalance in Asian countries, including China. Using data on viral prevalence by country as well as estimates of the effect of hepatitis on sex ratio, Oster claimed that Hepatitis B could account for up to 75% of the sex-ratio disparity in China.[51] Oster later retracted her claim in 2008.[52]

The same year, Monica Das Gupta showed that whether or not females "go missing" is determined by the existing sex composition of the family into which they are conceived. Girls with no older sisters have similar chances of survival as boys. Girls conceived in families that already have a daughter, experience steeply higher probabilities of being aborted or of dying in early childhood. Gupta claims that cultural factors provide the overwhelming explanation for the "missing" females."[53]

"The Guanyin Who Sends Children" in a temple in the small town of Danshan, Sichuan.

The disparity in the sex ratio at birth increases dramatically after the first birth, for which the ratios remained steadily within the natural baseline over the 20 year interval between 1980 and 1999. Thus, a large majority of couples appear to accept the outcome of the first pregnancy, whether it is a boy or a girl. If the first child is a girl, and they are able to have a second child, then a couple may take extraordinary steps to assure that the second child is a boy. If a couple already has two or more boys, the sex ratio of higher parity births swings decidedly in a feminine direction.[54]

This demographic evidence indicates that while families highly value having male offspring, a secondary norm of having a girl or having some balance in the sexes of children often comes into play. For example, a study based on the 1990 census found sex ratios of just 65 or 70 boys per 100 girls for births in families that already had two or more boys.[55] Another study found a similar pattern among both Han and non-Han nationalities in Xinjiang Province: a strong preference for girls in high parity births in families that had already borne two or more boys.[56] This evidence is consistent with the observation by another researcher that for a majority of rural families "their ideal family size is one boy and one girl, at most two boys and one girl".[57]:306

A 2006 review article[58] by the editorial board of Population Research (Chinese: 人口研究; pinyin: Rénkǒu Yánjiū), one of China's leading demography journals,[citation needed] argued that only an approach that makes the rights of women central can succeed in bringing down China's high male sex ratio at birth and improve the survival rate of female infants and girls. A section written by East China Normal University demography professor Ci Qinying argued that researchers must pay closer attention to gender issues and human rights issues in demographic research:

How a researcher approaches the question of the sex ratio at birth – from what point for view, considering whose rights – is critical. This depends upon the values of the researcher, the humanistic orientation of the researcher and the consciousness the researcher has about gender and gender discrimination. Protecting the right to exist, the right to reproduce, and the right to health of girls should be at the very core of policy and action measures to control sex ratio at birth. That is because females are the biggest victims of the rising sex ratio.[58]

The authors of another review article, which was presented at a 2005 conference supported by the United Nations Fund for Population Activities, concluded that:

The Chinese government has already set the goal of achieving a normal sex ratio at birth by 2010, and to achieve preliminary results in establishing a new cultural outlook on marriage and having children. The government is working to change the system, way of thinking and other obstacles to attacking the root of the problem. Only if equality of males and females is strongly promoted ... will the harmonious and sustainable development of society be possible.[59][60][61]

Abandonment and adoption[edit]

Rural Sichuan roadside sign: "It is forbidden to discriminate against, mistreat or abandon baby girls."

Social pressure exerted by the one-child policy has affected the rate at which parents abandon unwanted children. Many unwanted children live in state-sponsored orphanages, and thousands are adopted from these institutions each year, either by international or Chinese parents. However, in the 1980s and early 1990s, poor care and high mortality rates in some state institutions generated intense international pressure for reform.[62][63]

It is commonly assumed that children offered for adoption have better lives than if they had stayed with their biological parents. Parents may believe that putting unwanted children in orphanages or foster homes is a safe and beneficial step toward moving the children into permanent adoptive homes. On the contrary, many orphanages in China are overcrowded and can have difficulty meeting children's basic needs.[64]

In the 1980s, adoptions accounted for half of the so-called "missing girls".[65] Through the 1980s, as the one-child policy came into force, parents who desired a son but had a daughter often failed to report or delayed reporting female births to the authorities. Some parents may have offered up their daughters for formal or informal adoption. A majority of children who went through formal adoption in China in the later 1980s were girls, and the proportion who were girls increased over time.[65]

The practice of placing daughters for adoption is consistent with the preference of many Chinese couples for sons. At the same time, the relative availability of female children for adoption may be satisfying the wishes of many other Chinese couples, such as those who already have one or more sons, or those who have been unable to have biological children.[55][56]

According to the Los Angeles Times, many babies put up for adoption had not been abandoned by their parents, but confiscated by family planning officials.[66] The prevalence of such activity is unknown.

