Kataeb Party

"Phalange" and "Phalangist" redirect here. For the Spanish party, see Falange. For the bones of the hand and foot, see Phalanx bones. For the ancient infantry, see Phalangite.

Lebanese Phalanges الكتائب اللبنانية
Leader	Amine Gemayel
Founder	Pierre Gemayel
Founded	1936
Headquarters	Beirut, Lebanon
Ideology	Lebanese nationalism National conservatism Federalism Christian Democracy Falangism (historical)
Political position	Right-wing
Religion	Officially secular (mainly Maronite Christians with some Greek Orthodox)
International affiliation	Centrist Democrat International
Parliament of Lebanon	5 / 128
Cabinet of Lebanon	0 / 30
Website
www.kataeb.org
Politics of Lebanon Political parties Elections

The Lebanese Phalanges (Arabic: حزب الكتائب اللبنانية, Hezb al-Kata’eb al-Loubnaniyya), better known in English as the Phalange (Arabic: Kata'eb), is a traditional right-wing political-paramilitary organization. Although it is officially secular, it is mainly supported by Maronite Christians. The party played a major role in the Lebanese War (1975–90). In decline in the late 1980s and 1990s, the party slowly re-emerged since the early 2000s. It is now part of the March 14 Alliance, opposed to the March 8 Alliance, led by Hezbollah, and the Free Patriotic Movement.

Names

The Lebanese Social Democratic Party is also known as Phalanges Libanaises in French and either Kataeb (الكتائب اللبنانية Al-Kata’eb Al-Lubnaniyya) or 'Phalangist Party' (Hezb al-Kata’eb al-Lubnaniyya) in Arabic. Kataeb is the plural of Katiba which is a translation into Arabic of the Greek word phalanx ("battalion") which is also the origin of the Spanish term Falange.

History

Origins

The Kataeb party was Formed in 1936 as a Maronite paramilitary youth organization by Pierre Gemayel who modeled the party after Spanish Falange and Italian Fascist parties he had observed as an Olympic athlete during the 1936 Summer Olympics held in Berlin, then Nazi Germany. The movement's uniforms originally included brown shirts and members used the Nazi salute.

According to Bernard Reich, despite the party's uniform, its strong nationalism and dedication to a single charismatic leader, the Lebanese Kataeb was not and never became a fascist party.

In an interview by Robert Fisk, Gemayel stated about the Berlin Olympics:

I was the captain of the Lebanese football team and the president of the Lebanese Football federation. We went to the Olympic Games of 1936 in Berlin. And I saw then this discipline and order. And I said to myself: "Why can't we do the same thing in Lebanon?" So when we came back to Lebanon, we created this youth movement. When I was in Berlin then, Nazism did not have the reputation which it has now. Nazism? In every system in the world, you can find something good. But Nazism was not Nazism at all. The word came afterwards. In their system, I saw discipline. And we in the Middle East, we need discipline more than anything else.

He founded the party along with four other young Lebanese: Charles Helou (who later became a President of Lebanon), Shafic Nassif, Emile Yared and Georges Naccache. Pierre was chosen to lead the organization, in part because he was not a political figure at that time.

During the first years of the Kataeb Party, the Party was strongly opposed to having anyone dominate Lebanon. They opposed the pan-Arabists who tried to take over Lebanon and also the French who had tried to infiltrate their culture and impose themselves within Lebanon. Pierre and the Kataeb Party have always believed in an independent and sovereign Lebanon free of all foreign influence. It actively took part in the struggle against the French Mandate, until Lebanese independence was proclaimed in November 1943. Its motto was "God, Nation and Family."

The influence of the Phalangists was very limited in the early years of Lebanon's independence, but came to prominence as a strong ally of the government in the 1958 crisis. In the aftermath of the crisis, Pierre Gemayel was appointed to the cabinet, and two years later, was elected to the National Assembly.

In 1968, the party joined the Helf Alliance formed with the two other big mainly Christian parties in Lebanon: the National Liberal Party of former President Camille Chamoun, and National Bloc of Raymond Eddé, and won 9 seats (of 99) in the parliamentary elections held that year, making it one of the largest groupings in Lebanon's notoriously fractured political system.

