The Principalía or noble class (p331) was the ruling and usually educated upper class in the towns of Spanish Philippines, comprising the gobernadorcillo (who had functions similar to a town mayor), and the cabezas de barangay (heads of the barangays) who governed the districts.[a] The distinction or status of being part of the principalía was a hereditary right.[b] However, it could also be acquired, as attested by the royal decree of 20 December 1863 (signed in the name of Queen Isabella II by the Minister of the Colonies, José de la Concha).[c][d][e]:p1 cols 1–4
This distinguished upper class was exempted from tribute (tax) to the Spanish crown during the colonial period.[f] It was the true aristocracy and the true nobility of colonial Philippines,(pp60–61)[g][h] which could be roughly comparable to the patrician class of ancient Rome. The principales (members of the principalía) traced their origin from the pre‑colonial royal and noble class of Datu of the established kingdoms, rajahnates, confederacies, and principalities, as well as the lordships of the smaller ancient social units (barangays)[i] in Visayas, Luzon, and Mindanao. [j] The members of this class enjoyed exclusive privileges: only the members of the principalía were allowed to vote, be elected to public office, and be addressed by the title: Don or Doña.(p624) (p218)
For the most part, the social privileges of the nobles were freely acknowledged as befitting their greater social responsibilities. The gobernadorcillo during that period received a nominal salary and was not provided government funds for public services. In fact more often the gobernadorcillo had to maintain government of his municipality by looking after the post office and the jailhouse, and by managing public infrastructure.(p326)(p294)
Principales also provided assistance to parishes by helping in the construction of church buildings, and in the pastoral and religious activities of the priests who, being usually among the few Spaniards in most colonial towns, had success in winning the goodwill of the natives. More often, the clergy were the sole representatives of Spain in many parts of the archipelago.[k] Under the Patronato Real of the Spanish crown, these Spanish churchmen were also the king's effective ambassadors,[l] and promoters [m] of the realm.
With the end of Spanish sovereignty over the Philippines after the Spanish-American War in 1898 and the introduction of a democratic, republican system during the American Occupation, the Principalía and their descendants lost their legal authority and social privileges. Many were, however, able to integrate into the new socio-political structure, retaining some degree of influence and power.
- 1 History and Evolution
- 2 Marriage customs
- 3 Certain class symbols
- 4 See also
- 5 Notes
- 6 Further reading
- 7 References
History and Evolution
From the beginning of the colonial period in the Philippine, the Spanish government built on the traditional pre‑conquest socio‑political organization of the barangay and co‑opted the traditional indigenous princes and their nobles, thereby ruling indirectly.[n][o] The barangays in some coastal places in Panay,[p] Manila, Cebu, Jolo, Taytay, Palawan and Butuan, with cosmopolitan cultures and trade relations with other countries in Asia, were already established principalities (Kinadatuan) before the coming of the Spaniards. In other regions, even though the majority of these barangays were not large settlements, yet they had organized societies dominated by the same type of recognized aristocracy and lordships (with birthright claim to allegiance from followers), as those found in more established, richer and more developed principalities.[q] The aristocratic group in these pre‑colonial societies was called the datu class. Its members were presumably the descendants of the first settlers on the land or, in the case of later arrivals, of those who were datus at the time of migration or conquest.