Infanticide[edit]

Sex-selected abortion, abandonment, and infanticide are illegal in China. Nevertheless, the US State Department,[67] the Parliament of the United Kingdom,[68] and the human rights organization Amnesty International[69] have all declared that China's family planning programs contribute to infanticide.[70][71][72] "The ‘one-child’ policy has also led to what Amartya Sen first called “Missing Women,” or the 100 million girls “missing” from the populations of China (and other developing countries) as a result of female infanticide, abandonment, and neglect"[73]

Anthropologist G. William Skinner at the University of California, Davis and Chinese researcher Yuan Jianhua have claimed that infanticide was fairly common in China before the 1990s.[74]

Twins sought[edit]

Since there are no penalties for multiple births, it is believed that an increasing number of couples are turning to fertility medicines to induce the conception of twins. According to a 2006 China Daily report, the number of twins born per year in China had doubled.[timeframe?][75]

Benefits[edit]

Impact on health care[edit]

It is reported that the focus of China on population control helps provide a better health service for women and a reduction in the risks of death and injury associated with pregnancy. At family planning offices, women receive free contraception and pre-natal classes that contributed to the policy's success in two respects. First, the average Chinese household expends fewer resources, both in terms of time and money, on children, which gives many Chinese more money with which to invest. Second, since young Chinese can no longer rely on children to care for them in their old age, there is an impetus to save money for the future.[76]

A white sign with two lines of red Chinese characters and a smaller one beneath them on a background of white tile
Government sign in Tangshan Township: "For a prosperous, powerful nation and a happy family, please practice family planning."

Chinese authorities thus consider the policy a great success in helping to implement China's current economic growth. The reduction in the fertility rate and thus population growth has reduced the severity of problems that come with overpopulation, like epidemics, slums, overwhelmed social services (such as health, education, law enforcement), and strain on the ecosystem from abuse of fertile land and production of high volumes of waste.[citation needed]

Criticism[edit]

By 2012, fueled partly by reaction to forced abortion, among other considerations, repeal of the policy was being discussed in some quarters. One thought, backed by demographic research, is that Chinese would not have many more children without the policy than is allowed under the policy.[77]

Alternatives[edit]

One type of criticism has come from those who acknowledge the challenges stemming from China's high population growth but believe that less intrusive options, including those that emphasized delay and spacing of births, could have achieved the same results over an extended period of time. A 2003 review of the policy-making process behind the adoption of the one-child policy shows that some of these alternatives were known but not fully considered by China's political leaders.[78]

Benefits[edit]

The Chinese government states that 400 million births were prevented by the one-child policy as of 2011; this claim is disputed by Wang Feng, director of the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, and Cai Yong from the Carolina Population Center at University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, who put the number of prevented births from 1979 to 2009 at 200 million.[6] In response, Zhai, the professor quoted by official sources for the 400 million claim, clarified that it referred not just to the one-child policy, but includes births prevented by predecessor policies implemented one decade before.[6]

Studies by Chinese demographers, funded in part by the UN Fund for Population Activities, showed that combining poverty alleviation and health care with relaxed targets for family planning was more effective at reducing fertility than vigorous enforcement of very ambitious fertility reduction targets.[79] In 1988, Zeng Yi and Professor T. Paul Schultz of Yale University discussed the effect of the transformation to the market on Chinese fertility, arguing that the introduction of the contract responsibility system in agriculture during the early 1980s weakened family planning controls during that period.[80] Zeng contended that the "big cooking pot" system of the People's Communes had insulated people from the costs of having many children. By the late 1980s, economic costs and incentives created by the contract system were already reducing the number of children farmers wanted.

As Hasketh, Lu, and Xing observe:

[T]he policy itself is probably only partially responsible for the reduction in the total fertility rate. The most dramatic decrease in the rate actually occurred before the policy was imposed. Between 1970 and 1979, the largely voluntary "late, long, few" policy, which called for later childbearing, greater spacing between children, and fewer children, had already resulted in a halving of the total fertility rate, from 5.9 to 2.9. After the one-child policy was introduced, there was a more gradual fall in the rate until 1995, and it has more or less stabilized at approximately 1.7 since then.[44]

These researchers note further that China could have expected a continued reduction in its fertility rate just from continued economic development, had it kept to the previous policy.