By the end of the decade, the party created its own militia and soon clashes began with the rising Palestinian militant guerrillas.

Ideology

-The primacy of preserving the Lebanese nation, but with a "Phoenician" identity, distinct from its Arab, Muslim neighbors. Party policies have been uniformly anticommunist and anti-Palestinian and have allowed no place for pan-Arab ideals

-A nationalistic ideology that considers the Lebanese people, particularly Maronites, distinguished nation independent from the Arab nation. It considers Lebanese sometimes a Phoenician and sometimes a Syriac people

-Independent, sovereign and pluralistic Lebanon that safeguards basic human rights and fundamental freedoms to all its constituents.

-Lebanon a liberal outlet where Eastern Christianity can socially, politically and economically flourish in peace with its surrounding

The Kataeb’s vision for achieving peace in Lebanon revolves around

- Developing the political system along decentralized lines in order to genuinely guarantee basic rights and freedoms to all constituencies and thereafter constructively manage Lebanon’s cultural pluralism.

- Ending the military presence of several Lebanese and non-Lebanese groups such as Hezbollah, Palestinian armed militias and other Islamists, and call for their immediate decommissioning.

- As a founding member of the United Nations, commit to all relevant UN Security Council Resolutions, primarily 1559 (2004), 1680 (2006), 1701 (2006) and 1757 (2007).

- In line with the Lebanese constitution and the broad Lebanese consensus on the issue, reject any form of permanent settlement of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon at the expense of their right of return.

- Safeguarding the Lebanese Christian community in Lebanon as a free and secure entity enjoying complete mastery over its destiny and future.

The party's main concerns

-Currently the Kataeb is in stark disagreement with Hezbollah over many of its domestic and regional policies. The Party believes that Hezbollah is trying to impose its culture and will on the Lebanese society by means of its illegitimate arms, thus undermining Lebanon’s sovereignty and pluralistic feature. And by being ideologically and strategically beholden to Iran and Syria, Hezbollah is unilaterally transforming the desire of a considerable number of Lebanese who wish to live in a secure, stable, open and peaceful country into an imposed reality based on the culture of Jihad and martyrdom and confrontation with the international community.

-The Party is also concerned about another factor of instability over its territories, which is the presence of Palestinian refugees with what accompanies it from regional and domestic ramifications. Notwithstanding that the Kataeb has recently attempted to improve the inhumane living conditions of refugees through Parliament, it remains concerned about latent or gradual attempts to force their permanent settlement in Lebanon. Owing to the fact that such an event will alter Lebanon’s fragile demographic (and political) balance, the Kataeb at present will remain watchful and opposing to any such development just like it was in the past and as its history attests.

-The Kataeb Party also believes in a free and active Christian presence in Lebanon and sees an organic relation between the idea of freedom and the Christians. Freedom in Lebanon owes its existence in the first instance to a free and open Christian community that bestowed on Lebanon its liberal character from which other communities benefited. Lebanon minus its active and free Christians will automatically transform into another neighboring Arab country.

Kataeb Regulatory Forces

The Phalange party’ militia was not only the largest and best organized political paramilitary force in Lebanon but also the oldest. It was founded in 1937 as the “Militants’ organization” by the President of the Party Pierre Gemayel and William Hawi, an Lebanese-American glass industrialist, who led them during the 1958 civil war. Fighting alongside the pro-government forces, the Phalangists defended the Metn region.

Disbanded in January 1961 by order of the Kataeb Party' Political Bureau, Hawi created in their place the Kataeb Regulatory Forces. In order to coordinate the activities of all Phalange paramilitary forces, the Political Bureau set up the Kataeb War Council (Arabic: Majliss al-Harbi) in 1970, with William Hawi being appointed as head. The seat of the Council was allocated at the Kataeb Party’s Headquarters at the heart of Ashrafieh quarter in East Beirut and a quiet expansion of KRF units followed suit, complemented by the development of a training infrastructure.

Two company-sized Special Forces units, the “1st Commando” and the “2nd Commando” were created in 1963, soon followed by the “Pierre Gemayel” squad (later a company) and a VIP protection squad. To this was added in 1973 another commando platoon (Arabic: Maghaweer) and a “Combat School” was secretly opened at Tabrieh, near Bsharri in the Keserwan District; another special unit, the “Bashir Gemayel brigade” – named after Pierre Gemayel’s youngest son, Bashir – was formed in the following year, absorbing the old “PG” company in the process.

Considered by many analysts as the best organized of all militia “fiefs” in the whole of Lebanon under the leadership of "chef" Boutros Khawand, it was administrated by a network of Phalangist-controlled business corporations headed by the GAMMA Group “brain-trust”, backed by the DELTA computer company, and the SONAPORT holding. The latter run since 1975 the legal commercial ports of Jounieh and Beirut, including the infamous clandestine “Dock Five” – “Cinquième basin” in French – from which the Phalange extracted additional revenues by leving illegal taxes and carried out drug- and arms-smuggling operations. The KRF was also served by a clandestine-built airstrip, the Pierre Gemayel International Airport, opened in 1976 at Hamat, north of Batroun, and had its own radio station "The Voice of Lebanon" (Arabic: Iza’at Sawt Loubnan) or "La Voix du Liban" (VDL) in French set up in that same year.

Stubborn and ruthless fighters with a reputation for racketeeringGoing All the Way Phalangist fighters are known for their courage and bravery

On July–August of that same year, the Phalangists headed alongside its allies, the Army of Free Lebanon, Al-Tanzim, NLP Tigers Militia, Guardians of the Cedars (GoC), the Tyous Team of Commandos (TTC) and the Lebanese Youth Movement (LYM) in the sieges – and subsequent massacres – of Karantina, al-Masklah and Tel al-Zaatar Massacres at the Muslim-populated slum districts and adjacent Palestinian refugee camps of East Beirut, and at the town of Dbayeh in the Metn.

During the 1975-76 phase of the Lebanese Civil War, the Kataeb Regulatory Forces’ own mobilization and street action skills allowed the Kataeb to become the primary and most fearsome fighting force in the Christian-conservative camp.

At Beirut and elsewhere, Phalange’ militia sections were heavily committed in several battles against Lebanese National Movement (LNM) leftist militias and suffered considerable casualties, notably at the Battle of the Hotels in October 1975 where they fought the al-Murabitoun and the Nasserite Correctionist Movement (NCM), and later at the ‘Spring Offensive’ held against Mount Lebanon in March 1976.

Chronology of Main Events

- In 1943 the Kataeb played an instrumental role in attaining Lebanon’s first independence from the French mandate and co-envisaged the currently adopted Lebanese flag that was signed by the Lebanese government of the time.

- In 1958 the Kataeb and its allies confronted the coup d’état by the United Arab Republic under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser and succeeded in maintaining Lebanon’s independence and liberal identity.

- In 1969 the Kataeb opposed the Cairo Agreement, which legitimized military operations against Israel by Palestinian militiamen in South Lebanon; prompting many at the time to refer to the South as “Fateh Land.”

- In 1975 the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) attempted to take over Lebanon and turn it into what many perceived as an alternative state for Palestinian refugees that will facilitate their permanent settlement in the country. In light of this development that was coupled with the disintegration of state institutions on the political and security levels alike, the Kataeb (that was part of the Lebanese Resistance) found itself at the forefront of the battle for independence sacrificing through the lives of its members against this imposed reality.

- From 1978 until 1990, the Kataeb and the Lebanese Resistance clashed in fierce battles with Syrian Forces who were occupying large territories of the country resulting in an ongoing death toll among Kataeb members.

- In 1982 the leader of the Lebanese Resistance and president-elect Bachir Gemayel was assassinated when an explosion rocked the Kataeb headquarters in the Achrafieh area of Beirut. The architect of the blast was a member of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party. In the aftermath of the assassination, Amin Gemayel, current president of the party, was elected President of the Lebanese Republic.

- In 1990, the Lebanese War came to a close when Syrian Forces maintained their grip over the entire country leading to fifteen years of occupation during which President Amin Gemayel was exiled to France and the Kataeb Party fell under Syrian control.

- In 2005, the Kataeb extensively participated in the Cedar Revolution, which saw a cross-communal revolt against Syrian occupation. MP Pierre Gemayel played a significant role in shaping this revolution which led to Lebanon’s second independence.

- In 2006, the Kataeb Party suffered a tragic setback when gunmen assassinated Minister Pierre Gemayel by closely opening fire at his car.

- In 2007, the Party was dealt yet another blow when MP Antoine Ghanem was assassinated in a car bomb explosion in the Sin el-Fil area of North Metn.

War era and decline

Throughout the 1975 Civil War, the Phalange Party was the most formidable force within the Christian camp, and its militia shouldered the brunt of the fighting as part of the Lebanese Front, the mostly Christian rightist coalition.

Pierre Gemayel and William Hawi, Chief of the Kataeb Security Council

In April 1975 Phalangist militiamen were involved in the Bus massacre, commonly considered as the spark that set-off the Lebanese Civil War. In the following days, the 8,000-strong party militia, the Kataeb Regulatory Forces, together with its allies, the Tigers militia, Al-Tanzim, Marada Brigade, Guardians of the Cedars, Lebanese Youth Movement, Tyous Team of Commandos and other formations, was heavily engaged in street fights against the Palestinians militias and their allies in the anti-government secular Lebanese National Movement.

During the Lebanese Civil war, many Christian militias were formed who gained support from the north of Lebanon. These militias were staunchly right-wing, nationalist and anti-Palestinian with a majority of their members being Maronite. The Kataeb party was the most powerful of these militias at the time of the Lebanese Civil war. The party later went on to help found the right-wing Lebanese Forces militia in 1977 which played a large role within the Lebanese Civil war.

Aftermath of massacre of Palestinians by Christian Phalangists in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps

In September 1982, Bachir Gemayel was elected President of Lebanon by the National Assembly. He was assassinated less than a month later in an operation thought to have been arranged by Syrian intelligence and was in turn succeeded by his brother, Amine Gemayel. Bachir was thought to have been radical in his approach, and hinted at possible peace agreements with Israel while trying to expel all Palestinian refugees from Lebanon. In contrast, Amine was thought to have been much more moderate.

On 16 September 1982, Elie Hobeika led the massacre of between 328 and 3,500 Palestinian refugees in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, while the periphery of the camps were under the control of the Israeli Defense Forces.

After the death of Pierre Gemayel in 1984, his successors Elie Karame and Amine Gemayel struggled to maintain influence over the actions of the Lebanese Army, which become virtually independent as Muslim recruits deserted and rebelled against the mostly Christian officer ranks. The Kataeb party began to decline, not playing a major role for the remainder of the war.

"Syrian era"

The party, lacking direction, broke down into several rival factions. Georges Saadeh took control of the Party from 1986 till his death in 1998. He took a moderate position toward the Syrian presence. Mounir Hajj became the president of the party in 1999, followed by a Karim Pakradouni in 2002. Amine Gemayel left Lebanon in 1988 after his mandate had ended, mainly to avoid a clash with Samir Geagea's Lebanese Forces and avoid more Intra-Christian bloodshed. He returned in 2000 to oppose the Syrian role in Lebanon and to back his son's (Pierre) parliamentary election campaign (which he won). His sons Pierre and Samy, had returned in 1997 and had been working on reorganizing the popular base of the party. However his return was not welcome by the established leadership of the party who had become regime puppets. To distinguish themselves from the official leadership, Gemayel's supporters started referring to themselves as "The Kataeb Base" or "The Kataeb Reform Movement". General consensus amongst Lebanese always recognized Gemayel as the legitimate Leader of the party, not because of lineage but because most of popular support.

Cedar revolution

In March 2005 after the Rafik Hariri assassination, the Kataeb took part in an anti-Syrian presence demonstration, commonly known as the Cedar Revolution. It also became a member of the March 14 Alliance, along with the Future Movement, Progressive Socialist Party, Lebanese Forces and other minor parties. The Kataeb won 4 seats in the June 2005 elections, 3 representing the Gemayel Leadership (Pierre Gemayel, Solange Gemayel and Antoine Ghanem) and 1 representing the official leadership of the Party. However, they formed one parliamentary bloc after a reconciliation that took place in 2005. This reconciliation was marketed as gesture of good will from Pierre Amine Gemayel who deemed it was time to turn the page and give those who were unfaithful to the party principles a second chance. Practically, it was a way for Pakradouni and his men to leave the Party with as little humiliation as possible since the reconciliation deal stipulated the resignation of the entire political bureau after 2 years. This reconciliation saw Amine come back to the Party as Supreme President of the Party while Pakradouni stayed on as President. Samy Gemayel (Amine's second son) who had formed his own political ideas and identity at the time (much closer in principle and in manner to those of his uncle Bachir) was a very strong opposer of Pakradouni and his Syrian ties and thus was not a fan of this reconciliation. This drew Samy away from the party and prompted him to create a Think-Tank/Research-Center on Federalism named Loubnanouna (Our Lebanon).