The duty of the datus was to rule and govern their subjects and followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. What the chiefs received from their followers was: to be held by them in great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of their houses. The natives attended to these duties very promptly, whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid their chief tribute (which they called buwis) in varying quantities, in the crops that they gathered.(Chapter VIII) The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives, even though they did not inherit the Lordship, were held in the same respect and consideration, and were all regarded as nobles and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others, or the plebeians (timawas).(Chapter VIII) The same right of nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for the men.(Chapter VIII)
Some of these principalities and lordships have remained, even until the present, in unHispanicized [r] and mostly Lumad and Muslim parts of the Philippines, in some regions of Mindanao.(pp127–147)
Pre-colonial principalities in the Visayas
In more developed barangays in Visayas, e.g., Panay, Bohol and Cebu (which were never conquered by Spain but were accomplished as vassals by means of pacts, peace treaties, and reciprocal alliances),(p33)(p4)[s] the datu class was at the top of a divinely sanctioned and stable social order in a territorial jurisdiction called in the local languages as Sakop or Kinadatuan (Kadatuan in ancient Malay; Kedaton in Javanese; and Kedatuan in many parts of modern Southeast Asia), which is elsewhere commonly referred to also as barangay.[t] This social order was divided into three classes. The Kadatuan, which is also called Tumao (members of the Visayan datu class), were compared by the Boxer Codex to the titled lords (Señores de titulo) in Spain. As Agalon or Amo (lords),[u] the datus enjoyed an ascribed right to respect, obedience, and support from their oripun (commoner) or followers belonging to the third order. These datus had acquired rights to the same advantages from their legal "timawa" or vassals (second order), who bind themselves to the datu as his seafaring warriors. "Timawas" paid no tribute, and rendered no agricultural labor. They had a portion of the datu's blood in their veins. The Boxer Codex calls these "timawas" knights and hidalgos. The Spanish conquistador, Miguel de Loarca, described them as "free men, neither chiefs nor slaves". In the late 1600s, the Spanish Jesuit priest Fr. Francisco Ignatio Alcina, classified them as the third rank of nobility (nobleza).(pp102, 112–118)
To maintain purity of bloodline, datus marry only among their kind, often seeking high ranking brides in other barangays, abducting them, or contracting brideprices in gold, slaves and jewelry. Meanwhile, the datus kept their marriageable daughters secluded for protection and prestige. These well‑guarded and protected highborn women were called "binokot",(pp290–291) the datus of pure descent (four generations) were called "potli nga datu" or "lubus nga datu",(p113) while a woman of noble lineage (especially the elderly) was addressed by the Visayans (of Panay) as "uray" (meaning: pure as gold), e.g., uray Hilway.(p292)
Pre-colonial principalities in the Tagalog region
The different type of culture prevalent in Luzon gave a less stable and more complex social structure to the pre‑colonial Tagalog barangays of Manila, Pampanga and Laguna. Enjoying a more extensive commence than those in Visayas, having the influence of Bornean political contacts, and engaging in farming wet rice for a living, the Tagalogs were described by the Spanish Augustinian Friar Martin de Rada as more traders than warriors.(pp124–125)
The more complex social structure of the Tagalogs was less stable during the arrival of the Spaniards because it was still in a process of differentiating. The Jesuit priest Francisco Colin made an attempt to give an approximate comparison of it with the Visayan social structure in the middle of the seventeenth century. The term datu or lakan, or apo refers to the chief, but the noble class to which the datu belonged or could come from was the maginoo class. One may be born a maginoo, but he could become a datu by personal achievement. In the Visayas, if the datu had the personality and economic means, he could retain and restrain competing peers, relatives, and offspring.
The term timawa came into use in the social structure of the Tagalogs within just twenty years after the coming of the Spaniards. The term, however, was being applied to former alipin (third class) who have escaped bondage by payment, favor, or flight. The Tagalog timawas did not have the military prominence of the Visayan timawa. The warrior class in the Tagalog society was present only in Laguna, and they were called the maharlika class. At the early part of the Spanish regime, the number of their members who were coming to rent land from their datus was increasing.
Unlike the Visayan datus, the lakans and apos of Luzon could call all non‑maginoo subjects to work in the datu’s fields or do all sorts of other personal labor. In the Visayas, only the oripuns were obliged to do that, and to pay tribute besides. The Tagalog who works in the datu’s field did not pay him tribute, and could transfer their allegiance to another datu".
The Visayan timawa neither paid tribute nor performed agricultural labor. In a sense, they were truly aristocrats. The Tagalog maharlika did not only work in his datu’s field, but could also be required to pay his own rent. Thus, all non‑maginoo formed a common economic class in some sense, though this class had no designation.