Human rights violations[edit]

The one-child policy has been challenged in principle and in practice for violating a human right to determine the size of one's own family. According to a 1968 proclamation of the International Conference on Human Rights, "Parents have a basic human right to determine freely and responsibly the number and the spacing of their children."[81][82]

A 2001 report exposed that a quota of 20,000 abortions and sterilizations was set for Huaiji County in Guangdong Province in one year due to reported disregard of the one-child policy. The effort included using portable ultrasound devices to identify abortion candidates in remote villages. Earlier reports also showed that women as far along as 8.5 months pregnant were forced to abort by injection of saline solution.[8] There were also reports of women in their ninth month of pregnancy, or already in labour, having their children killed whilst in the birth canal or immediately after birth.[83]

In 2002, China outlawed the use of physical force to make a woman submit to an abortion or sterilization, but it is not entirely enforced.[45][84] In the execution of the policy, many local governments still demand abortions if the pregnancy violates local regulations, or even force abortions on women violating the policy. One such case, Feng Jianmei, gained international attention after the family posted graphic pictures of the aborted fetus online. Feng's case has been credited for renewing public debate on the one-child policy both in and out of China.[85]

In the past China promoted eugenics as part of its population planning policies, but the government has backed away from such policies, as evidenced by China's ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which compels the nation to significantly reform its genetic testing laws.[86] Recent[when?] research has also emphasized the necessity of understanding a myriad of complex social relations that affect the meaning of informed consent in China.[87] Furthermore, in 2003, China revised its marriage registration regulations and couples no longer have to submit to a pre-marital physical or genetic examination before being granted a marriage license.[88]

The United Nations Population Fund's (UNFPA) funding for this policy led the United States Congress to pull out of the UNFPA during the Reagan administration,[89] and again under George W. Bush's presidency, citing human rights abuses[90] and stating that the right to "found a family" was protected under the Preamble in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[91] President Obama resumed U.S. government financial support for the UNFPA shortly after taking office in 2009, intending to "work[ing] collaboratively to reduce poverty, improve the health of women and children, prevent HIV/AIDS and provide family planning assistance to women in 154 countries".[92][93]

"Four-two-one" problem[edit]

As the first generation of law-enforced only-children came of age for becoming parents themselves, one adult child was left with having to provide support for his or her two parents and four grandparents.[94][95] Called the "4-2-1 Problem", this leaves the older generations with increased chances of dependency on retirement funds or charity in order to receive support. If personal savings, pensions, or state welfare fail, most senior citizens would be left entirely dependent upon their very small family or neighbours for assistance. If, for any reason, the single child is unable to care for their older adult relatives, the oldest generations would face a lack of resources and necessities. In response to such an issue, all provinces have decided that couples are allowed to have two children if both parents were only children themselves: By 2007, all provinces in the nation except Henan had adopted this new policy;[96][97] Henan followed in 2011.[98]

Potential social problems[edit]

Some parents may over-indulge their only child. The media referred to the indulged children in one-child families as "little emperors". Since the 1990s, some people have worried that this will result in a higher tendency toward poor social communication and cooperation skills among the new generation, as they have no siblings at home. No social studies have investigated the ratio of these over-indulged children and to what extent they are indulged. With the first generation of children born under the policy (which initially became a requirement for most couples with first children born starting in 1979 and extending into the 1980s) reaching adulthood, such worries were reduced.[99] However, the "little emperor syndrome" and additional expressions, describing the generation of Chinese singletons are very abundant in the Chinese media, Chinese academy and popular discussions. Being over-indulged, lacking self-discipline and having no adaptive capabilities are adjectives which are highly associated with Chinese singletons.[100]

Some 30 delegates called on the government in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in March 2007 to abolish the one-child rule, attributing their beliefs to "social problems and personality disorders in young people". One statement read, "It is not healthy for children to play only with their parents and be spoiled by them: it is not right to limit the number to two children per family, either."[101] The proposal was prepared by Ye Tingfang, a professor at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, who suggested that the government at least restore the previous rule that allowed couples to have up to two children. According to a scholar, "The one-child limit is too extreme. It violates nature's law. And in the long run, this will lead to mother nature's revenge."[101][102]

Unequal enforcement[edit]

