Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson

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For the eleventh-century King of the Isles of the same name, see Ragnall mac Gofraid
Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson
King of the Isles
Image of Rǫgnvaldr's name as it appears in the Latin Chronicle of Mann.
Rǫgnvaldr's name and title as it appears on folio 154r of Oxford Jesus College MS 111 (the Red Book of Hergest): "Reinaỻt urenhin yr ynyssed".[1]
Reign 1187–1226
Predecessor Guðrøðr Óláfsson
Successor Óláfr Guðrøðarson
Issue Guðrøðr Dond
Dynasty Crovan dynasty
Father Guðrøðr Óláfsson
Died 14 February 1229
Tynwald
Burial St Mary's Abbey, Furness

Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson (died 14 February 1229),[2] also known in Old Norse as Rögnvaldr Guðrøðarson,[3] and in Gaelic as Raghnall mac Godhfhraidh,[4] Raghnall mac Gofhraidh,[5] Raghnall Ua Gofraidh an Mhearáin,[6] and Ragnall mac Gofraid,[7][note 1] ruled as King of the Isles from 1187 to 1226. He was the eldest son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of the Isles. Although the latter may have intended for his younger son, Óláfr, to succeed to the kingship, the Islesmen chose Rǫgnvaldr, who was likely Óláfr's half-brother. Rǫgnvaldr went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles for almost forty years before losing control to Óláfr.

Described in one near contemporary source as "the greatest warrior in the western lands", Rǫgnvaldr lent military aid to William I, King of Scotland against the disaffected Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness, and occupied Caithness for a short period of time at about the turn of the thirteenth century. Like his predecessors, Rǫgnvaldr was closely associated with the rulers of northern Wales. An unnamed daughter of his was betrothed to Rhodri ab Owain, a dynast of the ruling family of Gwynedd. In 1193, Rǫgnvaldr lent military aid to Rhodri against his rivals. Rǫgnvaldr was also involved in Irish affairs, as he was the brother-in-law of John de Courcy, one of the most powerful of the incoming Englishmen. With Courcy's eventual fall from power in the first decade of the thirteenth century, Rǫgnvaldr aided him in an unsuccessful attack on Courcy's rivals.

On numerous occasions from 1205 to 1219, Rǫgnvaldr bound himself to the English Crown by rendering homage to John, King of England and his successor, Henry III, King of England. In return for his vassalage, these English rulers promised to assist Rǫgnvaldr against any threats to his realm, whilst Rǫgnvaldr pledged to protect English interests in the Irish Sea zone. With the strengthening of Norwegian kingship in the first half of the century, the Norwegian Crown began to look towards the Isles, and in 1210 the region fell prey to a destructive military expedition. In consequence, Rǫgnvaldr rendered homage to Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway. The resurgence of Norwegian authority threat may well have been the reason why Rǫgnvaldr submitted to Pope Honorius III in 1223, and promised to pay a perpetual tribute for the protection of his realm.

Óláfr's allotment in Rǫgnvaldr's island-kingdom appears to have been Lewis and Harris. When confronted by Óláfr for more territory, Rǫgnvaldr had him seized and incarcerated by the Scots. After almost seven years in captivity, Óláfr was released in 1214, and Rǫgnvaldr arranged for him to marry the sister of his own wife. Óláfr was able to have this marriage annulled, sometime after 1217, whereupon he married the daughter of a rising Scottish magnate. Outright warfare broke out between the half-brothers in the 1220s, and Óláfr's gains forced Rǫgnvaldr to turn to the powerful Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway. Rǫgnvaldr and Alan bound themselves through the marriage of an unnamed daughter of Rǫgnvaldr to Alan's illegitimate son, Thomas. The prospect of a future Gallovidian king prompted the Manxmen to depose Rǫgnvaldr in favour of Óláfr. Although Rǫgnvaldr was initially aided against Óláfr by Alan and his family, Gallovidian military support dramatically diminished over time. On 14 February 1229, the forces of Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr clashed for the last time, and Rǫgnvaldr himself was slain. His body was conveyed to St Mary's Abbey, Furness and buried.

Sources[edit]

Rǫgnvaldr's name as it appears on folio 40r of Cotton MS Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Reginaldus".[25]

The main source for Rǫgnvaldr and his reign is the Chronicle of Mann, a historical account of the rulers of the Hebrides and Mann—the Crovan dynasty in particular—which survives in a Latin manuscript dating to the mid fourteenth century.[26] Although the chronicle is the region's only contemporary indigenous narrative source, it is certainly not without its faults. Not only is its chronology suspect in parts, but it appears to be biased in favour of one branch of the dynasty over another—specifically the line of Rǫgnvaldr's rival over that of his own.[27] Other important sources are royal acta of the dynasty. Of the twenty or so examples of such sources, six (all copies) were issued during Rǫgnvaldr's career.[28] Numerous sources from outwith the dynasty's domain—such as mediaeval chronicles and annals composed in England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the Continent—also pertain to his life and times. Several Scandinavian sagas also provide useful information, although the historicity of such sources is debatable in certain circumstances. Also important is surviving correspondence between the dynasty and the English royal court, and the Vatican. In addition, certain Welsh genealogies,[29] and a contemporary Irish praise-poem composed in Rǫgnvaldr's honour, also cast light upon Rǫgnvaldr's life and times.[30][note 2]

Antecedents and accession[edit]

Map of the Kingdom of the Isles c. 1200.[35] The lands of the Crovan dynasty bordering those of the Meic Somairle.

Rǫgnvaldr was a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of the Isles (died 1187), and a member of the Crovan dynasty.[36][note 3] In the mid twelfth century, Guðrøðr Óláfsson inherited the kingship of the Isles,[38] a region comprising the Hebrides and Mann.[39] He soon faced internal opposition from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164),[40] who seized the Inner Hebridean portion of the kingdom in 1153. Three years later, Somairle seized the entire kingdom, and ruled the entirety of the Isles until his death in 1164.[39] Although Guðrøðr Óláfsson regained the kingship, the territories lost to his brother-in-law in 1153 were retained by the latter's descendants, the Meic Somairle (or Clann Somairle).

Guðrøðr Óláfsson had one daughter and at least three sons: Affrica (died in or after 1219), Ívarr, Óláfr, and Rǫgnvaldr himself.[41][note 4] Although nothing else is certain of Ívarr,[43] Óláfr's mother appears to have been Findguala ingen Neill,[44] an Irishwoman whose marriage to Guðrøðr Óláfsson was formalised in 1176, about the time of Óláfr's birth.[45] When Guðrøðr Óláfsson died in 1187, the Chronicle of Mann claims that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since he had been born in "in lawful wedlock".[46] Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain,[47] as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.[46]

Although the chronicle seems to imply that Findguala was also Rǫgnvaldr's mother, at no point does the source state as much. In fact, there is evidence which strongly suggests that Rǫgnvaldr was the son of another woman.[48] For example, the surviving fragments of a letter sent from Óláfr to Henry III, King of England (died 1272) in about 1228 reveal that Óláfr described Rǫgnvaldr as a bastard son of his father.[49] Furthermore, the aforesaid Gaelic praise-poem, Baile suthach sith Emhna, declares that he was a son of Sadb,[50] an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been an unrecorded wife or concubine of Guðrøðr. The likelihood that Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the two men in the years that followed.[48]

Strained relations with Óláfr[edit]

A king gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen. Comprising some four sets,[51] the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries.[52] They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century.[53]

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Rǫgnvaldr gave Óláfr possession of a certain island called "Lodhus". The chronicle disparagingly describes the island as being mountainous and rocky, completely unsuitable for cultivation, and declares that its small population lived mostly by hunting and fishing.[54] In fact, Lewis is the northern part of the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis and Harris. Whilst the southern part—Harris—is somewhat mountainous, the aforesaid northern part—Lewis—is rather flat and boggy. The chronicle, therefore, seems to have conflated the northern and southern parts of the island.[55] Whatever the case, the chronicle claims that, because of the impoverishment of his lands, Óláfr was unable to support himself and his followers, and that in consequence he led "a sorry life".[54] The chronicle's otherwise perceptible prejudice against Rǫgnvaldr's branch of the Crovan dynasty, and its apparent bias in favour of Mann over the northern-most reaches of the realm, may also account for the such a denigrating depiction of the lands allotted to Óláfr.[56]

In consequence of his supposed poverty, the chronicle claims that Óláfr went to Rǫgnvaldr, who was also living in the Hebrides, and confronted him for more land. Rǫgnvaldr's stated response was to have Óláfr seized and sent to William I, King of Scotland (died 1214), who kept him imprisoned for almost seven years.[57] It may be more probable, however, that Rǫgnvaldr had taken action against Óláfr because the latter had approached the Norwegian Crown, and offered himself as a more palatable vassal-king in return for Norwegian support in deposing Rǫgnvaldr.[58] Whatever the case, the chronicle states that William died during the seventh year of Óláfr's captivity, and that William had ordered the release of all his political prisoners before his passing.[57] Since William died in December 1214,[59] Óláfr's incarceration appears to have spanned between 1207 and early 1215.[60] Upon Óláfr's release, the chronicle reveals that the half-brothers met on Mann, after which Óláfr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.[57]

