Roman economy

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Total GDP around 1 AD for various regions of the Roman Empire[1]

The history of the Roman economy covers the period of the Roman Republic and the Roman Empire. Recent research has led to a positive reevaluation of the size and sophistication of the Roman economy. [2] Moses Finley was the chief proponent of the primitivist view that the Roman economy was "underdeveloped and underachieving," characterized by subsistence agriculture; urban centres that consumed more than they produced in terms of trade and industry; low-status artisans; slowly developing technology; and a "lack of economic rationality."[3] Current views are more complex. Territorial conquests permitted a large-scale reorganization of land use that resulted in agricultural surplus and specialization, particularly in north Africa.[4] Some cities were known for particular industries or commercial activities, and the scale of building in urban areas indicates a significant construction industry.[4] Papyri preserve complex accounting methods that suggest elements of economic rationalism,[5] and the Empire was highly monetized.[6] Although the means of communication and transport were limited in antiquity, transportation in the 1st and 2nd centuries expanded greatly, and trade routes connected regional economies.[7] The supply contracts for the army, which pervaded every part of the Empire, drew on local suppliers near the base (castrum), throughout the province, and across provincial borders.[8] The Empire is perhaps best thought of as a network of regional economies, based on a form of "political capitalism" in which the state monitored and regulated commerce to assure its own revenues.[9] Economic growth, though not comparable to modern economies, was greater than that of most other societies prior to industrialization.[5]

Socially, economic dynamism opened up one of the avenues of social mobility in the Roman Empire. Social advancement was thus not dependent solely on birth, patronage, good luck, or even extraordinary ability. Although aristocratic values permeated traditional elite society, a strong tendency toward plutocracy is indicated by the wealth requirements for census rank. Prestige could be obtained through investing one's wealth in ways that advertised it appropriately: grand country estates or townhouses, durable luxury items such as jewels and silverware, public entertainments, funerary monuments for family members or coworkers, and religious dedications such as altars. Guilds (collegia) and corporations (corpora) provided support for individuals to succeed through networking, sharing sound business practices, and a willingness to work.[10]

Currency and banking[edit]

Currency denominations[citation needed]

The early Empire was monetized to a near-universal extent, in the sense of using money as a way to express prices and debts.[11] The sestertius (plural sestertii, English "sesterces", symbolized as HS) was the basic unit of reckoning value into the 4th century,[12] though the silver denarius, worth four sesterces, was used also for accounting beginning in the Severan dynasty.[13] The smallest coin commonly circulated was the bronze as (plural asses), one-fourth sestertius.[14] Bullion and ingots seem not to have counted as pecunia, "money," and were used only on the frontiers for transacting business or buying property. Romans in the 1st and 2nd centuries counted coins, rather than weighing them—an indication that the coin was valued on its face, not for its metal content. This tendency toward fiat money led eventually to the debasement of Roman coinage, with consequences in the later Empire.[15] The standardization of money throughout the Empire promoted trade and market integration.[16] The high amount of metal coinage in circulation increased the money supply for trading or saving.[17]

Rome had no central bank, and regulation of the banking system was minimal. Banks of classical antiquity typically kept less in reserves than the full total of customers' deposits. A typical bank had fairly limited capital, and often only one principal, though a bank might have as many as six to fifteen principals. Seneca assumes that anyone involved in commerce needs access to credit.[18]

Solidus issued under Constantine II, and on the reverse Victoria, one of the last deities to appear on Roman coins, gradually transforming into an angel under Christian rule[19]

A professional deposit banker (argentarius, coactor argentarius, or later nummularius) received and held deposits for a fixed or indefinite term, and lent money to third parties.[20] The senatorial elite were involved heavily in private lending, both as creditors and borrowers, making loans from their personal fortunes on the basis of social connections.[21] The holder of a debt could use it as a means of payment by transferring it to another party, without cash changing hands. Although it has sometimes been thought that ancient Rome lacked "paper" or documentary transactions, the system of banks throughout the Empire also permitted the exchange of very large sums without the physical transfer of coins, in part because of the risks of moving large amounts of cash, particularly by sea. Only one serious credit shortage is known to have occurred in the early Empire, a credit crisis in 33 AD that put a number of senators at risk; the central government rescued the market through a loan of 100 million HS made by the emperor Tiberius to the banks (mensae).[22] Generally, available capital exceeded the amount needed by borrowers.[23] The central government itself did not borrow money, and without public debt had to fund deficits from cash reserves.[24]