Government officials and especially wealthy individuals have often been able to violate the policy in spite of fines.[103] For example, between 2000 and 2005, as many as 1,968 officials in central China's Hunan province were found to be violating the policy, according to the provincial family planning commission; also exposed by the commission were 21 national and local lawmakers, 24 political advisors, 112 entrepreneurs and 6 senior intellectuals.[103] Some of the offending officials did not face penalties,[103] although the government did respond by raising fines and calling on local officials to "expose the celebrities and high-income people who violate the family planning policy and have more than one child."[103] Also, people who lived in the rural areas of China were allowed to have two children without punishment. But, the family must wait a couple of years before having another child.[104]

Birth tourism[edit]

Reports surfaced of Chinese women giving birth to their second child overseas, a practice known as birth tourism. Many went to Hong Kong, which is exempt from the one-child policy. Likewise, a Hong Kong passport differs from China mainland passport by providing additional advantages. Recently though, the Hong Kong government has drastically reduced the quota of births set for non-local women in public hospitals. As a result fees for delivering babies there have surged. As further admission cuts or a total ban on non-local births in Hong Kong are being considered, mainland agencies that arrange for expectant mothers to give birth overseas are predicting a surge in those going to North America.[105] As the United States practises birthright citizenship, children born in the US will be US citizens. The closest option (from China) is Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands, a US dependency in the western Pacific Ocean that allows Chinese visitors without visa restrictions. The island is currently experiencing an upswing in Chinese births. This option is used by relatively affluent Chinese who often have secondary motives as well, wishing their children to be able to leave mainland China when they grow older or bring their parents to the US. Canada is less achievable as Ottawa denies many visa requests.[106][107]

Economic growth[edit]

The original intent of the one-child policy was economic, to reduce the demand of natural resources, maintaining a steady labour rate, reducing unemployment caused from surplus labor, and reducing the rate of exploitation.[108][109] The CPC's justification for this policy was based on their support of Mao Zedong's supposedly Marxist theory of population growth, though Marx was actually witheringly critical of Malthusianism.[109][110]

Relaxation of policy[edit]

In November 2013, following the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, China announced the decision to relax the one-child policy. Under the new policy, families can have two children if one parent is an only child.[111] The coastal province of Zhejiang, one of China's most affluent, became the first area to implement this "relaxed policy" in January 2014.[112]

Nevertheless, Deputy Director Wang Peian of the National Health and Family Planning Commission said that "China's population will not grow substantially in the short term".[113] A survey by the commission found that only about half of eligible couples wish to have two children, mostly because of the cost of living impact of a second child.[114]

In Popular Culture[edit]

  • Ball, David (2002). China Run. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0743227433.  A novel about an American woman who travels to China to adopt an orphan of the one-child policy, only to find herself a fugitive when the Chinese government informs her that she has been given "the wrong baby."