At roughly this period, in 1209, the Annals of Ulster reports that the sons of Ragnall mac Somairle (died 1191/1192–c. 1210/1227) attacked Skye and slaughtered many of the Skyemen.[61] It is unknown if this invasion of Rǫgnvaldr's realm was any way related to the slaying of Ragnall's brother, Áengus mac Somairle, and the latter's three sons, in the following year. What is certain, however, is that these, and other records concerning the Meic Somairle, reveal that the Crovan dynasty was not alone in introducing instability into the Isles.[62] In fact, the elimination of Áengus and his sons appears to have had serious repercussions on not only the Meic Somairle succession, but Rǫgnvaldr's kingship in the Isles.[63]

Relations with William of Scotland[edit]

There is earlier evidence of amicable relations between Rǫgnvaldr and William,[64] a monarch who faced a series of revolts during his reign.[65] A particular thorn in the side of the Scottish Crown at the turn of the thirteenth century was Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness (died 1206). At some point in the last half of the twelfth century, Haraldr Maddaðarson put aside his first wife, and married Hvarflǫð, a daughter of an Earl of Ross. Hvarflǫð was a member of the powerful Meic Áedha, a northern kindred who had been in open conflict with the Scottish Crown throughout the twelfth century. Previous Orcadian earls had extended influence into Ross;[66] and it may well have been through Hvarflǫð that Haraldr Maddaðarson was drawn into conflict with the Scottish Crown.[67]

Haraldr Maddaðarson appears to have gained control of Moray early in 1196. Although William was able to reassert authority in the north, and hand Caithness over to Haraldr Eiríksson, a more amiable applicant, Haraldr Maddaðarson overcame the latter, and regained control of the earldom.[68] It may have been at this point where Rǫgnvaldr entered the fray. According to Orkneyinga saga, once William learned that Haraldr Maddaðarson had taken control of Caithness, Rǫgnvaldr was tasked to intervene on behalf of the Scottish Crown. Having received the king's message, the saga records that Rǫgnvaldr gathered an armed host from the Isles, Kintyre, and Ireland, and went forth into Caithness, where he subdued the region.[69] With the coming of winter, the saga records that Rǫgnvaldr returned to the Isles, after having left three stewards in Caithness. When Haraldr Maddaðarson latter had one of these stewards murdered, the saga states that William forced him into submission.[69] The fact that Haraldr Maddaðarson only reaserted his authority action after Rǫgnvaldr's return to the Isles, coupled with the punishing fine the former imposed upon the Caithnessmen once regaining control, suggests that Rǫgnvaldr had enjoyed support in the region.[70]

Rǫgnvaldr's involvement in Caithness is also noted by the contemporary English chronicler Roger de Hoveden (died 1201/1202). According to Roger's Chronica, after two rounds of negotiations between Haraldr Maddaðarson and William failed, Rǫgnvaldr intervened and bought Caithness from William.[72] The precise date of Rǫgnvaldr's venture is uncertain, although it appears to occurred in about 1200.[73] Just prior to Rǫgnvaldr's involvement, Roger records that Haraldr Maddaðarson ventured into the Isles where he reinforced himself with an armed fleet, before returning to Orkney and Caithnes, and overcame Haraldr Eiríksson at Wick. Roger's account could be evidence that Haraldr Maddaðarson was able to garner support from the Meic Somairle, then bitter adversaries of Rǫgnvaldr.[74]

Although not descended from previous Orcadian earls, Rǫgnvaldr could perhaps be considered related to these Norwegian magnates by right of his paternal grandfather's marriage to Ingibjǫrg, daughter of Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137). If this was indeed the case, William's act of using Rǫgnvaldr in Caithness, therefore, may have been an example of the king playing one member of the jarlsaetten against another.[75] The jarlsaetten were people who possessed a claim to an earldom, in accordance with Norse custom, by right of their descent from previous earls.[76] In fact, William made use of the jarlsaetten when he had earlier granted Caithness to Haraldr Eiríksson, a grandson of Rǫgnvaldr Kali Kolsson, Earl of Orkney.[77] On the other hand, the fact that Rǫgnvaldr possessed no known blood relationship with the earls could conversely be evidence that he was the first Scottish-backed ruler of Caithness without a dynastic connection to the Orcadian jarlsaetten.[78] Whatever the case, although it is not impossible that Rǫgnvaldr ruled as Earl of Caithness for a short time, surviving evidence does not not record his installation as such, and only demonstrates that he was appointed to administrate the province.[79]

Welsh connections[edit]

The Kingdom of Gwynedd, and the extent of English dominance in Ireland and Wales, c. 1200.

From its earliest years, the Crovan dynasty forged alliances with the northern Welsh rulers of the Kingdom of Gwynedd.[80] Some of the earliest evidence of Rǫgnvaldr's kingship concerns his involvement in northern Wales.[81] During the late twelfth century, the region was wracked by vicious interdynastic warring.[82] In 1190, one of Gruffudd's grandsons, Rhodri ab Owain Gwynedd (died 1195), was ejected from Anglesey apparently by the sons of his own brother, Cynan ab Owain Gwynedd (died 1174).[83] The mediaeval Brenhinoedd y Saeson[84] and Brut y Tywysogyon reveal that Rǫgnvaldr militarily supported Rhodri in his successful re-acquisition of Anglesey three years later.[85] Another mediaeval Welsh text, O Oes Gwrtheyrn Gertheneu, refers to the year 1193 as haf y Gwyddyl ("the summer of the Gaels"), which appears to further evince the participation of Rǫgnvaldr and his troops.[86]

Rǫgnvaldr and Rhodri were also bound together by a marital alliance,[87] as a papal letter, dated November 1199, indicates that an unnamed daughter of Rǫgnvaldr was betrothed to Rhodri.[88] It is uncertain whether the couple were married before or after the episode of 1193, although Rǫgnvaldr's support of Rhodri in 1193 is almost certainly related to it.[89] Rhodri died in 1195,[90] and the same papal letter indicates that his widow was arranged to marry his nephew, Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of Gwynedd (died 1240).[88] The arrangement appears to have taken place in the context of Llywelyn's consolidation in Gwynedd. Like his uncle, Llywelyn appears to have intended to establish an alliance with the Islesmen in order strengthen his position in Wales.[91] Although the arrangement may well evidence Rǫgnvaldr's power and influence in the region,[89] Llywelyn clearly extricated himself from the arrangement in order to bind himself in marriage to a much stronger and more influential superpower, the English Crown.[92] Although certain correspondence with the papacy reveals that the marriage between Llywelyn and Rǫgnvaldr's daughter had received papal approval in April 1203,[93] another letter shows that the ratification was reversed on a technicality in February 1205.[94][note 5] The pope's latter ruling was clearly one of convenience,[96] as Llywelyn was by this time married to Joan (died 1237), an illegitimate daughter of John, King of England (died 1216).[97][note 6] This may have been about the time when Rǫgnvaldr himself first entered into what would be an enduring relationship with the English Crown.[100]

Rǫgnvaldr's father's name as it appears on page 198 of National Library of Wales MS Peniarth 20 (Brut y Tywysogyon): "Gothrych".[101]

There may be further evidence of Rǫgnvaldr's Welsh connections.[100] According to several non-contemporary Welsh genealogical tracts, the mother of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Prince of Wales (died 1282) was an otherwise unknown daughter of Rǫgnvaldr named Rhanullt.[102][note 7] If correct, these sources could indicate that Llywelyn's father, Gruffydd ap Llywelyn Fawr (died 1244) married a daughter of Rǫgnvaldr in about 1220.[100] Contemporary sources, however, show that Llywelyn's mother was Senana, an undoubted wife of Gruffydd.[102] In yet another Welsh pedigree, one compiled by the herald and poet Lewys Dwnn (died in or after 1616), Rǫgnvaldr is stated have had an otherwise unknown son named Hywel.[103][note 8] Although the reliability of such late genealogical sources is suspect, Rǫgnvaldr's known dealings with leading Welsh dynasts could lend weight to the possibility that he had an otherwise unknown Welsh wife or concubine.[105]

Coat of arms attributed to Gruffydd ap Llywelyn Fawr as it appears in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Parker Library MS 16 II (Chronica Majora).[106]

Rǫgnvaldr was also responsible for the Welsh translation of mediaeval texts dealing with Charlemagne and Roland.[107] There are ten surviving manuscripts, dating no later than the seventeenth century, which preserve Cân Rolant, the Welsh version of Chanson de Roland. Along with the Welsh versions of Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi and Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, Cân Rolant comprises part of the Welsh Charlemagne cycle.[108] All but one of the ten manuscripts contain a colophon noting that Rǫgnvaldr was responsible for the translation.[109][note 9] The work appears to have taken place at some point after his accession, and possibly following the marriage of his daughter to Rhodri.[109] The catalyst for the translations is uncertain. During the reign of his contemporary, Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway (died 1263), many Anglo-Norman manuscripts were translated into Old Norse, including those that became Karlamagnús saga. Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi and Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne appear to have been known in Scandinavia by the twelfth century, and it is possible that Rǫgnvaldr became familiar with them whilst in Norway, leading him to commission a translation of his own. On the other hand he could have also became familiar with the tales whilst in England.[112] Rǫgnvaldr's aforesaid familial links with the Welsh, and perhaps Cistercian connections between Mann and Wales, may account for his part in the translations into Welsh.[113] The work itself was seemingly carried out at the Ceredigion monastery of Llanbadarn Fawr, once a centre of Welsh scholarship.[114]

Involvement in Ireland[edit]

Offspring of fleet-rich Lochlann,
offspring of bright Conn of the chains,
you'll seek a harbour behind Aran
while probing Ireland's cold shores.