The civilization of the pre‑colonial societies in the Visayas, northern Mindanao, and Luzon were largely influenced by Hindu and Buddhist cultures. As such, the datus who ruled these principalities (such as Butuan, Cebu, Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also shared the many customs of royalties and nobles in southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the way they used to dress and adorn themselves with gold and silk. The Boxer Codex bears testimony to this fact. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility.(p281) The first westerners who came to the archipelago observed that there was hardly any "Indian" who did not possess chains and other articles of gold.(p201)
The noble class during the Spanish Dominion
The principalía was the first estate of the four echelons of Filipino society at the time of contact with the Spaniards, as described by Fr. Juan de Plasencia, a pioneer Franciscan missionary in the Philippines. Loarca(p155) and the Canon Lawyer Antonio de Morga, who classified society into three estates (ruler, ruled, slave), also affirmed the pre‑eminence of the principales.(p99) All members of this first estate (the datu class) were principales,[v] whether they were actually occupying positions to rule, or not. The Real Academia Espaňola defines Principal as a "person or thing that holds first place in value or importance, and is given precedence and preference before others". This Spanish term best describes the first estate of the society in the archipelago which the Europeans came in contact with. San Buenaventura's 1613 Dictionary of the Tagalog language defines three terms that clarify the concept of this principalía:(p99)
- Poon or Punò (chief, leader) – principal or head of a lineage.
- Ginoo – a noble by lineage and parentage, family and descent.
- Maguinoo – principal in lineage or parentage.
The Spanish term Seňor (lord) is equated with all these three terms, which are distinguished from the nouveau riche imitators scornfully called maygintao (man with gold or hidalgo by wealth, and not by lineage). The first estate was the class that constituted a birthright aristocracy with claims to respect, obedience, and support from those of subordinate status. (p100)
To implement a system of indirect rule in the Philippines, king Philip II ordered, through a law signed on 11 June 1594, that the honors and privileges of governing, which were previously enjoyed by the local royalty and nobility in formerly sovereign principalities (who later accepted the catholic faith and became subject to him),[g] should be retained and protected. He also ordered the Spanish governors in the Philippines to treat these native nobles well. The king further ordered that the natives should pay to these nobles the same respect that the inhabitants accorded to their local Lords before the conquest, without prejudice to the things that pertain to the king himself or to the encomenderos.
The royal decree says: It is not right that the Indian chiefs of Filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion; rather they should have such treatment that would gain their affection and keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that God has communicated to them by calling them to His true knowledge, the temporal blessings may be added, and they may live contentedly and comfortably. Therefore, we order the governors of those islands to show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with the government of the Indians, of whom they were formerly lords. In all else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly, and the Indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they did during the period of their paganism, provided it be without prejudice to the tributes that are to be paid us, or prejudicial to that which pertains to their encomenderos. (Título:vii; ley xvi)
Through this law, the local Filipino nobles became encomenderos (trustees) also of the king of Spain, who ruled the country indirectly through these nobles, under the supervision of the Spanish colonial officials. Their domains became self‑ruled tributary barangays of the Spanish Empire.
The system of indirect government helped in the pacification of the rural areas, and institutionalized the rule and role of an upper class, referred to as the "principalía" or the "principales", until the fall of the Spanish regime in the Philippines in 1898.
The Spanish dominion brought serious modifications to the life and economy of the indigenous society. The shift of emphasis to agriculture marginalized, weakened, and deprived the hildalgo‑like warriors of their significance in the barangay, especially in the trade‑raiding societies in the Visayas (which needed the Viking‑like services of the "timawas"). By the 1580s, many of these noblemen found themselves reduced to leasing land from their datus. Their military functions were eclipsed by farming. Whatever remained would quickly be disoriented, deflected, and destroyed by the superior military power of Spain. (pp117–118)
By the end of the 16th century, any claim to Filipino royalty, nobility or hidalguía had disappeared into a homogenized, Hispanicized and Christianized nobility – the principalía. (p118) This remnant of the pre‑colonial royal and noble families continued to rule their traditional domain until the end of the Spanish regime. However, there were cases when succession in leadership was also done through election of new leaders (cabezas de barangay), especially in provinces near the Manila where the ancient ruling families lost their prestige and role. It appears that proximity to the seat of colonial Government diminished their power and significance. In distant territories, where the central authority had less control and where order could be maintained without using coercive measures, hereditary succession was still enforced, until Spain lost the archipelago to the Americans. These distant territories remained patriarchal societies, where people retained great respect for the principalía.[h]
(N.B. The increase of population in the Archipelago, as well as the growing presence of Chinese and Mestizos also necessitated the creation of new members of the principalía for these sectors of Filipino colonial society.) [w][g]
The principalía was larger and more influential than the pre‑conquest indigenous nobility. It helped create and perpetuate an oligarchic system in the Spanish colony for more than three hundred years. (p331)(p218) The Spanish colonial government's prohibition for foreigners to own land in the Philippines contributed to the evolution of this form of oligarchy. In some provinces of the Philippines, many Spaniards and foreign merchants intermarried with the rich and landed Malayo‑Polynesian local nobilities. From these unions, a new cultural group was formed, the mestizo class.[x] Their descendants emerged later to became an influential part of the government, and the principalía.
Although the principalía had many privileges, there were limitations to how much power they were entitled to under Spanish rule. A member of the principalía could never become the Governor‑General (Gobernador y Capitẚn General), nor could he become the provincial governor (alcalde mayor). Hypothetically, a member of the principalía could obtain the position of provincial governor if, for example, a noblewoman of the principalía married a Spanish man born in the Philippines (an Insulares) of an elevated social rank. In which case her children would be classified as white (or 'blanco'). However, this did not necessarily give a guarantee that her sons would obtain the position of provincial governor. Being mestizos was not an assurance that they would be loyal enough to the Spanish crown. Such unquestionable allegiance was necessary for the colonizers in retaining control of the archipelago.
The children born of the union between the principales and the insulares, or better still, a peninsulares (a Spanish person born in Spain) are neither assured access to the highest position of power in the colony. Flexibility is known to have occurred in some cases, including that of Marcelo Azcárraga Palmero who even became interim Prime Minister of Spain on August 8, 1897 until October 4 of that same year. Azcárraga also went on to become Prime Minister of Spain again in two more separate terms of office. In 1904, he was granted Knighthood in the very exclusive Spanish chilvalric Order of the Golden Fleece — the only mestizo recipient of this prestigious award.
In the archipelago, however, most often ethnic segregation did put a stop to social mobility, even for members of the principalía – a thing that is normally expected in a colonial rule. It was not also common for principales to be too ambitious so as to pursue very strong desire for obtaining the office of Governor General. For most part, it appears that the local nobles were inclined to be preoccupied with matters concerning their barangays and towns.
The town mayors received an annual salary of 24 pesos, which was nothing in comparison to the provincial governor's 1,600 pesos and the Governor‑General's 40,000 pesos. Even though the gobernadorcillo's salary was not subject to tax, it was not enough to carry out all the required duties expected of such a position. This explains why among the principales, those who had more wealth were likely to be elected to the office of gobernadorcillo (municipal governor).(p326)(p294)
Principales tend to marry those who belong to their class, to maintain wealth and power. However, unlike most European royalties who marry their close relatives, e.g. first cousins, for this purpose, Filipino nobles abhorred incestuous unions. In some cases, members of the principalia married wealthy and non‑noble Chinese (Sangley) merchants, who made their fortune in the colony. Principales born of these unions had possibilities to be elected gobernadorcillo by their peers.
Wealth was not the only basis for inter‑marriage between the principales and foreigners, which were commonly prearranged by parents of the bride and groom. Neither did having a Spaniard as one of the parents of a child ennoble him. In a traditionally conservative Catholic environment with Christian mores and norms strictly imposed under the tutelage and prying eyes of Spanish friars, marriage with a divorcee or secondhand spouse (locally referred to as "tira ng ibá" or "leftover") was scornfully disdained by Filipino aristocrats. Virgin brides were a must for the principalía, as well as for the Filipinos in general.
Children who were born outside of marriage, even of Spaniards, were not accepted in the circle of principales. These were severely ostracized in the conservative colonial society and were pejoratively called an "anak sa labás", i.e., "child from outside" (marriage).
During the last years of the regime, there were efforts to push for a representation of the archipelago in the Spanish cortes among a good number of principales. This move was prevalent especially among those who have studied in Spain and other parts of Europe (Ilustrados). That initiative, however, was met with snobbery by the colonizers, who denied the natives of equal treatment, in any way possible.
Towards the end of the 19th century, civil unrest, which was fueled by the arrogance, racial discrimination, hypocrisy, and abuses of western colonizers, occurred more frequently. This situation was exposed by the writer and leader of the Propaganda Movement, José Rizal, in his two novels: Noli Me Tángere and El Filibusterismo. Because of this growing unrest that turned into an irreversible revolution, the position of provincial governor became awarded more and more often to the peninsulares. Nonetheless, nothing that Spain could do was able to retain control over the once submissive subjects, who felt betrayed, among whom were many principales.
Certain class symbols
At the later part of the Spanish period, this class of elite Christian landowners started to adopt a characteristic style of dress and carry regalia.[y] They wore a distinctive type of salakot, a Philippine headdress commonly used in the archipelago since the pre‑colonial period. Instead of the usual headgear made of rattan or reeds or various shells such as capiz shells, which common Filipinos would wear, the principales would use more precious materials like tortoise shell and precious metals like silver or, at times, gold. The ornate salakots of this upper class were usually embossed with these precious metals and sometimes decorated with coins of value or pendants that hung around the rim of the headgear.(Volume 4, pp 1106–1107 'Ethnic Headgear')
- Confederation of Madja-as
- Kingdom of Maynila
- Kingdom of Namayan
- Kingdom of Butuan
- Rajahnate of Cebu
- Sultanate of Maguindanao
- Sultanate of Sulu
- Confederation of Sultanates in Lanao
- History of the Philippines (1521-1898)
- List of political families in the Philippines
- In 1893, the Maura Law was passed to reorganize town governments with the aim of making them more effective and autonomous, changing the designation of town leaders from gobernadorcillo to capitan municipal in 1895.
- Durante la dominación española, el cacique, jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento de don y se reconocía capacidad para ser gobernadorcillo, con facultades para nombrarse un auxiliar llamado primogenito, siendo hereditario el cargo de jefe.(p624)
- Article 16 of the Royal Decree of 20 December 1863 says: After a school has been established in any village for fifteen years, no natives who cannot speak, read and write the Castilian language shall form part of the Principalía unless they enjoy that distinction by right of inheritance. After the school has been established for thirty years, only those who possess the above‑mentioned condition shall enjoy exemption from the personal service tax, except in the case of the sick. Isabel II (p85)
- The royal decree was implemented in the Philippines by the Governor‑General through a circular signed on 30 August 1867. Section III of the circular says: The law has considered them very carefully and it is fitting for the supervisor to unfold before the eyes of the parents so that their simple intelligence may well understand that not only ought they, but that it is profitable for them to send their children to school, for after the schools have been established for fifteen years in the village of their tribes those who cannot speak, read, or write Castilian: cannot be gobernadorcillos; nor lieutenants of justice; nor form part of the principalía; unless they enjoy that privilege because of heredity... General Gándara, Circular of the Superior Civil Government Giving Rules for the Good Discharge of School Supervision (p133)
- The increase of population during the colonial period consequently needed the creation of new leaders, with this quality. The emergence of the mestizo culture (both Filipinos of Spanish descent and Filipinos of Chinese descent) had also necessitated this, and even the subsequent designation of separate institutions or offices of gobernadorcillos for the different mestizo groups and for the indigenous tribes living in the same territories or cities with large population.(pp324–326)
- The cabezas, their wives, and first‑born sons enjoyed exemption from the payment of tribute to the Spanish crown.(p326)
- L'institution des chefs de barangay a été empruntée aux Indiens chez qui on la trouvée établie lors de la conquête des Philippines; ils formaient, à cette époque une espèce de noblesse héréditaire. L'hérédité leur a été conservée aujourd hui: quand une de ces places devient vacante, la nomination du successeur est faite par le surintendant des finances dans les pueblos qui environnent la capitale, et, dans les provinces éloignées, par l'alcalde, sur la proposition du gobernadorcillo et la présentation des autres membres du barangay; il en est de même pour les nouvelles créations que nécessite de temps à autre l'augmentation de la population. Le cabeza, sa femme et l'aîné de ses enfants sont exempts du tributo(p356)
- Esta institucion (Cabecería de Barangay), mucho más antigua que la sujecion de las islas al Gobierno, ha merecido siempre las mayores atencion. En un principio eran las cabecerías hereditarias, y constituian la verdadera hidalguía del país; mas del dia, si bien en algunas provincias todavía se tramiten por sucesion hereditaria, las hay tambien eleccion, particularmente en las provincias más inmediatas á Manila, en donde han perdido su prestigio y son una verdadera carga. En las provincias distantes todavía se hacen respetar, y allí es precisamente en donde la autoridad tiene ménos que hacer, y el órden se conserva sin necesidad de medidas coercitivas; porque todavía existe en ellas el gobierno patriarcal, por el gran respeto que la plebe conserva aún á lo que llaman aquí principalía. (p61)
- "There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families; and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. These principalities and lordships were inherited in the male line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded... When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and particular government of their own following, which is called barangay among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores] who attended to the interests of the barangay." (Chapter VIII)
- 'Durante la dominación española, el cacique, jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento de don y se reconocía capacidad para ser gobernadorcillo.(p624)
- There was only a very small standing army to protect the Spanish government in the Philippines. This ridiculous situation made an old viceroy of New Spain say: "En cada fraile tenía el Rey en Filipinas un capitán general y un ejército entero." ("In each friar in the Philippines the King had a captain general and a whole army.")(p389)
- "Of little avail would have been the valor and constancy with which Legaspi and his worthy companions overcame the natives of the islands, if the apostolic zeal of the missionaries had not seconded their exertions, and aided to consolidate the enterprise. The latter were the real conquerors; they who without any other arms than their virtues, gained over the good will of the islanders, caused the Spanish name to be beloved, and gave the king, as it were by a miracle, two millions more of submissive and Christian subjects." (p209)
- "C'est par la seule influence de la religion que l'on a conquis les Philippines, et cette influence pourra seule les conserver." ("It is only by the influence of religion that Philippines was conquered. Only this influence could keep them.") (p40)
- For more information about the social system of the Indigenous Philippine society before the Spanish colonization conferred barangay see (p624) The article also says: Los nobles de un barangay eran los más ricos ó los más fuertes, formándose por este sistema los dattos ó maguinoos, principes á quienes heredaban los hijos mayores, las hijas á falta de éstos, ó los parientes más próximos si no tenían descendencia directa; pero siempre teniendo en cuenta las condiciones de fuerza ó de dinero...Los vassalos plebeyos tenían que remar en los barcos del maguinoo, cultivar sus campos y pelear en la guerra. Los siervos, que formaban el término medio entre los esclavos y los hombres libres, podían tener propriedad individual, mujer, campos, casa y esclavos; pero los tagalos debían pagar una cantidad en polvo de oro equivalente á una parte de sus cosechas, los de los barangayes bisayas estaban obligados á trabajar en las tieras del señor cinco días al mes, pagarle un tributo anual en arroz y hacerle un presente en las fiestas. Durante la dominación española, el cacique, jefe de un barangay, ejercía funciones judiciales y administrativas. A los tres años tenía el tratamiento de don y se reconocía capacidad para ser gobernadorcillo, con facultades para nombrarse un auxiliar llamado primogenito, siendo hereditario el cargo de jefe.
- It should also be noted that the more popular and official term used to refer to the leaders of the district or to the cacique during the Spanish period was Cabeza de Barangay.
- In Panay, the existence of highly developed and independent principalities of Ogtong (Oton) and Araut (Dumangas) was well known to early Spanish settlers in the Philippines. The Augustinian historian Gaspar de San Agustin, for example, wrote about the existence of an ancient and illustrious nobility in Araut, in his book he said: "También fundó convento el Padre Fray Martin de Rada en Araut – que ahora se llama el convento de Dumangas – con la advocación de nuestro Padre San Agustín...Está fundado este pueblo casi a los fines del río de Halaur, que naciendo en unos altos montes en el centro de esta isla (Panay)...Es el pueblo muy hermoso, ameno y muy lleno de palmares de cocos. Antiguamente era el emporio y corte de la más lucida nobleza de toda aquella isla." (pp374–375)
- "There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families; and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. These principalities and lordships were inherited in the male line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded... When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and particular government of their own following, which is called barangay among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores] who attended to the interests of the barangay."(Chapter VIII)
- Historians classify four types of unHispanicized societies in the Philippines, some of which still survive in remote and isolated parts of the country:
- Classless societies
- Warrior societies
- characterized by a distinct warrior class, in which membership is won by personal achievement, entails privilege, duty and prescribed norms of conduct, and is requisite for community leadership;
- Petty Plutocracies
- which are dominated socially and politically by a recognized class of rich men who attain membership through birthright, property and the performance of specified ceremonies. They are "petty" because their authority is localized, being extended by neither absentee landlordism nor territorial subjugation;
- "En las Visayas ayudaba siempre a los amigos, y sujetaba solamente con las armas a los que los ofendian, y aun despues de subyugados no les exigia mas que un reconocimiento en especie, a que se obligan. " ("In the Visayas [Legaspi] always helped friends, and held weapons only to those who offended them (his friends), and even after he subjugated them (those who offended his friends), he did not demand more than an acknowledgment in kind, to those who are conquered.")(p146)
- The word "sakop" means "jurisdiction", and "Kinadatuan" refers to the realm of the Datu - his principality.
- In Panay, even at present, the landed descendants of the principales are still referred to as agalon or amo by their tenants. However, the tenants are no longer called oripun (in Karay‑a, i.e., the Ilonggo sub‑dialect) or olipun (in Sinâ, i.e., Ilonggo spoken in the lowlands and cities). Instead, the tenants are now commonly referred to as tinawo (subjects).
- Tous les descendants de ces chefs étaient regardés comme nobles et exempts des corvées et autres services auxquels étaient assujettis les roturiers que l'on appelait "timaguas". Les femmes étaient nobles comme les hommes.(p53)
- (The creation of new principales, i.e., cabezas de barangay, was done by the Superintendent of Finance in cases of those towns near Manila. For those in distant provinces, the alcaldes named the new leader, proposed by the gobernadorcillo of the town where the barangay is located. The candidate proposed by the gobernadorcillo is the person presented by the members of the barangay.)
- also v.encomienda; hacienda
- Their (Principalía) usual dress is black jacket, European trousers, mushroom hat(salakot) and colored (velvet) slippers; many even wear varnished shoes, such as high quality leather shoes. The shirt is short, and worn outside the trousers. The Gobernadorcillo carries a tassled cane (baston), the lieutenants wands (varas). On occasions of great ceremony, they dress formally in frock coat and high crowned hat.(p331)
- Regalado Trota Jose, The Many Images of Christ (particularly in the section: Spain retains the old class system) in (Vol 3, pp 178–179)
- See also (Volume 5, pp1155–1158: 'The Ruling Class')
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1904). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Volume 17 of 55 (1609–1616). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE; additional translations by Henry B. Lathrop. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-1426486869. OCLC 769945708.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana VII. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, S.A. 1921.
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1907). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Volume 46 of 55 (1721–1739). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. OCLC 769944922.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
- José de la Concha, El ministro de Ultramar (24 December 1863). "Real Decreto" [Spanish Royal Decree of 20 December 1863] (pdf). Gaceta de Madrid (in Spanish). Retrieved 25 October 2014.
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1906). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Volume 42 of 55 (1670–1700). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE;. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-1103955435. OCLC 769945732.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.<
- FERRANDO, Fr Juan & FONSECA OSA, Fr Joaquin (1870–1872). Historia de los PP. Dominicos en las Islas Filipinas y en las Misiones del Japon, China, Tung-kin y Formosa (6 vols) (in Spanish). Madrid: Imprenta y esteriotipia de M Rivadeneyra. OCLC 9362749.
- MALLAT de BASSILAU, Jean (1846). Les Philippines: Histoire, géographie, moeurs. Agriculture, industrie et commerce des Colonies espagnoles dans l'Océanie (2 vols) (in French). Paris: Arthus Bertrand Éd. ISBN 978-1143901140. OCLC 23424678.
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1904). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898 (in Spanish). Volume 15 of 55 (1609). Completely translated into English and annotated by the editors. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-1231213940. OCLC 769945706.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. — From their discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the beginning of the XVII Century; with descriptions of Japan, China and adjacent countries, by Dr. ANTONIO DE MORGA Alcalde of Criminal Causes, in the Royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana, and Counsel for the Holy Office of the Inquisition.
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1906). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Volume 40 of 55 (1690–1691). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE;. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-0559361821. OCLC 769945730.
- ZAIDE, Gregorio F (1979). The Pageant of Philippine History: Political, economic, and socio-cultural. Philippine Education Company. ASIN B0000E9CJ1.
- de COMYN, Tomas (1821) . Estado de las islas Filipinas en 1810 [State of the Philippine islands : being an historical, statistical, and descriptive account of that interesting portion of the Indian archipelago]. translated from the Spanish with notes and a preliminary discourse by William Walton 1821. London: T. and J. Allman. OCLC 10569141. 645339.
- de SAN AGUSTIN OSA (1650–1724), Fr Gaspár; DIAZ OSA, Fr Casimiro (1698). Conquistas de las Islas Philipinas. Parte primera : la temporal, por las armas del señor don Phelipe Segundo el Prudente, y la espiritual, por los religiosos del Orden de Nuestro Padre San Augustin; fundacion y progreso de su Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus (in Spanish). Madrid: Imprenta de Manuel Ruiz de Murga. ISBN 978-8400040727. OCLC 79696350.
The second part of the work, compiled by Casimiro Díaz Toledano from the manuscript left by Gaspár de San Agustín, was not published until 1890 under the title: Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas, Parte segunda.
- Manuel Merino, O.S.A., ed., Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Madrid 1975.
- SCOTT, William Henry (1982). Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, and Other Essays in Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. ISBN 978-9711000004. OCLC 9259667.
- Seclusion and Veiling of Women: A Historical and Cultural Approach
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1905). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Volume 29 of 55 (1638–1640). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE; additional translations by Arthur B. Myrick. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-1150502040. OCLC 769945242.
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1905). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Volume 36 of 55 (1649–1666). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE; additional translations by Henry B. Lathrop. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-1103146949. OCLC 769944919.
- BLAIR, Emma Helen & ROBERTSON, James Alexander, eds. (1903). The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803. Volume 05 of 55 (1582–1583). Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord BOURNE. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company. ISBN 978-0554259598. OCLC 769945704.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century.
- de León Pinelo, Antonio Rodríguez & de Solórzano Pereira, Juan, eds. (1680). Recopilación de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (pdf) (in Spanish). Libro Sexto.
Títulos: i De los Indios. ii De la libertad de los Indios. iii De las Reducciones, y Pueblos de Indios. iv De las caxas de censos, y bienes de Comunidad, y su administracion. v De los tributos, y tassas de los Indios. vi De los Protectores de Indios. vii De los Caciques. viii De los repastimientos, encomiendas, y pensiones de Indios, y calidades de los titulos. ix De los Encomenderos de Indios. x De el buen tratamiento de los Indios. xi De la sucession de encomiendas, entretenimientos, y ayudas de costa. xii Del servicio personal. xiii Del servicio en chacras, viñas, olivares, obrajes, ingenios, perlas, tambos, requas, carreterias, casas, ganados, y bogas. xiv Del servicio en coca, y añir. xv Del servicio en minas. xvi De los Indios de Chile. xvii De los Indios de Tucuman, Paraguay, y Rio de la Plata. xviii De los Sangleyes. xix De las confirmaciones de encomiendas, pensiones, rentas, y situaciones.
- The impact of Spanish rule in the Philippines
- ROCES, Alfredo Reyes; CORDERO-FERNANDO, Gilda; QUIRINO, Carlos & GUTIERREZ, Manuel C, eds. (1977). Filipino Heritage: the Making of a Nation (10 vols). Manila: Lahing Pilipino Pub. ISBN 978-9718574010. OCLC 6088188. 1328526.
Contents: Vol 1 The stone age in the Philippines; Vol 2 The metal age in the Philippines; Vol 3 The age of trade and contacts; Vol 4 The Spanish colonial period (16th century); Vol 5 The Spanish colonial period (17th/18th centuries); Vol 6 The Spanish colonial period (18th/19th centuries); Vol 7 The Spanish colonial period (late 19th century); Vol 8 The period of armed struggle (1896–1900); Vol 9 The American colonial period (1900–1941); Vol 10 Birth of a nation (1941–1946).
- DALISAY, Jose Y, ed. (1998). Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People (10 vols). Project Director: Teresa Maria CUSTODIO. Manila / Pleasantville NY: Asia Publishing Company (Reader's Digest). ISBN 9789622582248. OCLC 39734321. 557730.
Contents: Vol 1 The Philippine Archipelago; Vol 2 The earliest Filipinos; Vol 3 The Spanish conquest; Vol 4 Life in the colony; Vol 5 Reform and revolution; Vol 6 Under stars and stripes; Vol 7 The Japanese occupation; Vol 8 Up from the ashes; Vol 9 A nation reborn; Vol 10 A timeline of Philippine history.
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