Emperors of the Antonine and Severan dynasties overall debased the currency, particularly the denarius, under the pressures of meeting military payrolls.[25] Sudden inflation during the reign of Commodus damaged the credit market.[23] In the mid-200s, the supply of specie contracted sharply.[26] Conditions during the Crisis of the Third Century—such as reductions in long-distance trade, disruption of mining operations, and the physical transfer of gold coinage outside the empire by invading enemies—greatly diminished the money supply and the banking sector by the year 300.[27] Although Roman coinage had long been fiat money or fiduciary currency, general economic anxieties came to a head under Aurelian, and bankers lost confidence in coins legitimately issued by the central government. Despite Diocletian's introduction of the gold solidus and monetary reforms, the credit market of the Empire never recovered its former robustness.[23]

Mining and metallurgy[edit]

Main article: Roman metallurgy
Landscape resulting from the ruina montium mining technique at Las Médulas, Roman Spain, one of the most important gold mines in the Roman Empire

The main mining regions of the Empire were Spain (gold, silver, copper, tin, lead); Gaul (gold, silver, iron); Britain (mainly iron, lead, tin), the Danubian provinces (gold, iron); Macedonia and Thrace (gold, silver); and Asia Minor (gold, silver, iron, tin). Intensive large-scale mining—of alluvial deposits, and by means of open-cast mining and underground mining—took place from the reign of Augustus up to the early 3rd century AD, when the instability of the Empire disrupted production. The gold mines of Dacia, for instance, were no longer available for Roman exploitation after the province was surrendered in 271. Mining seems to have resumed to some extent during the 4th century.[28]

World production of lead, estimated from Greenland ice cores, peaked in the 1st century AD, and strongly declined thereafter.[29] World production would only surpass Roman levels in the middle of the 18th century.

Hydraulic mining, which Pliny referred to as ruina montium ("ruin of the mountains"), allowed base and precious metals to be extracted on a proto-industrial scale.[30] The total annual iron output is estimated at 82,500 tonnes.[31] Copper was produced at an annual rate of 15,000 t,[32] and lead at 80,000 t,[33] both production levels unmatched until the Industrial Revolution;[34] Spain alone had a 40 percent share in world lead production.[35] The high lead output was a by-product of extensive silver mining which reached 200 t per annum.[36] At its peak around the mid-2nd century AD, the Roman silver stock is estimated at 10,000 t, five to ten times larger than the combined silver mass of medieval Europe and the Caliphate around 800 AD.[37] As an indication of the scale of Roman metal production, lead pollution in the Greenland ice sheet quadrupled over its prehistoric levels during the Imperial era, and dropped again thereafter.[38]

The invention and widespread application of hydraulic mining, namely hushing and ground-sluicing, aided by the ability of the Romans to plan and execute mining operations on a large scale, allowed various base and precious metals to be extracted on a proto-industrial scale only rarely, if ever, matched until the Industrial Revolution.[39] The most common fuel by far for smelting and forging operations, as well as heating purposes, was wood and particularly charcoal, which is nearly twice as efficient.[40] In addition, coal was mined in some regions to a fairly large extent: Almost all major coalfields in Roman Britain were exploited by the late 2nd century AD, and a lively trade along the English North Sea coast developed, which extended to the continental Rhineland, where bituminous coal was already used for the smelting of iron ore.[41]

Annual metal production in metric tons
Output per annum Comment
Iron 82,500 t[42] Based on "conservative estimate" of iron production at 1.5 kg per head, assuming a population size of 55m[43]
Copper 15,000 t[44] Largest preindustrial producer[45]
Lead 80,000 t[46] Largest preindustrial producer[47]
Silver 11,200 t[48] At its peak around the mid-2nd century AD, Roman stock is estimated at 10,000 t, five to ten times larger than the combined silver mass of medieval Europe and the Caliphate around 800 AD.[49]
Gold 11,119 t[50] Production in Asturia, Callaecia, and Lusitania (all Iberian Peninsula) alone


Transportation and communication[edit]

See also: Roman roads
Gallo-Roman relief depicting a river boat transporting wine barrels, an invention of the Gauls that came into widespread use during the 2nd century; above, wine is stored in the traditional amphorae, some covered in wicker[51]

The Roman Empire completely encircled the Mediterranean, which they called "our sea" (mare nostrum).[52] Roman sailing vessels navigated the Mediterranean as well as the major rivers of the Empire, including the Guadalquivir, Ebro, Rhône, Rhine, Tiber and Nile.[53] Transport by water was preferred where possible, and moving commodities by land was more difficult.[54] Vehicles, wheels, and ships indicate the existence of a great number of skilled woodworkers.[55]

Land transport utilized the advanced system of Roman roads. The in-kind taxes paid by communities included the provision of personnel, animals, or vehicles for the cursus publicus, the state mail and transport service established by Augustus. Relay stations were located along the roads every seven to twelve Roman miles, and tended to grow into a village or trading post.[56] A mansio (plural mansiones) was a privately run service station franchised by the imperial bureaucracy for the cursus publicus. The support staff at such a facility included muleteers, secretaries, blacksmiths, cartwrights, a veterinarian, and a few military police and couriers. The distance between mansiones was determined by how far a wagon could travel in a day.[56] Mules were the animal most often used for pulling carts, travelling about 4 mph.[57] As an example of the pace of communication, it took a messenger a minimum of nine days to travel to Rome from Mainz in the province of Germania Superior, even on a matter of urgency.[58] In addition to the mansiones, some taverns offered accommodations as well as food and drink; one recorded tab for a stay showed charges for wine, bread, mule feed, and the services of a prostitute.[59]