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Information Office of the State Council Of the People's Republic of China and Afghanistan (August 1995). "Family Planning in China". Embassy of the People's Republic of China in Lithuania. Retrieved 27 October 2008.  Section III paragraph 2.
  2. ^ a b c Patti Waldmeir (2013-11-15). "China’s ‘one-child’ rethink marks symbolic shift". FT. Retrieved 2013-11-19. 
  3. ^ "Most people free to have more child". China Daily. 2007-07-11. Retrieved 2009-07-31. 
  4. ^ Ouyang, Y. (2013). "China relaxes its one-child policy". The Lancet 382 (9907): e28–e30. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(13)62544-1.  edit
  5. ^ (French) Rocha da Silva, Pascal (2006). La politique de l'enfant unique en République populaire de Chine [The politics of one child in the People's Republic of China]. University of Geneva. pp. 22–28. 
  6. ^ a b c "Experts challenge China's 1-child population claim". 
  7. ^ Hvistendahl, Mara (17 September 2010). "Has China Outgrown The One-Child Policy?". Science 329 (5998): 1458–1461. doi:10.1126/science.329.5998.1458. PMID 20847244. 
  8. ^ a b McElroy, Damien (2001-04-08). "Chinese region 'must conduct 20,000 abortions'". The Telegraph (London). 
  9. ^ a b For studies that reported underreporting or delayed reporting of female births, see the following:
    • Johansson, Sten; Nygren, Olga (1991). "The missing girls of China: a new demographic account". Population and Development Review (Population Council) 17 (1): 35–51. doi:10.2307/1972351. JSTOR 1972351. 
    • Merli, M. Giovanna; Raftery, Adrian E. (2000). "Are births underreported in rural China?". Demography 37 (1): 109–126. doi:10.2307/2648100. PMID 10748993. 
  10. ^ "The Chinese Celebrate Their Roaring Economy, As They Struggle With Its Costs". Pew Global Attitudes Project. 2008-07-22. Retrieved 2009-07-31. 
  11. ^ Dewey, Arthur E. Dewey (16 December 2004). "One-Child Policy in China". Senior State Department. 
  12. ^ a b Bergaglio, Maristella. Population Growth in China: The Basic Characteristics of China's Demographic Transition. 
  13. ^ "World Development Indicators". Google Public Data Explorer. 2009-07-01. Retrieved 2013-10-04.  Data from the World Bank
  14. ^ Mann, Jim (1992-06-07). "The Physics of Revenge: When Dr. Lu Gang's American Dream Died, Six People Died With It". Los Angeles Times Magazine. Retrieved July 14, 2012. 
  15. ^ Potts, M. (19 August 2006). "China's one child policy". BMJ 333 (7564): 361–362. doi:10.1136/bmj.38938.412593.80. PMC 1550444. PMID 16916810. 
  16. ^ "Total population, CBR, CDR, NIR and TFR of China (1949–2000)". China Daily. Retrieved 2013-10-04. 
  17. ^ Zhu, W X (1 June 2003). "The One Child Family Policy". Archives of Disease in Childhood 88 (6): 463–464. doi:10.1136/adc.88.6.463. PMC 1763112. PMID 12765905. 
  18. ^ "East and Southeast Asia: China". CIA World Factbook. 
  19. ^ Coale, Ansley J. (Mar 198). "Population Trends, Population Policy, and Population Studies in China". Population and Development Review 7 (1). JSTOR 1972766.  Coale shows detailed birth and death data up to 1979, and gives a cultural background to the famine in 1959–61.
  20. ^ "Work Units". in A Country Study: China. Library of Congress Country Studies
  21. ^ "Status of Population and Family Planning Program in China by Province". Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Archived from the original on 30 March 2012. 
  22. ^ Hu, Huiting (18 October 2002). "Family Planning Law and China's Birth Control Situation". China Daily. Retrieved 2 March 2009. 
  23. ^ "China's Only Child". NOVA. 14 February 1984. PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/listseason/11.html. Retrieved 13 October 2009.
  24. ^ Qiang, Guo (2006-12-28). "Are the rich challenging family planning policy?". China Daily. 
  25. ^ Callick, Rowan (24 January 2007). "China relaxes its one-child policy". The Australian. 
  26. ^ Summary of Family Planning notice on how FP fines are collected
  27. ^ "Heavy Fine for Violators of One-Child Policy". Retrieved 2013-10-04. 
  28. ^ Fong, Vanessa L. (2004). Only Hope: Coming of Age Under China's One-Child Policy. Stanford University Press. p. 179. ISBN 9780804753302. 
  29. ^ "Regulations on Family Planning of Henan Province". Henan Daily. 5 April 2000. Archived from the original on 9 July 2008. Retrieved 29 October 2008. 