— excerpt of Baile suthach sith Emhna associating Rǫgnvaldr with Ireland.[115][note 10]

Although Rǫgnvaldr is completely ignored by the Irish annals, other historical sources indicate that he indeed had Irish connections.[121] For example, Orkneyinga saga notes that, when he lent military support to William in Caithness, Rǫgnvaldr led a large army drawn from Ireland.[122] Also linking Rǫgnvaldr to Ireland is Henry III's summons to Rǫgnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, commanding him to explain the "excesses committed upon the people of our Lord the King, as well in England as in Ireland".[123] Baile suthach sith Emhna also reveals connections with the island. Although the poem undoubtedly exaggerates Rǫgnvaldr's feats, its claims of devastating raids into Ireland may not be complete fantasy, as evidenced by the aforesaid summons.[124]

Mannequin of Rǫgnvaldr's sister, Affrica, at Carrickfergus Castle.

The poem also alludes to Rǫgnvaldr's claim to kingship in Ireland, and appears to evidence the prospect of seizing power in Dublin.[125] Rǫgnvaldr's antecessors were certainly closely associated with the Norse-Gaelic Kingdom of Dublin.[126] However, with the kingdom's collapse at the hands of English adventurers in 1170, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by this threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone.[127] Despite their original opposition to the English in Dublin, the dynasty did not take long to realign themselves with this new power;[128] and did so though a marital alliance between Rǫgnvaldr's sister, Affrica, and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy (died c. 1219).[129]

In 1177, Courcy led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid (died 1201), consolidated his conquest, and ruled his lands with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century.[130] Although the date of the marriage between Courcy and Affrica is uncertain, the union undoubtedly attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland.[131] The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that Courcy's marital alliance with the Crovan dynasty was the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr Óláfsson formalised his marriage to Findguala ingen Neill in 1171, and thereby bound his dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn of Cenél nEógain, another traditional foe of the Ulaid. Courcy would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage,[132] whilst Guðrøðr Óláfsson would have used Courcy's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.[133]

Ruinous late twelfth-century inner curtain wall, and early thirteenth-century keep of Dundrum Castle.[134] Rǫgnvaldr's forces assisted those of Courcy against the castle in 1205.

Courcy's fall from power occurred in a series of conflicts between 1201 and 1204. By 1205 he was forced from Ireland altogether, and his lands were awarded to Hugh de Lacy (died 1242). During Courcy's subsequent revolt within the year,[135] he received military support from Rǫgnvaldr, his brother-in-law.[136] The Chronicle of Mann specifies that Courcy's massive force was reinforced by Rǫgnvaldr with one hundred ships, and states that they laid siege to a certain castle of "Roth", before being beaten back with the arrival of Walter de Lacy (died 1241).[137] The expedition is also recorded in the Annals of Loch Cé, which states that Courcy brought a fleet from the Isles to battle the Lacys. Although the expedition ultimately proved a failure, the annals indicate that the surrounding countryside was plundered and destroyed by the invaders.[138] The identity of the castle named by the chronicle is almost certainly Dundrum Castle,[139] which was possibly constructed by Courcy before 1203. The defeat of 1205 marks the downfall of Courcy, who never regained his Irish lands.[140]

Relations with John of England[edit]

Locations in England and Ireland relating to Rǫgnvaldr.

Rǫgnvaldr's involvement in Ireland, and his connection with Courcy, may have led to contact with the English kings John and Henry III.[141] On 8 February 1205, the year of the aforesaid attack on Dundrum, John took Rǫgnvaldr under his protection.[142] Exactly a year later, John issued Rǫgnvaldr safe conduct for fifteen days to come to England for Easter (22 April 1206).[143] A further record dated 28 April reveals that Rǫgnvaldr rendered homage to John during this Easter sojourn, and states that the latter ordered the Sheriff of Lancaster to assign thirty marcates of land to Rǫgnvaldr.[144][note 11] Accordingly, the Lancashire Pipe Rolls reveal that the sheriff associated twenty librates of land with Rǫgnvaldr during the year spanning Michaelmas 1205 and Michaelmas 1206.[146][note 12] Since the rolls do not name any estate associated with Rǫgnvaldr, he does not appear to have been assigned any lands, but rather a charge upon the ferm of the county.[146] On 29 April, John ordered his treasurer to pay thirty marks to Rǫgnvaldr.[148] About a year later, on 17 June 1207, John ordered the sheriff to assign Rǫgnvaldr with twenty liberates of land,[149] a payment which is also confirmed by the Lancashire Pipe Rolls.[150]

In 1210, the Chronicle of Mann reports that John led five hundred ships to Ireland. Whilst Rǫgnvaldr and his men were absent from Mann, the chronicle reveals that part of John's forces landed and ravaged it for a fortnight before departing with hostages.[151] There is does not appear to be any other evidence of poor relations between John at this time.[152] Since the men were clearly on friendly terms between 1205 and 1207, John's assault on the island does not appear to connected to Rǫgnvaldr's campaigning with Courcy. Instead, it is possible that the devastation was related to John's souring relations with the Lacy and the Briouze families.[153] In 1208, William de Briouze (died 1211), with his wife and family, fled from John to Ireland, where they were harboured by the Lacys. When John arrived in Ireland two years later, the Briouzes fled towards Scotland, and were apprehended in Galloway by Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick (died 1250).[154]

A link between the flight of the Briouzes and Rǫgnvaldr appears in the contemporary Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, which states that, whilst en route to Scotland just before their capture, the Briouzes stayed on Mann for four days.[155] Although it is impossible to know for certain whether Rǫgnvaldr sanctioned the arrival of the fleeing Briouzes, their close connection with the Lacys, and Rǫgnvaldr's close connection with Courcy—a man who had been forced from his Irish lands by the Lacys—both suggest that cooperation between Rǫgnvaldr and Briouze is unlikely.[156] Whatever the case, English depredations on Mann are corroborated by other sources, such as the Annals of Loch Cé,[157] and the continuation of William de Newburgh's Historia rerum Anglicarum.[158] In his own account of events, John declared that he had learned of the capture of Briouze's wife and children whilst at Carrickfergus, a statement which may hint that the attack on Mann was punitive in nature.[159][note 13] If the attack was indeed a case of retaliation it may not have related to Rǫgnvaldr's involvement.[161] The fleeing Briouzes were also accompanied by Hugh, but unlike them he managed to elude capture, and was harboured in Scotland by Ailín mac Ailín, Earl of Lennox (died 1217).[162] The Lacys' connections with Dublin and Ulster suggest that Hugh may have had supporters on Mann. In fact, his stay-over in Rǫgnvaldr's absence may have been enabled due to the fraternal discord between Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr.[161]

Divided loyalties: England and Norway[edit]

Coat of arms of Henry III, King of England as it appears on folio 100r of Royal MS 14 C VII (Historia Anglorum).[163]

In the years between the death of Magnús berfœttr, King of Norway (died 1103) and the reign of Hákon, Norwegian power in the Isles was negligible due to an ongoing civil war in Norway.[164] In the mid twelfth century, however, during his visit to Norway, Rǫgnvaldr's father appears to have become a vassal of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161).[165] Certainly, the twelfth-century Norman chronicler Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186) reported a mid-century meeting between Henry II, William, and the Bishop of the Isles, where it was stated that the kings of the Isles were obliged to pay the kings of Norway ten marks of gold upon the latter's accession.[166]

Whilst bound to the English Crown in 1210, Rǫgnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles.[167] Specifically, the Icelandic annals reveal that a military expedition from Norway to the Isles was in preparation in 1209. The following year, the same source notes "warfare" in the Isles, and reveals that Iona was pillaged.[168] These reports are corroborated by Bǫglunga sǫgur, a contemporary saga-collection that survives in two versions. Both versions note how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar—two competing sides of the Norwegian civil war—decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve-ship raiding expedition into the Isles.[169] The longer version states that "Ragnwald" (styled "Konge aff Möen i Syderö") and "Gudroder" (styled "Konge paa Manö") had not paid their taxes due to the Norwegian kings. In consequence, the source records that the Isles were ravaged until the two travelled to Norway and reconciled themselves with Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway (died 1217), whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a lén (or fief).[170]

Coat of arms attributed to Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway as it appears on folio 216v of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Parker Library MS 16 II (Chronica Majora).[171]

The aforesaid kings of Bǫglunga sǫgur most likely represent Rǫgnvaldr and his son, Guðrøðr Dond (died 1231).[172][note 14] The skattr (or tax) that Rǫgnvaldr and his son rendered to Ingi appears to be the same tribute that Robert noted in his aforesaid account.[175] The submission of the Islesmen appears to have been undertaken in the context of the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar, and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting.[176] The destructive Norse activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Rǫgnvaldr's recalcitrance in terms of his Norwegian obligations, and his recent orientation towards the English Crown.[177] The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Rǫgnvaldr and his Norse-Gaelic contemporaries.[178]

Rǫgnvaldr's presence in Norway may explain his absence from Mann during the aforesaid ravaging of the island by the English. In fact, Rǫgnvaldr's submission to Ingi could have been contributed to the English attack, as it may have given the English an incentive to devastate Rǫgnvaldr's lands because he had bound himself to John only a few years previous.[179] Although John had originally installed Hugh as Earl of Ulster, when the latter gave refuge to the Briouzes the king proceeded to destroy the lordship in retaliation for the earl's disloyalty. The ravaging of Mann, therefore, may have been a further demonstration of English royal power directed at a disloyal vassal. If this was indeed the case, Rǫgnvaldr's submission to the Norwegian Crown—although apparently undertaken to safeguard his kingdom—clearly resulted in severe repercussions.[180]

Enduring links with England[edit]

Thirteenth-century depiction of John, King of England as he appears on folio 9r of Royal MS 14 C VII (Historia Anglorum).