Trade and commodities[edit]

Roman provinces traded among themselves, but trade extended outside the frontiers to regions as far away as China and India.[60] The main commodity was grain.[61] Chinese trade was mostly conducted overland through middle men along the Silk Road; Indian trade, however, also occurred by sea from Egyptian ports on the Red Sea. Also traded were olive oil, various foodstuffs, garum (fish sauce), slaves, ore and manufactured metal objects, fibres and textiles, timber, pottery, glassware, marble, papyrus, spices and materia medica, ivory, pearls, and gemstones.[62]

Though most provinces were capable of producing wine, regional varietals were desirable and wine was a central item of trade. Shortages of vin ordinaire were rare.[63] The major suppliers for the city of Rome were the west coast of Italy, southern Gaul, the Tarraconensis region of Spain, and Crete. Alexandria, the second-largest city, imported wine from Laodicea in Syria and the Aegean.[64] At the retail level, taverns or speciality wine shops (vinaria) sold wine by the jug for carryout and by the drink on premises, with price ranges reflecting quality.[65]

Labour and occupations[edit]

Workers at a cloth-processing shop, in a painting from the fullonica of Veranius Hypsaeus in Pompeii

Inscriptions record 268 different occupations in the city of Rome, and 85 in Pompeii.[66] Professional associations or trade guilds (collegia) are attested for a wide range of occupations, including fishermen (piscatores), salt merchants (salinatores), olive oil dealers (olivarii), entertainers (scaenici), cattle dealers (pecuarii), goldsmiths (aurifices), teamsters (asinarii or muliones), and stonecutters (lapidarii).[67] These are sometimes quite specialized: one collegium at Rome was strictly limited to craftsmen who worked in ivory and citrus wood.[68]

Work performed by slaves falls into five general categories: domestic, with epitaphs recording at least 55 different household jobs; imperial or public service; urban crafts and services; agriculture; and mining.[69] Convicts provided much of the labour in the mines or quarries, where conditions were notoriously brutal.[70] In practice, there was little division of labour between slave and free,[71] and most workers were illiterate and without special skills.[72] The greatest number of common labourers were employed in agriculture: in the Italian system of industrial farming (latifundia), these may have been mostly slaves, but throughout the Empire, slave farm labour was probably less important than other forms of dependent labour by people who were technically not enslaved.[71]

Textile and clothing production was a major source of employment. Both textiles and finished garments were traded among the peoples of the Empire, whose products were often named for them or a particular town, rather like a fashion "label".[73] Better ready-to-wear was exported by businessmen (negotiatores or mercatores) who were often well-to-do residents of the production centres.[74] Finished garments might be retailed by their sales agents, who travelled to potential customers, or by vestiarii, clothing dealers who were mostly freedmen; or they might be peddled by itinerant merchants.[74] In Egypt, textile producers could run prosperous small businesses employing apprentices, free workers earning wages, and slaves.[75] The fullers (fullones) and dye workers (coloratores) had their own guilds.[76] Centonarii were guild workers who specialized in textile production and the recycling of old clothes into pieced goods.[77]

GDP and income distribution[edit]

For more details on this topic, see Roman economy § Gross domestic product.

Economic historians vary in their calculations of the gross domestic product of the Roman economy during the Principate.[78] In the sample years of 14, 100, and 150 AD, estimates of per capita GDP range from 166 to 380 HS. The GDP per capita of Italy is estimated as 40[79] to 66 percent[80] higher than in the rest of the Empire, due to tax transfers from the provinces and the concentration of elite income in the heartland.

In the Scheidel–Friesen economic model, the total annual income generated by the Empire is placed at nearly 20 billion HS, with about 5 percent extracted by central and local government. Households in the top 1.5 percent of income distribution captured about 20 percent of income. Another 20 percent went to about 10 percent of the population who can be characterized as a non-elite middle. The remaining "vast majority" produced more than half of the total income, but lived near subsistence.[81] All cited economic historians stress the point that any estimate can only be regarded as a rough approximation to the realities of the ancient economy, given the general paucity of surviving pertinent data.

Estimates of Roman per-capita and total GDP[A]
Unit Goldsmith
1984[82]
Hopkins
1995/96[83]
Temin
2006[84]
Maddison
2007[85]
Bang
2008[86]
Scheidel/Friesen
2009[87]
Lo Cascio/Malanima
2009[79]
GDP per capita in Sesterces HS 380 HS 225 HS 166 HS 380 HS 229 HS 260 HS 380
Wheat equivalent 843 kg 491 kg 614 kg 843 kg 500 kg 680 kg 855 kg
1990 Int$ $570 $620 $940
Population
(Approx. year)
55m
(14 AD)
60m
(14 AD)
55m
(100 AD)
44m
(14 AD)
60m
(150 AD)
70m
(150 AD)

(14 AD)
Total GDP in Sesterces HS 20.9bn HS 13.5bn HS 9.2bn HS 16.7bn HS 13.7bn ~HS 20bn
Wheat equivalent 46.4 Mt 29.5 Mt 33.8 Mt 37.1 Mt 30 Mt 50 Mt
1990 Int$ $25.1bn $43.4bn
"–" indicates unknown value.

A ^ Decimal fractions rounded to the nearest tenth. Italic numbers not directly given by the authors; they are obtained by multiplying the respective value of GDP per capita by estimated population size.

Maddison's breakdown per region (14 AD)[88]
Unit Roman Europe Roman Asia Roman Africa Roman Empire
NDI per capita
(in 1990 Int$)
593 550 541 570
Population
(in m)
23.1 12.2 8.7 44
Total NDI
(in m 1990 Int$)
13,689 6,710 4,710 25,109

Angus Maddison is the only economist cited who offers a detailed breakdown of the national disposable income (NDI) of the various parts of the Roman Empire. His "highly provisional" estimate (see right) relies on a low-count of the Roman population of only 44 million at the time of the death of Augustus in 14 AD. Italia is considered to have been the richest region, due to tax transfers from the provinces and the concentration of elite income in the heartland; its NDI per capita is estimated at having been between 40%[79] and 66%[89] higher than in the rest of the empire. The European NDI per capita was higher than in the Asian and African provinces if Italy is included, but without it lower.[88] The Hellenistic provinces (Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt) were about 20% wealthier than their mostly Latin-speaking western counterparts, but again Italia, which was not administered as a province, enjoyed a higher per capita income than any one of them.[90]

See also[edit]

Economic sectors
Provinces
Related economies

Notes and references[edit]

  1. ^ "Statistics on World Population, GDP and Per Capita GDP, 1–2006 AD". University of Groningen. Retrieved September 18, 2012. 
  2. ^ Bang 2009, pp. 199–203
  3. ^ David Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," in A Companion to the Roman Empire (Blackwell, 2010), p. 283.
  4. ^ a b Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," p. 285.
  5. ^ a b Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," p. 286.
  6. ^ Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," p. 292.
  7. ^ Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," pp. 285–286, p. 296f.
  8. ^ Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," p. 296.
  9. ^ Mattingly, "The Imperial Economy," pp. 286, 295.
  10. ^ Koenraad Verboven, "The Associative Order: Status and Ethos among Roman Businessmen in the Late Republic and Early Empire," Athenaeum 95 (2007), preprint.
  11. ^ David Kessler and Peter Temin, "Money and Prices in the Early Roman Empire," in The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans, in The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans (Oxford University Press, 2008), n.p.
  12. ^ Kenneth W. Hart, Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700 (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), p. 135.
  13. ^ Mireille Corbier, "Coinage and Taxation: The State's Point of View, A.D. 193–337," in Cambridge Ancient History: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–197 (Cambridge University Press, 2005), vol. 12, p. 333.
  14. ^ Colin Wells, The Roman Empire (Harvard University Press, 1984, 1992), p. 8.
  15. ^ W.V. Harris, "The Nature of Roman Money," in The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans, n.p.
  16. ^ Kessler and Temin, "Money and Prices in the Early Roman Empire," n.p.
  17. ^ Walter Scheidel, "The Monetary Systems of the Han and Roman Empires", in: Scheidel, Walter, ed. (2009): Rome and China. Comparative Perspectives on Ancient World Empires (Oxford University Press, 2009), New York, ISBN 978-0-19-533690-0, pp. 137–207, especially p. 205.
  18. ^ Harris, "The Nature of Roman Money," n.p.
  19. ^ J. Rufus Fears, "The Theology of Victory at Rome: Approaches and Problem," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.17.2 (1981), pp. 752 and 824, and in the same volume, "The Cult of Virtues and Roman Imperial Ideology," p. 908.
  20. ^ Jean Andreau, Banking and Business in the Roman World (Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 2.
  21. ^ Andreau, Banking and Business in the Roman World, p. 2; Harris, "The Nature of Roman Money," n.p.
  22. ^ Tacitus, Annales 6.17.3.
  23. ^ a b c Harris, "The Nature of Roman Money," in The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans, n.p.
  24. ^ Richard Duncan-Jones, Money and Government in the Roman Empire (Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 3–4.
  25. ^ Hart, