Polish Workers' Party
|Polish Workers' Party|
|Polska Partia Robotnicza|
|Succeeded by||Polish United Workers' Party|
|International affiliation||Communist International|
|Colours||Red and Yellow|
|Politics of Poland
The Polish Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR) was a communist party in Poland from 1942 to 1948. It was founded as a reconstitution of the Communist Party of Poland, and merged with the Polish Socialist Party in 1948 to form the Polish United Workers' Party.
- 1 Communist Party of Poland and its demise
- 2 PPR's World War II foundations
- 3 Polish communist institutions in the Soviet Union
- 4 Gomułka's leadership, State National Council, Polish Committee of National Liberation
- 5 Government in exile after Sikorski's death
- 6 Conflict
- 7 Consolidating power
- 8 Power destroyed
- 9 PPR methods
- 10 See also
- 11 References
Communist Party of Poland and its demise
The Communist Party of Poland (KPP), a conspiratorial organization of the radical Left, began to be treated with suspicion by the Communist International starting in 1933. The party structures were seen as compromised due to infiltration by agents of the Polish military intelligence. Some of the party leaders, falsely accused of being such agents, were subsequently executed in the Soviet Union. In 1935 and 1936, the KPP undertook a formation of a unified worker and peasant front in Poland and the Party was then subjected to further persecutions by the Comintern, which arbitrarily accused the Polish communists of also harboring Trotskyits elements in their ranks. The apogee of the Moscow-held prosecutions, aimed at eradicating the various "deviations" and ending usually in death sentences took place in 1937–38, with the last executions carried out in 1940. A total of 5,000 activists of the KPP were brought to the Soviet Union to be killed or imprisoned there. Joseph Stalin had the Party dissolved and liquidated in August 1938.
PPR's World War II foundations
The German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941 changed the course of World War II and with it the nature of Polish-Soviet relations. Pressured by the British government, the London-based Polish government-in-exile, led by Władysław Sikorski, signed an agreement with the Soviet Union, which included a Soviet recognition of the Polish government. A Polish army was formed in the Soviet Union, but was soon taken out and into the Middle East by Władysław Anders. The Katyn massacre perpetrated by the Soviets on Polish POWs was revealed and the Soviet Union "suspended" diplomatic relations with the Polish government. Prime Minister Sikorski was killed in an airplane crash in July 1943. These and other factors, including disagreements about future borders, caused the Polish-Soviet relations to deteriorate.
In the meantime, Joseph Stalin, beginning in the summer of 1941, pursued other Polish options, utilizing Polish communists and other Poles willing to cooperate, many of whom were present at that time in the Soviet Union. Some prewar Polish officers were transferred to occupied Poland to conduct pro-Soviet conspiratorial activities and the Polish communists worked in November on organizing the Poles in the Soviet Union. Among the communist groups that became active in Poland after Operation Barbarossa was the Union for Liberating Struggle (Związek Walki Wyzwoleńczej), whose leaders included Marian Spychalski.
A September 1941 attempt to transport activists from the Soviet Union to Poland was unsuccessful, but beginning in late December, a group of Polish communists which included Marceli Nowotko, Paweł Finder, Bolesław Mołojec and Małgorzata Fornalska, was parachuted into Poland. They had Stalin's permission to create a new Polish communist party, to be named the Polish Workers Party (PPR). The Party, intended in some sense as a continuation of the prewar KPP, was established in Warsaw on 5 January 1942, when some of the new arrivals met with local communist activists.
The PPR, which presented itself as an anti-Nazi Polish patriotic front, distributed a manifesto printed in Moscow entitled To workers, peasants and intelligentsia! To all Polish patriots! in which it called for an uncompromising struggle against the German occupant. A leftist, formally democratic program was proposed and the Party, operating mostly in the General Government, grew to about six thousand members by the summer of 1942. From 1943, an affiliated youth organization existed, called the Union for the Struggle of the Youth (Związek Walki Młodych).
The PPR operated under the Central Committee led by Secretary Marceli Nowotko. Nowotko was killed on November 28 1942. Mołojec took over as secretary, but he was suspected of arranging Nowotko's murder and subsequently condemned and executed by the ruling of the party court. In January 1943, Finder became secretary (party chief) and the three-person Secretariat also included Władysław Gomułka and Franciszek Jóźwiak.
The Gwardia Ludowa (the People's Guard) military organization originated together with the Party it served. It was led by Mołojec and then Jóźwiak. The Guard attacked Germans in Warsaw and organized partisan units in the countryside, primarily to destroy the German communication facilities.
In February 1943 the PPR undertook talks with the Government Delegation for Poland, a representation of the Polish government in exile in occupied Poland, and the central command of the Home Army, on possible cooperation. The negotiations made no progress because of the irreconcilable points of view of the two sides. After the Soviet Union broke diplomatic relations with the Polish government, the contacts were terminated and the PPR's attitude toward the exile-led Polish authority became hostile.
The war progressively radicalized Polish society and the communists tried to take advantage of the situation by forming a coalition with other leftist and agrarian forces. A common "democratic front" meant as a platform for the future power struggle failed to materialize though, because the rival parties were generally unwilling to cooperate with the PPR.
Polish communist institutions in the Soviet Union
Facilitated by Stalin, communist-controlled Polish civilian and military institutions were also formed in the Soviet Union. The leading roles in them were initially assumed by Wanda Wasilewska and Zygmunt Berling. The Union of Polish Patriots, proposed and organized from January 1943, had its founding congress in June 1943 and was led by Wasilewska. Berling, Stefan Jędrychowski and Andrzej Witos were also active in the organization's Presidium. The Polish 1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Division, commanded by Berling, was formed beginning in May 1943. The division fought at the Battle of Lenino in October 1943. The Polish National Committee, a nascent communist government, was organized under Wasilewska from December 1943, but its formation was abandoned when Moscow found out about the existence of the State National Council in Warsaw. All the Polish civilian and military activities in the Soviet Union were managed from January 1944 by the Central Bureau of Polish Communists. Among its important members were Karol Świerczewski, Jakub Berman, Aleksander Zawadzki, Stanisław Radkiewicz, Roman Zambrowski, Hilary Minc and Marian Spychalski. Some of them would later form the core of the Stalinist and strictly pro-Soviet (internationalist in outlook) faction of Poland's ruling communists, who worked closely with Bolesław Bierut and were opposed to the national PPR current led by Gomułka. On the military side, the First Polish Corps was formed from the Kościuszko Division and expanded into the First Polish Army in March 1944, still under the command of General Berling. The Army was incorporated into the 1st Belorussian Front.
Gomułka's leadership, State National Council, Polish Committee of National Liberation
In November 1943 Finder and Fornalska were arrested by the Gestapo, which also took the PPR's radio equipment. Communication between Warsaw and Moscow was no longer possible. Władysław Gomułka became secretary of the Central Committee of the PPR on 23 November 1943 and Bierut became a member of the Secretariat.
In November the PPR published the "What do we fight for" (O co walczymy) program declaration. General democratic ideas and future elections were proclaimed, while the government in exile and the Underground State were denied the right to represent the Polish nation. Territorial changes after the war were indicated and nationalization of industry was promised together with land reform.
In November the Central Committee decided to create the State National Council (Krajowa Rada Narodowa, KRN), a quasi-parliament rival to the Underground State institutions. The Council was established on 1 January 1944 and chaired by Bierut. Members of splinter socialist and peasant groups were co-opted to participate. The communist partisan military formation was now named Armia Ludowa; it was placed under the command of General Michał Rola-Żymierski.