Numerous sources reveal that, in the years following the aforesaid ravaging of Mann and plundering of the Isles, Rǫgnvaldr bound himself closer to the English Crown.[181] Whilst at Lambeth on 16 May 1212,[182] for instance, during what was likely his second visit to England in six years,[183] Rǫgnvaldr formally swore that he was John's liegeman.[182] Rǫgnvaldr's visit to England is corroborated by a record, dated 20 May, regarding the English Crown's payment of ten marks for conducting Rǫgnvaldr home.[184] Further corroboration is provided by the record, dated 16 May, concerning the release of some of Rǫgnvaldr's men who had been held in custody at Porchester and Dover.[185][note 15]

In another record, also dated 16 May, John authorised his seneschals, governors, and bailiffs in Ireland to come to Rǫgnvaldr's aid in the event that his territory was threatened by "Wikini or others", since Rǫgnvaldr had bound himself to do the same against John's own enemies.[186] The record of "Wikini" or Vikings in this order may refer to the Norwegian raiders, like those who plundered the Isles in 1210.[187] This particular source reveals that, not only was Rǫgnvaldr protected by John, but that he was also obligated to defend John's interests in the Irish Sea region.[188]

Carlingford, where Rǫgnvaldr was granted lands from the English Crown for the service of a knight. At the time, Carlingford was part of Ulster, however today it located in County Louth.

Yet another transaction dated 16 May, in return for the homage and service that he rendered to the English Crown, Rǫgnvaldr and his heirs received a grant consisting of one knight's fee of land at Carlingford, and one hundred measures of corn to be paid yearly at Drogheda for the service of a knight.[189] The grant gave Rǫgnvaldr a valuable foothold in Ireland, and provided his powerful galley-fleet with an additional safe haven.[190] The precise location of the territory granted to Rǫgnvaldr is unrecorded and unknown.[191] Carlingford had until recently been a power centre of the aforesaid Hugh, and Rǫgnvaldr's grant may fit into the context of filling the power vacuum following the destruction of the Lacy lordship.[192] At about the same time as the grant, several south-western Scottish magnates—specifically the extended family of the lords of Galloway—received grants in the north of Ireland. Such grants appear to have been part of a coordinated campaign by the English and Scottish kings to gain authority over outlying territories where their royal influence was limited.[193][note 16] Yet another record, dated 3 January 1214, appears to confirm the English Crown's intentions of protecting the Islesmen, as it prohibits certain "mariners of Ireland" from entering Rǫgnvaldr's territories at his loss.[195]

Thirteenth-century depiction of Henry III as he appears on folio 9r of Royal MS 14 C VII (Historia Anglorum).

John died in October 1216, and was succeeded by his young son, Henry III.[196] The aforesaid English summons of Rǫgnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, in which he was ordered to amend certain "excesses" committed upon Henry's men in Ireland and England,could be evidence that Islesmen took advantage of the somewhat fractured English kingdom during Henry's minority by plundering the coasts of England and Ireland. If this is indeed the case, there is no further evidence of any such depredations.[197] Later in May, the English Crown ordered for Rǫgnvaldr to be given safe passage to England in order account for the aforesaid misconduct of his men.[198]

Whether Rǫgnvaldr actually travelled there that year is unknown, although various records reveal that he certainly did so the following year.[196] For example, he was granted safe passage by the English Crown on 24 September 1219.[199] Evidence of Rǫgnvaldr's activity in England survives in references of homage rendered to Henry. One such record shows that, in late September, Rǫgnvaldr rendered homage to Henry, and received the same fief that John had given him.[200] In another record of his homage the English Crown added the qualification: "But if our enemies, or his, shall rebel against us, and him, to the loss of our or his land, then you are to be earnest in your help, for the defence of our land and of his, to our safety and convenience, so long as he shall keep himself faithful towards us".[201] Therefore, whatever "excesses" Rǫgnvaldr's men had committed in the past, the surviving evidence reveals that by 1219 he was again amicably allied to the English king.[202]

Under the protection of the Pope[edit]

The Temple Church of London.

In the autumn of 1219, whilst in London at the Temple Church, Rǫgnvaldr surrendered Mann to the papacy, swore to perform homage for the island, and promised to pay twelve marks sterling in perpetuity as tribute. Rǫgnvaldr's submission was accepted, on behalf of Pope Honorius III (died 1227), by the papal legate to England, Pandulf, Bishop-elect of Norwich (died 1226).[203] Such a submission was not unprecedented at the time. For example, John had surrendered his kingdom to the papacy through Pandulf about six years beforehand,[204] whilst facing not only a major crisis from within his own realm, but an imminent invasion by Louis VIII, King of France (died 1226) from without.[205]

Late thirteenth-century depiction of Pope Honorius III.
Late thirteenth-century fresco depicting of Pope Honorius III.

The precise impetus behind Rǫgnvaldr's submission is uncertain,[206] although it may well have been related to the threat of ever-strengthening Norwegian kingship.[207] Certainly, Hákon had only acceded to the Norwegian kingship two years previously, and by the early part of his reign the civil warring within his realm began to wane.[208] In his submission, Rǫgnvaldr stated that the kingdom was his by hereditary right, and that he held it without any obligation to anyone.[209] This contradicts the aforesaid statement by Bǫglunga sǫgur, which declare that he and his son swore loyalty to Hákon and took his kingdom in fief of the latter.[210] The submission, therefore, may have been a means by which Rǫgnvaldr attempted to release himself from Norwegian overlordship.[211] Furthermore, an order addressed to Henry's administrators in Ireland, dated 4 November 1220, commanded Henry's men to render military aid to Rǫgnvaldr, since the latter had provided evidence that Hákon was plotting to invade his island-kingdom.[212]

Rǫgnvaldr's papal submission may have also been linked to his feud with Óláfr. For example, in the last hours of his life, John appealed to Pope Innocent III (died 1216) to ensure the succession of his young son, Henry. Although the chronology of Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr's feud is not entirely clear, the hostilities which entangled Rǫgnvaldr's son broke out in the 1220s. Rǫgnvaldr, therefore, may have intended to secure, not only his own kingship, but also the future succession of his son.[213] Be that as it may, it is unknown how well Rǫgnvaldr kept his obligations to the papacy.[214] The limited surviving evidence of communications between Mann and Rome appear to show that his commitments were not taken up by his successors.[215] Nevertheless, centuries after his death, Rǫgnvaldr's deal with the papacy was commemorated by a fresco in the Vatican Archives.[216][note 17]

Reunification and Scottish machinations[edit]

A bishop gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

Upon Óláfr's return from his pilgrimage, the Chronicle of Mann records that Rǫgnvaldr had him marry "Lauon", the sister of his own wife. Rǫgnvaldr then granted Lewis back to Óláfr, where the newly-weds proceeded to live until the arrival of Reginald, Bishop of the Isles (died c. 1226). The chronicle claims that the bishop disapproved of the marriage on the grounds that Óláfr had formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon. A synod was then assembled, after which the marriage is stated to have been nullified.[219] Although the chronicle alleges that Óláfr's marriage was doomed for being within a prohibited degree of kinship, there is evidence to suggest that the real reason for its demise was the animosity between the half-brothers.[220] For example, Reginald and Óláfr appear to have been closely associated, as the chronicle notes that, not only was Reginald was a son of Óláfr's sister, but that Óláfr had warmly greeted Reginald when the latter arrived on Lewis. Furthermore, it was Reginald who had instigated the annulment.[221] In fact, after the previous Bishop of the Isles died in 1217, Reginald and a certain Nicholas had vied for the office of bishop. Whilst Reginald appears to have enjoyed the support of Óláfr, Rǫgnvaldr appears to have supported the bid of Reginald's rival, Nicholas.[222]

A queen gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen. Although the name of Rǫgnvaldr's wife is unknown, she is styled by the Chronicle of Mann as "regina Insularum" ("Queen of the Isles").[223] Almost nothing is known of queenship in the Isles.[224]

The precise identity of the half-brothers' shared father-in-law is uncertain.[225] The chronicle describes him as a nobleman from Kintyre.[226] which suggests that he was a member of the Meic Somairle, since sources concerning this kindred link them with Kintyre more than any other region.[227] The father-in-law, therefore, may well have been Rǫgnvaldr's aforesaid first cousin Ragnall,[228] or Ragnall's son Ruaidrí (died 1247?)[229]—both of whom are styled "Lord of Kintyre" in contemporary sources[230]—or possibly Ragnall's younger son, Domnall.[231] It is conceivable that the first union was undertaken before 1210,[227] perhaps not long after 1200 considering the age of Guðrøðr Dond, Rǫgnvaldr's aforesaid son.[232]