  30. ^ (Chinese) "国务院专家:建议全面放开二胎". yaolan.com. 6 July 2012. Retrieved 17 July 2012.  Article 13.
  31. ^ Scheuer, James (4 January 1987). "America, the U.N. and China's Family Planning (Opinion)". The New York Times. Retrieved 27 October 2008. 
  32. ^ Sichuan, for example, has allowed exemptions for couples of certain backgrounds; see Articles 11–13, "Revised at the 29th session of the standing committee of the 8th People's Congress of Sichuan Province". United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. 17 October 1997. Archived from the original on 6 July 2008. Retrieved 31 October 2008. 
  33. ^ Jacobs, Andrew Jacobs (27 May 2008). "One-Child Policy Lifted for Quake Victims' Parents". The New York Times. Retrieved 28 May 2008. 
  34. ^ "Baby offer for earthquake parents". BBC. Retrieved 31 October 2008. 
  35. ^ "China Amends Child Policy for Some Quake Victims". Morning Edition. NPR. 
  36. ^ Tan, Kenneth (2012-02-09). "Hong Kong to issue blanket ban on mothers from the mainland?". Shanghaiist. Retrieved 2013-10-04. 
  37. ^ Yardley, Jim (11 May 2008). "China Sticking With One-Child Policy". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 November 2008. 
  38. ^ "New rich challenge family planning policy". Xinhua. 
  39. ^ "The most surprising demographic crisis". The Economist. 5 May 2011. Retrieved 25 February 2013. 
  40. ^ "First systematic study of China's one-child policy reveals complexity, effectiveness of fertility regulation". Today@UCI (University of California Irvine). April 18, 2007. Retrieved 2007-04-19. 
  41. ^ "Wuhan sees negative population growth". People's Daily Online. 2005-03-02. 
  42. ^ Ouyang, Yadan (19 November 2013). "China Chips Away at One-Child Policy". Science. 
  43. ^ "World Development Indicators". Google Public Data Explorer. 2009-07-01. Retrieved 2013-10-04.  Data from the World Bank.
  44. ^ a b c Hasketh, Therese; Lu, Li; Xing, Zhu Wei (September 15, 2005). "The effects of China's One-Child Family Policy after 25 Years". New England Journal of Medicine 353 (11): 1171–1176. doi:10.1056/NEJMhpr051833. PMID 16162890. 
  45. ^ a b Taylor, John (2005-02-08). "China – One Child Policy". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 2008-07-01. 
  46. ^ Wei, Chen (2005). "Sex Ratios at Birth in China". Retrieved 2 March 2009. 
  47. ^ "Chinese facing shortage of wives". BBC. 2007-01-12. Retrieved 2007-01-12. 
  48. ^ "Sex ratio". The World Factbook. CIA. 
  49. ^ "Where Boys Were Kings, a Shift Toward Baby Girls". The New York Times. December 24, 2007. 
  50. ^ "The worldwide war on baby girls". The Economist. March 8, 2010. Retrieved May 4, 2010. 
  51. ^ Oster, Emily (December 2005). "Hepatitis B and the case of the missing women". Journal of Political Economy 113 (5): 1163–1216. doi:10.1086/498588. [dead link]
  52. ^ Oster, Emily (December 2008). Hepatitis B Does Not Explain Male-Biased Sex Ratios in China. 
  53. ^ Das Gupta, Monica (September 2005). "Explaining Asia's 'Missing Women'". Population and Development Review 31 (3): 529–535. doi:10.1111/j.1728-4457.2005.00082.x. 
  54. ^ This tendency to favour girls in high parity births to couples who had already borne sons was also noted by Coale, who suggested as well that once a couple had achieved its goal for the number of males, it was also much more likely to engage in "stopping behavior", i.e., to stop having more children. See Coale, Ansley J. (1996). "Five Decades of Missing Females in China". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 140 (4): 421–450. doi:10.2307/2061752. JSTOR 987286. PMID 7828766. 
  55. ^ a b Yi, Zeng Yi; Ping, Tu; Baochang, Gu; Yi, Xu; Bohua, Li; Yongpiing, Li (June 1993). "Causes and Implications of the Recent Increase in the Reported Sex Ratio at Birth in China". Population and Development Review 19 (2): 283–302. doi:10.2307/2938438. JSTOR 2938438. 
  56. ^ a b Anderson, Barbara A.; Silver, Brian D. (1995). "Ethnic Differences in Fertility and Sex Ratios at Birth in China: Evidence from Xinjiang". Population Studies 49 (July): 211–226. doi:10.1080/0032472031000148476. JSTOR 2175153. 
  57. ^ Zhang, Weiguo (1 March 2006). "Child Adoption in Contemporary Rural China". Journal of Family Issues 27 (3): 301–340. doi:10.1177/0192513X05283096. 
  58. ^ a b (Chinese) "China's Sex Ratio at Birth: From Doubts About its Existence to Looking for a Solution". Population Research (1). 2006. Archived from the original on 5 April 2008. "If we do pay more attention to the problem of the rising sex ratio, still the focus is on the rights of males such as the right to marry, and ignores women's rights such as the right to survive, the right to reproduce, the right to health, etc. This approach inflicts even more harm on women...Therefore, how a researcher approaches the question of the sex ratio at birth – from what point for view, considering whose rights – is critical. This depends upon the values of the researcher, the humanistic orientation of the researcher and the consciousness the researcher has about gender and gender discrimination. Protecting the right to exist, the right to reproduce, and the right to health of girls should be at the very core of policy and action measures to control sex ratio at birth. That is because females are the biggest victims of the rising sex ratio. The rising sex ratio is in fact robbing females of their right to exist and completely discriminates against females" 
  59. ^ Shuzhuo, Li; Ya, Wei; Quanbao, Jian. "Female Child Survival in China: Past, Present, and Prospects for the Future". 
  60. ^ Lerner, K. Lee. "Human Population". The Gale Encyclopedia of Science. Retrieved December 11, 2012. 
  61. ^ (subscription required) Lerner, K. Lee and Brenda. "Human Population". The Gale Encyclopedia of Science. Retrieved December 11, 2012. 
  62. ^ Human Rights Watch/Asia (1996). Death by Default:A Policy of Fatal Neglect in China's State Orphanages. New York. ISBN 1-56432-163-0. 
  63. ^ Human Rights Watch/Asia (March 1996). Chinese Orphanages: A Follow-up. 
  64. ^ Thurston, Anne (April 1996). "In a Chinese Orphanage". The Atlantic Monthly 277 (4): 28–41. Retrieved January 24, 2013. 
  65. ^ a b Johansson, Sten; Nygren, Olga (1991). "The missing girls of China: a new demographic account". Population and Development Review (Population Council) 17 (1): 35–51. doi:10.2307/1972351. JSTOR 1972351. 
  66. ^ Demick, Barbara (20 September 2009). "Chinese Babies Stolen by Officials for Foreign Adoptions". Los Angeles Times. 
  67. ^ Associated Press. "US State Department position". [dead link]
  68. ^ "Human Rights in China and Tibet". Parliament of the United Kingdom. 
  69. ^ Amnesty International. "Violence Against Women – an introduction to the campaign". Archived from the original on 9 October 2006. 
  70. ^ Mosher, Steve (1986). "Steve Mosher's China report". The Interim. 
  71. ^ "Case Study: Female Infanticide". Gendercide Watch. 2000. 
  72. ^ "Infanticide Statistics: Infanticide in China". All Girls Allowed. 2010. 
  73. ^ Steffensen, Jennifer. "Georgetown Journal's Guide to the 'One-Child' Policy". Retrieved 2013-09-30. 
  74. ^ Lubman, Sarah (2000-03-15). "Experts Allege Infanticide In China 'Missing' Girls Killed, Abandoned, Pair Say". San Jose Mercury News (California). 
  75. ^ "China: Drug bid to beat child ban". China Daily. Associated Press. 14 February 2006. Retrieved 11 November 2008. 
  76. ^ Naughton, Barry (2007). The Chinese Economy: Transitions and Growth. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262640640. 
  77. ^ Wong, Edward (July 22, 2012). "Reports of Forced Abortions Fuel Push to End Chinese Law". The New York Times. Retrieved July 23, 2012. 
  78. ^ Greenhalgh, Susan (2003). "Science, Modernity, and the Making of China's One-Child Policy". Population and Development Review 29 (June): 163–196. doi:10.1111/j.1728-4457.2003.00163.x. 
  79. ^ "PRC Family Planning: The Market Weakens Controls But Encourages Voluntary Limits". U.S. Embassy in Beijing. June 1988. 
  80. ^ PRC journal Social Sciences in China [Zhongguo , January 1988][full citation needed]
  81. ^ Freedman, Lynn P.; Isaacs, Stephen L. (Jan–Feb 1993). "Human Rights and Reproductive Choice". Studies in Family Planning (Population Council) 24 (1): 18–30. doi:10.2307/2939211. JSTOR 2939211. PMID 8475521. Retrieved 2007-12-08. 
  82. ^ "Proclamation of Teheran". International Conference on Human Rights. 1968. Archived from the original on 2007-10-17. Retrieved 2007-11-08. 
  83. ^ Mosher, Steven W. (July 1993). A Mother's Ordeal. Harcourt. ISBN 0-15-162662-6. 
  84. ^ "Forced Sterilization". 
  85. ^ "Father in forced abortion case wants charges filed". My Way News. Associated Press. 