Siniora Government

In July 2005, the party participated in the Fouad Siniora Government, with Pierre Amine Gemayel as the minister of industry. Pierre played an important role in the reorganization and development of the party. His assassination in November 2006 was a major blow to the party. Syrian intelligence and "Fateh Al Islam" have been accused of the assassination. With 14 March Alliance forces, the party supports the Lebanese government against Hezbollah.

In September 2007 another Kataeb MP, Antoine Ghanem was assassinated in a car bombing. Solange Gemayel remained the party's only MP, since Pierre Gemayel's seat was lost to the Free Patriotic Movement of Michel Aoun in a special election in August 2007.

In 2007 also, Samy Gemayel and (most of) his Loubnanouna companions rejoined the Kataeb, prompting a renaissance in the party.

2009 Elections

In the 2009 Global Parliamentary Elections the Kataeb Party managed to win 5 seats. 1 in the Metn Caza, 1 in the Beirut-1 Caza, 1 in Zahle, 1 in the Aley Caza and another in the Tripoli Caza. The victories in Beirut-1 and Zahle as well as not allowing the opposition's list to win fully in Metn were major upsets to the General Aoun's FPM who is an ally of Iranian-backed Hezbollah. These victories enabled Samy Gemayel, Nadim Gemayel (son of slain President Bachir Gemayel), Elie Marouni, Fady el-Haber and Samer Saade to join Parliament. In the first Government of PM Saad Hariri, the Kataeb were assigned the Social Affairs portfolio.

Current Deputies

• Elie Marouny
• Fadi el Haber
• Nadim Gemayel
• Samer Saade
• Sami Gemayel

See also

• Pierre Gemayel
• Bachir Gemayel
• Amine Gemayel
• William Hawi
• Phoenicianism
• Lebanese Civil War
• Lebanese Front
• Lebanese Forces
• Kataeb Regulatory Forces

References

• Denise Ammoun, Histoire du Liban contemporain: Tome 2 1943-1990, Fayard, Paris 2005. ISBN 978-2213615219 (in French).
• Fawwaz Traboulsi, Identités et solidarités croisées dans les conflits du Liban contemporain, Thèse de Doctorat d'Histoire – 1993, Université de Paris VIII, 2007 (in French).
• Jean Sarkis, Histoire de la guerre du Liban, Presses Universitaires de France - PUF, Paris 1993. ISBN 978-2130458012 (in French).
• Rex Brynen, Sanctuary and Survival: the PLO in Lebanon, Boulder: Westview Press, 1990.
• Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation: Lebanon at War, London: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0192801309 (3rd ed. 2001).
• Matthew S. Gordon, The Gemayels (World Leaders Past & Present), Chelsea House Publishers, 1988. ISBN 978-1555468349

Further reading

• Frank Stoakes, The Super vigilantes: the Lebanese Kata’eb Party as Builder, Surrogate, and Defender of the State, Middle East Studies 11, 3 (October 1975): 215236.
• John P. Entelis, Pluralism and party transformation in Lebanon: Al-Kata'ib, 1936-1970, E. J. Brill, Leiden 1974.
• Leila Haoui Zod, William Haoui, temoin et martyr, Mémoire DEA, Faculté d'Histoire, Université Saint Esprit, Kaslik, Liban 2004. (in French)
• Marie-Christine Aulas, The Socio-Ideological Development of the Maronite Community: The Emergenge of the Phalanges and Lebanese Forces, Arab Studies Quarterly 7, 4 (Fall 1985): pp. 1–27.

External links

• Official website of the Kataeb party