The unions themselves appear to have been orchestrated to patch up relations between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty, rival kindreds who had bitterly contested the kingship of the Isles for about sixty years.[233] In fact, it is possible that Rǫgnvaldr's kingship was formally recognised by Ruaidrí,[227] the apparent leading Meic Somairle dynast since Áengus's death in 1210,[234] who thereby established himself as a leading magnate within a reunified Kingdom of the Isles.[235] Since the majority of Ruaidrí's territories appear to have been mainland possessions, this reunification would have certainly been regarded a threat to the Scottish Crown's claims of overlordship of Argyll. In fact, it is possible that the Scots' aforesaid release of Óláfr in 1214 was intended to cause dynastic discord in the Isles. If that was indeed the case, then the Scottish Crown's machinations had temporarily come to nought through Óláfr's reconciliation and arraigned marriage.[232]

Civil war and kin-strife[edit]

One of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

Once freed from his arranged marriage, the Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr proceeded to marry Cristina, daughter of Ferchar, Earl of Ross (died c. 1251).[236] Óláfr's second father-in-law emerges from historical obscurity in 1215. By the mid 1220s, about the time of the aforesaid marriage, Ferchar obtained the Earldom of Ross for his services to the Scottish Crown.[237] Óláfr's control of the Lewis and Skye island groups, archipelagos which bordered the expansive territory of the Meic Somairle, may well have made him a potentially valuable ally in the eyes of Alexander II, King of Scotland (died 1249), who wished to reign-in the troublesome Meic Somairle. Óláfr's marital-alliance with Alexander's protégé, therefore, appears to be further evidence that Rǫgnvaldr had lost the support of the Scottish Crown.[237]

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's separation from Lauon enraged her sister, who surreptitiously tricked her son, Guðrøðr Dond, into attacking Óláfr. Following what he thought were his father's orders, Guðrøðr Dond gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis, where the chronicle records that he laid waste to most of the island. Óláfr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men, and to have fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland in Ross. Óláfr is stated to have been followed into exile by Páll Bálkason, a sheriff on Skye who refused to take up arms against Óláfr. The chronicle then indicates that the two landed on Skye, and learned where Guðrøðr Dond was stationed, and defeated him in battle. The latter's captured followers were put to death, whilst Guðrøðr Dond himself was blinded and castrated. Although the chronicle maintains that Óláfr was unable to prevent this torture,[238] the Icelandic annals record that Óláfr was indeed responsible for his nephew's plight.[239]

Image a
Image b
Maughold IV (image a), a Manx runestone displaying a contemporary sailing vessel (detail, image b). The power of the kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley-fleets.[240] If the contemporary Baile suthach sith Emhna is to be believed, Rǫgnvaldr's own vessel was named Black Swan,[241] or The Swan.[242][note 18]

The vicious mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power-struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral-regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages. In fact, in only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination.[244] In fact, Guðrøðr Dond's plight may well have been used as a means to reveal that Óláfr intended to wrest his perceived birthright from Rǫgnvaldr's bloodline. It is unknown why Rǫgnvaldr had not neutralised Óláfr the same way when he had the chance years before in 1208, although it may have had something to do with international relations. For example, it is possible that his act of showing leniency to Óláfr had garnered Scottish support against the aforesaid threat of Norwegian overlordship.[232]

The aforesaid kin-strife largely took place on Lewis and Harris and Skye, islands that were clearly important within the kingdom. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that the kingdom's northern territories were granted by reigning kings to their heir-apparent. For example, during the eleventh-century reign of the dynasty's founder, Guðrøðr Crovan, the northern portion of his realm may have been governed by his son, Lǫgmaðr. Rǫgnvaldr's grant of Lewis and Harris to Óláfr, therefore, may indicate that Óláfr was then regarded as Rǫgnvaldr's rightful successor. Furthermore, the fact that Rǫgnvaldr was residing in the Hebrides when his father died in 1187 may indicate that, despite the chronicle's claims to the contrary, Rǫgnvaldr was indeed the rightful heir to the kingship. Additionally, since Rǫgnvaldr's son is recorded on Skye, the possibility exists that he resided there as heir-apparent. This could indicate that portions of the Hebrides were allotted to members of the dynasty, like Óláfr for example, who were passed-over for the kingship.[245] In any event, it is apparent that such territorial fragmentation would have severely weakened the realm.[246]

Alliance with Alan of Galloway[edit]

Ruinous Cruggleton Castle from a distance. The fortress was likely the western power centre of Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway.[247]

In 1224, the year following the aforesaid defeat of Rǫgnvaldr's son, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean island portion of the realm, and with a fleet of thirty-two ships, landed on Mann and confronted Rǫgnvaldr directly. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the two; with Rǫgnvaldr keeping Mann itself along with the title of king, and Óláfr retaining the Hebridean portion.[248] With Óláfr's rise at Rǫgnvaldr expense, the latter turned to Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway (died 1234),[249] one of Scotland's most powerful magnates.[250] Alan and Rǫgnvaldr were certainly closely connected. Both were great-grandsons of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1161);[251] both had received Ulster lands from the English at about the same time; and it is possible that connections between the Isles and Galloway had led to Rǫgnvaldr's aforesaid involvement with the Scottish Crown in Caithness.[252] Whatever the case, in the year after the partitioning of the Isles between Rǫgnvaldr Óláfr, the chronicle reveals that Rǫgnvaldr and Alan conducted a military campaign in the Hebrides in an attempt to regain the territories that had been given to Óláfr. The expedition came to nothing, however, as the chronicle notes that the Manx were unwilling to battle against Óláfr and the Hebrideans.[253]

A short time later, perhaps in about 1225 or 1226, the chronicle reveals that Rǫgnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter to Thomas, Alan's illegitimate son. Unfortunately for Rǫgnvaldr, this marital alliance appears to have cost him the kingship, since the chronicle records that the Manxmen had him removed from power and replaced with Óláfr.[254] The recorded resentment of the union could indicate that Alan's son was intended to eventually succeed Rǫgnvaldr,[255] who was perhaps about sixty years-old at the time.[252] Since the prospect of a magnate's son on the throne had the potential to further extend Scottish royal authority, and bring about stability to the war-torn Isles, it is likely that Alan's ambitions were encouraged by the Scottish Crown.[256] As for Alan, who faced the prospect of the partitioning of Galloway between his legitimate daughters after his death, the marital alliance with Rǫgnvaldr may have been conducted with the intent to ensure the placation of his illegitimate son who had a claim to the inheritance under Celtic law but was barred from it under feudal law.[257]

Fourteenth-century depiction of Fergus, Lord of Galloway as he is depicted in MS Letterkunde 191 (Roman van Ferguut). Fergus was a great-grandfather of Rǫgnvaldr and Alan.

At this low point of his career, the deposed Rǫgnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan's court in Galloway.[258] In 1228, whilst Óláfr and his chieftains were absent in Hebrides, the chronicle records of an invasion of Mann by Rǫgnvaldr, Alan, and Alan's brother, Thomas fitz Roland, Earl of Atholl (died 1231). The attack appears to have resulted in the complete devastation of the southern half of the island, since the chronicle declares that it was almost reduced to a desert.[259] The chronicle's report that Alan installed bailiffs on Mann, with instructions to collect tribute from the island and send it back to Galloway, may reveal the price Rǫgnvaldr had to pay for Alan's support in the affair. In fact, Rǫgnvaldr's role in the takeover is unrecorded.[260] Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his enemies, Óláfr reached out for English assistance against his half-brother, as evidenced from the aforesaid correspondence dating to the same year, between Henry and Óláfr, in which the latter alluded to aggression dealt from Alan.[261] Eventually, after Alan vacated the island for home, Óláfr and his forces reappeared and routed the remaining Gallovidians; and thus, the chronicle declares, peace was restored to Mann.[260]

Final confrontation and death[edit]

This mediaeval effigy, found at St Mary's Abbey, Furness, has been dubiously associated with Rǫgnvaldr since the nineteenth century.

In what was likely early January 1229, the chronicle records that Rǫgnvaldr caught the forces of Óláfr unaware, as Rǫgnvaldr sailed from Galloway with five ships, and launched a nocturnal raid upon the harbour at St Patrick's Isle, near what is today the town of Peel. During this daring assault, the chronicle records that Rǫgnvaldr had all of the ships of Óláfr and his chieftains destroyed.[262] Although the chronicle's description of the attack alludes to Gallovidian involvement, as it states that the expedition originated from Galloway, the fact that Rǫgnvaldr commanded only five ships suggests that this support may have been waning.[263] This does not necessary indicate that Alan abandoned Rǫgnvaldr's cause, however, as Alan may well have been engaged in campaigning against the ongoing Meic Uilleim insurrection against the Scottish Crown.[264]

Rǫgnvaldr followed up on his assault by establishing himself in the southern part of Mann, as the chronicle records that he won over the support of the southerners. Meanwhile, Óláfr is stated to have assembled his forces in the north of Mann,[265] indicating that the island was divided between the two men for much of January and February, before what would be their final confrontation.[266] According to the chronicle, Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr led their armies to Tynwald.[267][note 19] The derivation of this place name—from the Old Norse elements þing ("assembly") and vǫllr ("field", "meadow")—reveals that it was an assembly site,[269] which in turn suggests that negotiations may have been intended.[267]

Ruinous St Mary's Abbey, Furness, where Rǫgnvaldr was laid to rest.

On 14 February, the festival of St Valentine, the chronicle records that Óláfr's forces launched an attack upon Rǫgnvaldr at Tynwald, where Rǫgnvaldr's troops were routed and he himself was slain.[270] Rǫgnvaldr's fall is laconically corroborated by the Icelandic annals.[271] Other sources appear to suggest that his death was due to treachery. The Chronicle of Lanercost, for example, states that Rǫgnvaldr "fell a victim to the arms of the wicked";[272] whilst the Chronicle of Mann states that, although Óláfr grieved at his half-brother's death, he never exacted vengeance upon his killers.[270] The chronicle states that the monks of Rushen took Rǫgnvaldr's body to St Mary's Abbey, Furness, where he was buried in a place that he had chosen beforehand.[273][note 20] A particular sandstone effigy of an armed, mail-clad warrior, found in the north aisle of the abbey, has been associated with Rǫgnvaldr since the first half of the nineteenth century. Such an association, however, is dubious at best.[275]

Ancestry[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Scholars have rendered Rǫgnvaldr's personal name variously in recent secondary sources: Raghnall,[8] Ragnall,[9] Ragnvald,[10] Ranald,[11] Reginald,[12] Rhanallt,[13] Rognvald,[14] Rögnvaldr,[15] and Rǫgnvaldr.[16] Other patronymic forms of Rǫgnvaldr's name include: Ragnall Godredsson,[17] Rognvald Godredson,[18] Rognvald Godredsson,[19] Rognvald Gudrodson,[20] Rognvald Guðrøðson, Rognvald Guðrøðsson,[21] Rögnvaldr Guðrøðsson,[22] and Rǫgnvaldr Guðrǫðarson.[23] Various forms of his name are recorded in Old Norse, Latin, Gaelic, and Welsh-language primary sources. It is unknown what form he would have felt most comfortable with, although one Latin charter of St Bees Priory renders his name "Ragdnaldus", an attempt at Latinising the Old Norse form of his name.[24]
  2. ^ This anonymous poem, Baile suthach sith Emhna, is one of the earliest and most remarkable pieces of Gaelic praise-poetry,[31] and one of the earliest Gaelic compositions to observe a strict dán díreach poetic metre.[32] The poem evidences the multilingual nature of Rǫgnvaldr's court;[33] and its depiction of Rǫgnvaldr as a handsome young Viking, destined to become an Irish king, suggests that it was composed early in his career.[34]
  3. ^ The Welsh genealogical tract Achau Brenhinoedd a Thywysogion Cymru preserves a pedigree concerning Rǫgnvaldr himself. The pedigree runs: "Rhanallt m. Gwythryg ap Afloyd m. Gwrthryt Mearch m. Harallt Ddu m. Ifor Gamle m. Afloyd m. Swtrig". The "Gwrthryt Mearch" represents Guðrøðr Crovan, founder of the Crovan dynasty. The identities of the last four people in this pedigree are uncertain.[37]
  4. ^ There is evidence to suggest that Guðrøðr Óláfsson had another son named Ruaidrí.[42]
  5. ^ This papal letter states that evidence was brought forth indicating that Rhodri's marriage had been consummated. Previous correspondence had maintained that the marriage was unconsummated.[95]
  6. ^ Contemporary English records reveal that Llywelyn and Joan's betrothal took place in 1204.[98] In 1226, Pope Honorius III (died 1227) declared Joan legitimate.[99]
  7. ^ The personal name Rhanullt corresponds to the Old Norse Ragnhildr.[100]
  8. ^ The pedigree runs: "Mam John ap Llewelyn, Elen v̄ Ffylib ap David ap Ierwerth ap Rȳs ap Mredydd ap Howel ap Reinallt vab brenin Manaw ne brenin y Gogledd".[104]
  9. ^ An excerpt of the aforesaid colophon, in National Library of Wales MS Peniarth 10, runs: "Hyt hynn y traetha yr Istoria a beris Reinallt vrenhin yr ynyssoed y athro idaw ythrossi ae hymchwelut o rwmawns yn lladin o weithredoed chiarlymaen nyt amgen oe amrysson ar ỽrenhines. ac yd aeth gaerussalem. ac oe gyurageu a hu gadarn. yr hynn nyt ymyrrawd turpin y draethu onadunt".[110] This excerpt translates: "Thus far is related the History of Charlemagne's deeds which Reinallt King of the Isles had his clerk translate and turn from Romance into Latin, namely his quarrel with the Queen and his journey to Jerusalem and his conversion with Hugh the Mighty, which Turpin did not bother to relate".[111]
  10. ^ "Lochlann" seems to represent Scandinavia,[116] although it is not impossible that it instead refers to the Meic Lochlainn.[117] "Conn of the chains" represents the legendary Irish king Conn Cétchathach.[118] "Aran" appears to represent the Aran Islands off western Ireland,[119] although another possibility may be Arran in the Firth of Clyde.[120]
  11. ^ A marcate is a piece of land worth one mark of gold or silver yearly.[145]
  12. ^ A librate is a piece of land worth a pound a year.[147]
  13. ^ Another seemingly relevant source revealing English involvement on the island within the year is the administrative record of the English Crown's payment for the protection of an English supply on Mann.[160]
  14. ^ It is not impossible, however, that the named kings instead refer to Rǫgnvaldr's aforesaid first cousin, Ragnall, and Rǫgnvaldr himself.[173] The latter identification rests on that fact that Ragnall and Rǫgnvaldr bore the same personal names (Ragnall being a Gaelic form of Old Norse Rǫgnvaldr), coupled with the possibility that the source's "Gudroder" is the result of confusion regarding Rǫgnvaldr's patronym.[174]
  15. ^ The circumstances under which these men were detained is unknown.[183]
  16. ^ Some of the aforesaid Scottish magnates who received similar grants at about the same time were Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway (died 1234), Alan's brother Thomas fitz Roland, Earl of Atholl (died 1231), and the aforesaid Donnchad, their first cousin once removed.[194]
  17. ^ The fresco was noted in the eighteenth century, and seems to date to about the seventeenth century. It is part of a series of frescoes dealing with the grants of papal fiefs.[217] It contains a Latin inscription which runs: "HONORIO III PONT MAX REGINALDUS REX INSULAE MONAE IN HIBERNICO MARI CORAM LEGATO PONTIFICIO REGNUM SUUM APOSTOLICAE SEDI DONAT".[218]
  18. ^ The inscription of the vessel may date to about the time of the Crovan dynasty, possibly from about the eleventh- to the thirteenth century. The vessel itself appears to be similar to those that appear on seals borne by members of the dynasty.[243]
  19. ^ This is the earliest record of the place name on Mann.[268]
  20. ^ Although it is unknown where Rǫgnvaldr's paternal-grandfather was buried, his own father was buried on Iona. Óláfr, and two of his sons, were buried at Rushen.[274]
  21. ^ Guðrøðr Crovan's ancestry is uncertain, although he very well may have been an Uí Ímair dynast.[278]
  22. ^ Fergus' ancestry is uncertain.[280]
  23. ^ Affraic's mother, whose name is unknown, was an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, King of England (died 1135).[282]

Citations[edit]