  86. ^ (subscription required) "Implications of China's Ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities". China: an International Journal. 
  87. ^ Sleeboom-Faulkner, Margaret Elizabeth (1 June 2011). "Genetic testing, governance, and the family in the People's Republic of China". Social Science & Medicine 72 (11): 1802–1809. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.03.052. 
  88. ^ "Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China". Australia: Refugee Review Tribunal. 
  89. ^ Moore, Stephen (1999-05-09). "Don't Fund UNFPA Population Control". CATO Institute. 
  90. ^ McElroy, Damien (2002-02-03). "China is furious as Bush halts UN 'abortion' funds". The Telegraph (London). 
  91. ^ Siv, Sichan (2003-01-21). "United Nations Fund for Population Activities in China". U.S. Department of State. Archived from the original on 19 February 2003. 
  92. ^ "UNFPA Welcomes Restoration of U.S. Funding". UNFPA News. 29 January 2009. Archived from the original on 12 May 2013. 
  93. ^ Rizvi, Haider (March 12, 2009). "Obama Sets New Course at the U.N.". IPS News. Inter Press Agency. 
  94. ^ (Chinese) 李雯 [Li Wen] (5 April 2008). ""四二一"家庭,路在何方?" ['Four-two-one families', where is the road going?]. 云南日报网 [Yunnan Daily Online]. Archived from the original on 18 March 2011. Retrieved 31 January 2011. 
  95. ^ (Chinese) "四二一"家庭真的是问题吗?" [Are 'four-two-one' families really a problem?]. 中国人口学会网 [China Population Association Online]. 10 October 2010. Archived from the original on 2011-07-07. Retrieved 31 January 2011. 
  96. ^ "Rethinking China's one-child policy". CBC. October 28, 2009. Retrieved June 11, 2010. 
  97. ^ (Chinese) "计生委新闻发言人:11%以上人口可生两个孩子" [Spokesperson of the one-child policy committee: 11% or more of the population may have two children]. Sina. 10 July 2007. Retrieved 7 November 2008. 
  98. ^ "China's most populous province amends family-planning policy". People's Daily Online. 2011-11-25. 
  99. ^ Deane, Daniela (July 26, 1992). "The Little Emperors". Los Angeles Times. p. 16. 
  100. ^ "Chinese Singletons – Basic 'Spoiled' Related Vocabulary". Thinking Chinese. November 11, 2010. 
  101. ^ a b "Consultative Conference: 'The government must end the one-child rule'". AsiaNews.it. 2007-03-16. 
  102. ^ "Advisors say it's time to change one-child policy". Shanghai Daily. 2007-03-15. 
  103. ^ a b c d "Over 1,900 officials breach birth policy in C. China". Xinhua. 8 July 2007. Archived from the original on 10 October 2008. Retrieved 11 November 2008. "But heavy fines and exposures seemed to hardly stop the celebrities and rich people, as there are still many people, who can afford the heavy penalties, insist on having multiple kids, the Hunan commission spokesman said...Three officials... who were all found to have kept extramarital mistresses, were all convicted for charges such as embezzlement and taking bribes, but they were not punished for having more than one child." 
  104. ^ chan, peggy (2005). Cultures of the world China. New York: Marshall Cavendish International. 
  105. ^ "談天說地". review33. Retrieved 2013-10-04. [dead link]
  106. ^ Eugenio, Haidee V. "Birth tourism on the upswing". Saipan Tribune. 
  107. ^ Eugenio, Haidee V. "Many Chinese giving birth in CNMI trying to get around one child policy". Saipan Tribune. 
  108. ^ "全慰天:社会主义经济规律与中国人口问题" [Days of full-comfort: the law of the socialist economy with Chinese population] (in Chinese). 
  109. ^ a b (Chinese) Tian Z. (March 1983). "Marxist theory on population and initiating a new situation in demographic research". Renkou Yanjiu (2): 13–4. PMID 12313010. 
  110. ^ Wen TZ (July 1981). "Comrade Mao Ze-dong's contribution to Marxist theory on population—in commemoration, of the 60th anniversary of the birth of the Chinese Communist Party". Renkou Yanjiu (in Chinese) (3): 8–11. PMID 12264239. 
  111. ^ China reforms: One-child policy to be relaxed. Bbc.co.uk (2013-11-15). Retrieved on 2013-12-05.
  112. ^ "Eastern Chinese province first to ease one-child policy". Reuters. 17 January 2014. 
  113. ^ Burkitt, Laurie. (2013-11-17) China to Move Slowly on One-Child Law Reform. Online.wsj.com. Retrieved on 2013-12-05.
  114. ^ Dan Levin (25 February 2014). "Many in China Can Now Have a Second Child, but Say No". New York Times. Retrieved 26 February 2014. 

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]