After communications with Moscow were restored, a KRN delegation left for Moscow. There in June the Union of Polish Patriots had to recognize the KRN as the "true representation of the Polish nation". After a second KRN delegation arrived in Moscow, the Polish communists began working on a temporary executive government to administer the Polish lands (west of the Bug River) liberated by the Soviet and Polish communist armies. On 22 July 1944 the new organ, named the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN), was officially established in the Lublin province. The socialist Edward Osóbka-Morawski was its head and General Żymierski led the defense department, which diminished the role of General Berling. Most of the remaining PPR and KRN leaders left Warsaw and entered the Soviet-controlled territory. Zenon Kliszko and few others stayed in the capital to coordinate communist activities in the still occupied part of Poland.
Government in exile after Sikorski's death
After the death of Prime Minister Sikorski, the important figures in the exile government in London were President Władysław Raczkiewicz and the newly nominated, Prime Minister Stanisław Mikołajczyk and Commander-in-chief Kazimierz Sosnkowski. During the Tehran Conference (November-December 1943) Stalin, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill determined the geographic location of the future Polish state (between the Oder River and the Curzon Line) without consulting or even notifying the Polish leaders. Czechoslovakia, previously Poland's partner for a planned confederation, signed in December 1943 a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union. As a result of the developing Soviet wartime advantage, the Polish government was getting abandoned by its allies.
Early in January 1944 the Soviet forces crossed the 1939 border of Poland. The British pressured the Polish government to accept the Soviet conditions for a resumption of Polish-Soviet diplomatic relations and practical cooperation (a recognition of the Curzon Line border and removal of anti-Soviet politicians from the Polish government), but the Polish side balked. Mikołajczyk advocated compromising with the Soviets for the sake of preserving the country's independence, while Sosnkowski, counting on the outbreak of a war between the Allies (World War III), rejected making any concessions. In February Churchill publicly announced his government's support for a Curzon Line Polish-Soviet border anyway.
There was conflict within the communist movement over the methods needed to implement power. It was a difference of opinion between the Polish émigrés trained in the Soviet Union represented by Bolesław Bierut strictly following Stalin's policy, and the Polish Communists such as Gomułka. Stalin, mindful of appeasing the Western Allies, negotiated with them in forming an acceptable provisional government for Poland. With the prospect of the Red Army liberating Warsaw, the Polish communists favored a more aggressive approach of forming a parallel separate shadow government.
Gomułka wanted to broaden the party's political base by including other leftist and populist parties. As there was difficulty in communicating with Moscow, this step was taken without Stalin's approval and therefore met with Bierut's objection. The refusal of the major parties to join the PPR necessitated the formation of various subsidiary organizations and parties with parallel names of existing workers and peasant parties. This gave the façade of broad political support.
Unable to negotiate with the Delegatura, Stalin changed his tactics and forged ahead with forming a provisional government for the liberated territories that excluded them. On 22 July 1944, Stalin announced the creation of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego, the PKWN.
The PPR benefited from various powerful institutions and events that enhanced its position. The failed Warsaw Uprising decimated the AK, removing a popular and powerful opponent. The Soviet army liberation of Warsaw increased the political standing of the PPR. In January 1945, they benefited from Stalin's recognition of it. The Western Allies found it difficult to fully support the Delegatura's interagency and refusal to recognize the new Polish border, and Stalin succeeded in removing the government in exile from the negotiations by refusing to negotiate with them as the sole representative of Poland.
The power and coherence of the government in exile was destroyed when its prime minister Stanisław Mikołajczyk, the leader of the powerful People's Party, joined the communist-led government. This resulted in the creation on 28 June 1945 of a new Provisional Government of National Unity, Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej, TRJN, which was eventually recognized by the Western Allies as the new government of Poland. It consisted of the PPR, the Polish Socialist Party, Mikołajczyk's Polish People's Party, the Stronnictwo Ludowe and the Democratic Party. The PPR and its allies from the other parties controlled the direction of the new government policies by controlling seventeen out of twenty one ministries.