  1. ^ Jesus College MS. 111 (n.d.) p. 154r; Oxford Jesus College MS. 111... (n.d.).
  2. ^ Beuermann (2010); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007).
  3. ^ Oram (2013); Williams (2007).
  4. ^ Coira (2008).
  5. ^ McLeod (2002).
  6. ^ Mac Mathúna (1992).
  7. ^ Woolf (2004).
  8. ^ Clancy (2007); MacInnes (2006); McLeod (2002); Clancy; Márkus (1998); Mac Mathúna (1992).
  9. ^ Duffy (2004c); McDonald (2004); Hudson (2004); Woolf (2004); Sellar (2000); Thornton (1996); Duffy (1991).
  10. ^ Pollock (2005); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (2004b); Duffy (2004c); Flanagan (2004); McNamee (2005); Scott (2004); Oram (2004a); Oram (2004c); Stringer (1998); McDonald (1997); Johnsen (1969).
  11. ^ Sellar (2000).
  12. ^ Hurlock (2011); Power (2005); Broderick (2003); Turvey (2002); Duffy (1991); Rejhon (1984).
  13. ^ Thornton (1996).
  14. ^ Oram (2011); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Crawford (2004a); Crawford (2004b); Oram (2000); Crawford or Hall (1971).
  15. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2008); Williams (2007); Duffy (2005); Duffy (2004c).
  16. ^ Beuermann (2011); Beuermann (2010); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007).
  17. ^ Hudson (2004).
  18. ^ Crawford (2004a).
  19. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Oram (2000).
  20. ^ Crawford or Hall (1971).
  21. ^ Oram (2011).
  22. ^ Williams (2007).
  23. ^ Beuermann (2011).
  24. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 39–40; Wilson (1915) p. 74 § 44, 74 n. 1.
  25. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  26. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 37–38.
  27. ^ Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128; Woolf (2008); McDonald (2007) pp. 37–38.
  28. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 38.
  29. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 39.
  30. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 39, 117.
  31. ^ Clancy (2007) pp. 66–w67; MacInnes (2006) p. 11.
  32. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 193; Mac Mathúna (1992) p. 89.
  33. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 193.
  34. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 117.
  35. ^ McDonald 2007: p. 25.
  36. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 27 tab. 1.
  37. ^ Thornton (1996) pp. 94–96.
  38. ^ Duffy (2004b).
  39. ^ a b Sellar (2004).
  40. ^ Duffy (2004b); Sellar (2004).
  41. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 27 tab. 1, 70.
  42. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 27 tab. 1, 75.
  43. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 70.
  44. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 27 tab. 1, 71–72.
  45. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 71–72.
  46. ^ a b Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; McDonald (2007) pp. 70–71; McNamee (2005); Duffy (2004c); Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79.
  47. ^ Oram (2011) p. 156.
  48. ^ a b McDonald (2007) pp. 72–73.
  49. ^ McDonald 2007: pp. 72–73; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 136 § 9.
  50. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 72–73; Duffy (2004c); Skene (1890) pp. 410–427.
  51. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 197–198.
  52. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197–198.
  53. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 155.
  54. ^ a b Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128; McDonald (2007) pp. 44, 77; Power (2005) p. 40; McDonald (1997) pp. 85, 151; Anderson (1922) pp. 456–457; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 82–85.
  55. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 44 n. 8; McDonald (1997) p. 151 n. 86.
  56. ^ Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128.
  57. ^ a b c Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) p. 78; McNamee (2005); Power (2005) pp. 40–41; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; (Goss 1874a) pp. 84–85.
  58. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 156.
  59. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 78; Scott (2004).
  60. ^ McDonald 2007 p. 78.
  61. ^ Oram (2011) p. 168; Annala Uladh... (2005) § 1209.2; Annala Uladh... (2003) § 1209.2; Sellar (2000) p. 195; Anderson (1922) p. 378.
  62. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 168–169.
  63. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 80.
  64. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 78, 114.
  65. ^ Scott (2004).
  66. ^ Crawford (2004a).
  67. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 158–159; Crawford (2004a).
  68. ^ Crawford (2004a); Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 76–77.
  69. ^ a b Somerville; McDonald (2010) pp. 481–482 § 110; McDonald (2007) p. 108; Williams (2007) pp. 146–147; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 292–293; Crawford (2004a); Crawford (2004b) p. 31; Sellar (2000) pp. 196–197; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 77–78; Anderson (1922) p. 350 n. 2; Vigfusson (1887) pp. 225–228; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 195–199 §§ 114–116.
  70. ^ Crawford or Hall (1971) p. 80; Vigfusson (1887) p. 226; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 197.
  71. ^ Crawford (2013); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 288 fig. 55.
  72. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 109–113; Williams (2007) p. 147; Crawford 2004a; Sellar (2000) p. 197; Barrow (1992) p. 83 n. 65; Barrow; Scott (1971) p. 16 n. 65, 25 n. 74; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 77–78, 77 n. 3; Anderson (1908) p. 318; Stubbs (1871) p. 12; Oliver (1860) p. 42; Riley (1853) p. 393.
  73. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 110.
  74. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 292; Anderson (1908) p. 317; Stubbs (1871) p. 11; Oliver (1860) pp. 40–41; Riley (1853) p. 393.
  75. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 111; Williams (2007) p. 147; Crawford (2004b) p. 31; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 78–79.
  76. ^ Crawford (2004b) p. 41 n. 62.
  77. ^ Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 78–79.
  78. ^ Beuermann (2008).
  79. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 111, 111 n. 42.
  80. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 101–107; Carr (1982) pp. 41–42.
  81. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 101–102.
  82. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 102; Carr (2004a); Pryce (2004); Davies (2000) pp. 238–239; Carr (1982) pp. 44–46.
  83. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 102; Carr (2004a); Carr (1982) p. 45.
  84. ^ Carr (1982) pp. 45–46, 46 n. 25; Lloyd (1912) pp. 588, 588 n. 70, 617 n. 29; Jones; Williams; Pughe (1870) p. 683.
  85. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 102–103; Davies (2000) p. 10 n. 5; Carr (1982) pp. 45–46, 46 n. 25; Lloyd (1912) p. 588, 588 n. 70; Rhŷs; Evans (1890) p. 337; Williams Ab Ithel (1860) pp. 238–239.
  86. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 102–103; Carr (2004a); Carr (1982) p. 46; Rhŷs; Evans (1890) p. 405.
  87. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 103–104; Carr (2004a); Carr (2004b).
  88. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 103; Lloyd (1912) p. 617, 617 n. 29; Bliss (1893) p. 8; Migne (1890) pp. 791–792 § 233.
  89. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 103.
  90. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 103; Carr (2004a); Turvey (2002) p. 86; Davies (2000) p. 240.
  91. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 25.
  92. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 103–104; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83; Carr (2004b); Turvey (2002) pp. 86–87; Davies (2000) pp. 10–11.
  93. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 26; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83 n. 11; Carr (2004b); Lloyd (1912) p. 617 n. 29; Bliss (1893) p. 13; Migne (1891) pp. 49–50 § 47.
  94. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 26; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83 n. 11; Lloyd (1912) p. 617 n. 29; Bliss (1893) p. 19; Migne (1891) pp. 534–537 § 220.
  95. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 26.
  96. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 103–104; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83, 83 n. 11.
  97. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 103–104; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83, 83 n. 11; Carr (2004b); Gillingham (2010).
  98. ^ Wilkinson (2005) p. 83.
  99. ^ Carr (2004b).
  100. ^ a b c d McDonald (2007) p. 104.
  101. ^ Brut y Tywysogion... (n.d.); NLW MS. Peniarth 20 (n.d.) p. 198.
  102. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 104; Smith (1998) pp. 37–38.
  103. ^ McDonald 2007 pp. 75–76, 104–105; Meyrick 1846 p. 94.
  104. ^ Meyrick 1846 p. 94.
  105. ^ McDonald 2007 pp. 75–76, 104–105.
  106. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 455.
  107. ^ Hurlock (2011) pp. 48–57; Rejhon (1984) pp. 29–30, 71–74, 89.
  108. ^ Rejhon (1984) pp. 1–21, 1 n. 1.
  109. ^ a b Rejhon (1984) p. 29.
  110. ^ Rejhon (1984) p. 29; NLW MS. Peniarth 10 (n.d.) p. 14v.
  111. ^ Rejhon (1984) p. 29.
  112. ^ Rejhon (1984) p. 71–74.
  113. ^ Hurlock (2011) p. 49; Rejhon (1984) p. 74–75.
  114. ^ Hurlock (2011) p. 49; Davies (2000) p. 105; Rejhon (1984) p. 74–75.
  115. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 239.
  116. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 353.
  117. ^ Beuermann (2010) p. 103.
  118. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 359.
  119. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 348.
  120. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 118.
  121. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 117–120.
  122. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 118–120; Vigfusson (1887) p. 225; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 195–196 § 114.
  123. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 119, 142; Johnsen (1969) pp. 24–25; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 133; Oliver (1861) pp. 40–41; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 75; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 115.
  124. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 117–120; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427.
  125. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 119–120; Duffy (1991) p. 67.
  126. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 117–118; Duffy (1991) pp. 66–68.
  127. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 124–125; Duffy (1992) p. 133.
  128. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 125.
  129. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 125; Duffy (2005); Duffy (2004a).
  130. ^ Crooks (2005); Duffy (2005); Duffy (2004a).
  131. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 126.
  132. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 127; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  133. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 127; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  134. ^ Halpin; Newman (2006) pp. 83–85, 84 fig. 17.
  135. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 128–127; Smith (2006); Duffy (2005).
  136. ^ Oram (2011) p. 168; McDonald (2007) pp. 128–127; Duffy (2005); McDonald (2004) p. 190.
  137. ^ Oram (2011) p. 168; McDonald (2007) p. 128; Flanagan (2004); McDonald (2004) p. 190; Anderson (1922) pp. 364–365; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 80–83.
  138. ^ Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1205.5; McDonald (2007) pp. 128–129; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1205.5.
  139. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 129; Duffy (2005).
  140. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 129.
  141. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 130–131.
  142. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131; Oliver (1861) p. 25; Hardy (1835) p. 50; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 44.
  143. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131; Oliver (1861) p. 59; Hardy (1835) p. 92; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 44.
  144. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131; Farrer 1902: p. 206; Oliver (1861) p. 27.
  145. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131 n. 46; Oliver (1861) p. 27.
  146. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 131; Farrer (1902) pp. 199, 206.
  147. ^ Oxford English Dictionary (2009) § "librate".
  148. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131; Oliver (1861) p. 28.
  149. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131; Oliver (1861) p. 29.
  150. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 131; Farrer (1902) p. 228.
  151. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 129; Anderson (1922) pp. 387–388; Munch; Goss 1874a: pp. 82–83.
  152. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 19 n. 94.
  153. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 132.
  154. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 132; Pollock (2005) pp. 11–12, 18; Turner (2006); Holden (2001) p. 15.
  155. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 132; Duffy (1996) pp. 13, 22–23; Anderson (1922) p. 387; Michel (1840) pp. 113–114.
  156. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 133; Pollock (2005) p. 18.
  157. ^ Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1210.7; McDonald 2007: p. 133; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1210.7; Duffy (1996) p. 13, 13 n. 59.
  158. ^ Duffy (1996) p. 13, 13 n. 59; Howlett (1885) p. 511.
  159. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 133; Anderson (1922) p. 384; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 52.
  160. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 132; Duffy (1996) p. 13, 13 n. 59; Sweetman (1875) p. 64 § 407; Hardy (1844) p. 209.
  161. ^ a b Pollock (2005) p. 18, 18 n. 93.
  162. ^ Pollock (2005) pp. 11–12, 18.
  163. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 461.
  164. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 135–136.
  165. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22; Johnsen (1969) p. 21.
  166. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22; Johnsen (1969) pp. 20–22; Lawrie (1910) pp. 114–115; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  167. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 133–137.
  168. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 133; Power (2005) p. 38; Storm (1977) p. 123; Anderson (1922) pp. 378, 381–382; Vigfusson (1878) pp. 366–367.
  169. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 133; Power (2005) p. 38; Anderson (1922) pp. 378–381, 379 n. 2; Jónsson (1916) p. 468.
  170. ^ Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107, 106 n. 19; McDonald (2007) p. 134; Johnsen (1969) p. 23, 23 n. 3; Anderson (1922) p. 381; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) p. 194.
  171. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 456.
  172. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106 nn. 19–20, 107; McDonald (2007) p. 134; Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  173. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 134 n. 61; Power (2005) p. 39.
  174. ^ Power (2005) p. 39.
  175. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 134–135; Power (2005) p. 39; Johnsen (1969) pp. 23–24.
  176. ^ Beuermann (2010) p. 106; McDonald (2007) pp. 134–135.
  177. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 135.
  178. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125.
  179. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 168–170; Beuermann (2010) p. 106 n. 20; McDonald (2007) p. 136.
  180. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 168–170.
  181. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 144–145; McDonald (2007) pp. 137–143.
  182. ^ a b McDonald (2008) p. 144; McDonald (2007) p. 137; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Oliver (1861) pp. 31–32; Hardy (1837) p. 192; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 51; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 94.
  183. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 137.
  184. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 137; Oliver (1861) p. 30; Cole (1844) p. 232.
  185. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 144, 144 n. 68; McDonald (2007) p. 137, 137 n. 75; Oliver (1861) p. 33; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 95.
  186. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 144–145, 144 n. 68; McDonald (2007) p. 137, 137 n. 75; Duffy (1991) p. 62; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Sweetman (1875) p. 70 § 429; Oliver (1861) p. 34; Hardy (1835) p. 92.
  187. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 145; McDonald (2007) p. 138.
  188. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 138–139.
  189. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 144–145, 144 n. 68, 145 n. 71; McDonald (2007) pp. 137–138, 137 n. 75, 138 n. 78; Duffy (1991) p. 67; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Sweetman (1875) p. 70 § 428; Oliver (1861) pp. 35–36; Hardy (1837) p. 186; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 93.
  190. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 139; Duffy (1991) p. 67.
  191. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 139.
  192. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 146; McDonald (2007) p. 139.
  193. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 146–147; McDonald (2007) pp. 140–141; Stringer (1998) pp. 85–88.
  194. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 140.
  195. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 145; McDonald (2007) p. 138; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Sweetman (1875) p. 80 § 502; Oliver (1861) p. 37; Hardy (1835) p. 108.
  196. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 142.
  197. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 142; Johnsen (1969) pp. 24–25; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 133; Oliver (1861) pp. 40–41; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 75; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 115.
  198. ^ Hudson 2004 p. 62; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 150; Sweetman (1875) p. 123 § 828; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 116.
  199. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 142; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) pp. 204–205; Oliver (1861) pp. 43–44; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 79.
  200. ^ Duffy (1991) p. 67; Johnsen (1969) p. 25; Sweetman (1875) pp. 133–134 § 898; Oliver (1861) p. 47; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 124.
  201. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 142–143; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 205; Oliver (1861) pp. 45–46; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 79.
  202. ^ McDonald 2007: p. 143.
  203. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 143–144; Power (2005) p. 40; Johnsen (1969) pp. 25–26; Munch; Goss (1874b) pp. 290–293; Theiner (1864) p. 11 § 26; Oliver (1861) pp. 53–57; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 pp. 78–79; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vols. 7 § 11, 19 § 123.
  204. ^ Gillingham (2010); McDonald (2007) p. 144; Power (2005) p. 40; Vincent (2004).
  205. ^ Gillingham (2010).
  206. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 146–147.
  207. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 146.
  208. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 146; Helle (2003) p. 385.
  209. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 143–144, 146, 148; Johnsen 1969 p. 25.
  210. ^ Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  211. ^ Power (2005) p. 40; Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  212. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 146–147; Duffy (1991) p. 62; Sweetman (1875) p. 149 § 976; Oliver (1861) pp. 58–59; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 132.
  213. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 147–148.
  214. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 149; Johnsen 1969 p. 26.
  215. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 149.
  216. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 31, 144; Moore (1966).
  217. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 31; Moore (1966).
  218. ^ Moore (1966) p. 9.
  219. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) pp. 78–79, 152; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) pp. 457–458; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 84–87.
  220. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) p. 152.
  221. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 190.
  222. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 190–191.
  223. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 79, 163; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 86–87.
  224. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 163.
  225. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) pp. 116–117.
  226. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) pp. 78, 116; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; Goss (1874a): pp. 84–85.
  227. ^ a b c Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  228. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) p. 117; Woolf (2007) p. 82.
  229. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 189; Pollock (2005) p. 4; Woolf (2004) p. 107; McDonald (2007) p. 117, 117 n. 68.
  230. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 117.
  231. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 82.
  232. ^ a b c Oram (2013).
  233. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) p. 117; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  234. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 80.
  235. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  236. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) pp. 79, 152–153, 190; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 86–87.
  237. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 153.
  238. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007) pp. 79–80; Broderick (2003); Anderson (1922) pp. 458–459; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 86–89.
  239. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 80; Storm (1977) p. 126; Anderson (1922) pp. 454–455.
  240. ^ McDonald (2007) pl. 1.
  241. ^ Clancy (2007) p. 66; Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 241, 338.
  242. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 57; MacInnes (2006) p. 514 n. 31; Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 338.
  243. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 54–55, pl. 1.
  244. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 96–98; Gillingham (2004).
  245. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 94.
  246. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 69, 95.
  247. ^ Oram (2000) p. 148.
  248. ^ Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007) pp. 80, 153; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 88–289.
  249. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 189–190; McDonald (2007) pp. 80–81, 155–156.
  250. ^ Stringer (1998) p. 83.
  251. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 154; Stringer (1998) pp. 83, 94.
  252. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 155.
  253. ^ Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007) pp. 81, 155; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 88–89.
  254. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 189–190; McDonald 2007: pp. 81, 155; Anderson (1922) pp. 459–460; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 88–91.
  255. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 155; Stringer (1998) p. 96.
  256. ^ Oram (2011) p. 190; Oram (2004a); Stringer (1998) pp. 96–97.
  257. ^ Stringer (1998) p. 96.
  258. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 81.
  259. ^ Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007) pp. 81, 155–156; Oram (2004c); Stringer (1998) p. 95; Anderson (1922) pp. 465–466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  260. ^ a b McDonald (2007) pp. 81, 155–156; Anderson (1922) pp. 465–466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  261. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 149; Oram (1988) p. 137; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 136 § 9.
  262. ^ Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007) pp. 70, 81; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  263. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 156.
  264. ^ Oram (2011) p. 190.
  265. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 81–82, 83; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–93.
  266. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 83.
  267. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 82.
  268. ^ Broderick (2003).
  269. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 82; Broderick (2003).
  270. ^ a b McDonald (2007) p. 82; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 92–93.
  271. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 29; Storm (1977) p. 128; Anderson (1922) p. 467.
  272. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 82; McLeod (2002) p. 28 n. 12; Anderson (1922) p. 467; Stevenson (1839) p. 40.
  273. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 29, 82, 191; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 92–93.
  274. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 201.
  275. ^ McDonald (2007) p. 82; Bower (1899) pp. 432–433, plate xvi fig. 1.
  276. ^ a b Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007) p. 27 tab. 1.
  277. ^ Oram (2011) p. xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007) p. 27 tab. 1.
  278. ^ McDonald (2007) pp. 61–62; Duffy (2004b).
  279. ^ Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5.
  280. ^ Oram (2004b).
  281. ^ a b Oram (2011) p. xv tab. 4.
  282. ^ Oram (2011) p. xv tab. 4; Oram (2004b).

References[edit]

Primary sources[edit]

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Secondary sources[edit]

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External links[edit]

Media related to Rögnvaldr Guðrøðarson at Wikimedia Commons

Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson
Died: 14 February 1229
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Guðrøðr Óláfsson
King of the Isles
1187–1226
Succeeded by
Óláfr Guðrøðarson