The PPR used totalitarian methods similar to the ones used by communist parties in Eastern Europe: the provisional government did not wait for elections to be held; they instituted land reform to win over the peasants. They offered amnesty to wean away soldiers from the opposition AK militia. In April 1946, a new volunteer citizen militia ORMO was formed to help the criminal police (Milicja Obywatelska), political police (UBP), internal troops (KBW), Polish army, Soviet political police (NKVD), and Soviet army to eliminate any armed opposition to the government. The Soviet security force, the NKVD, killed, arrested, harassed, and used propaganda to discredit popular opponents. The AK, seen as representing the Delegatura, was discredited with accusations of fratricide for the failed Warsaw uprising. After it had eliminated all the legitimate opposition outside the government, the PPR concentrated on gaining power within the coalition of the provisional government.
The PPR was weak, faced strong opposition from the Socialist and People's parties, and unlike the other communist parties in Eastern Europe could not win enough votes in an election to be a strong partner in an elected coalition. Using arguments of preventing civil war in society, it suggested an alternative to freely held elections by presenting a "Democratic Bloc", a unified list of candidates to the electorate. The Socialist Party agreed to join in the Democratic Bloc; the popular People's Party refused. The PPR adopted the strategy of delaying elections by holding a referendum which gave it powers to change the political structure of the Senate. It targeted the People's Party by arresting its candidates, harassing them, and denying them access to publicity by organizing workers to refuse to work for them. The referendum result was falsified to give the Democratic Block a majority.
After each successful stage of establishing its power, the PPR relied less on the facade of cooperating with political opponents and more on demonstrating its power using threats and intimidation. In the January 1947 election, the Bloc claimed to have won 80% of the votes. By nearly all accounts, however, this result was obtained by massive fraud. The election results eliminated the popular People's Party from the political scene and demonstrated to the public that there was no political route left for opposition. Mikołajczyk, who would have likely become prime minister if not for this fraud, was forced to flee the country for his life. The PPR dominated the government through their control of placing communist deputies in all ministries. Although the Socialist Party held ministerial portfolios, they had no voice in formulating policies; the work was accomplished by the communist deputies. The PPR strengthened its monopoly by removing any perceived threat, and closing of any avenues for opposition. It increased fear in society by introducing new criteria of offences such as the concept of "whispered propaganda": this made it a crime to disseminate any news that could threaten the regime.
The PPR pressured the Socialist Party to agree to unification in 1948 in order to save their party from destruction. The People's Party lingered on for a little longer before its remains merged with a pro-Communist splinter party in 1949 to form the United People's Party.
The Yugoslavian split with the Soviet Union resulted in a change of policy. Gomułka's criticism of Soviet policy for a united Germany was seen as narrow minded and inappropriately nationalistic. Gomułka's "Polish road to socialism", adapting to conditions specific to Poland, was no longer needed. Stalin tightened his control on the PPR. In August 1948, the Politburo installed Bierut as the general secretary of the PPR. The Socialist party was liquidated and fully merged with the PPR. It signaled the emergence of a new Communist party, the Polish United Workers' Party, (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, PZPR). It differed from its predecessor, for now a fusion of western ideas with communism was no longer possible, but it would follow the strict Soviet lead of "true" communism and transform Polish society on the Stalinist model.
- "JSTOR: The American Political Science Review: Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 1239-1245". links.jstor.org. Retrieved 2008-03-27.
- Brzoza, Czesław; Sowa, Andrzej Leon (2009). Historia Polski 1918–1945 [History of Poland 1918–1945], pp. 350-354. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie. ISBN 978-83-08-04125-3.
- Brzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 312–322. Kraków: Fogra. ISBN 83-85719-61-X.
- Brzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 357–359.
- Brzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 360–362.
- Jerzy Eisler, Siedmiu wspaniałych. Poczet pierwszych sekretarzy KC PZPR [The Magnificent Seven: first secretaries of the PZPR], Wydawnictwo Czerwone i Czarne, Warszawa 2014, ISBN 978-83-7700-042-7, pp. 16–17
- Brzoza, Czesław (2003). Polska w czasach niepodległości i II wojny światowej (1918–1945) [Poland in Times of Independence and World War II (1918–1945)], pp. 362–364.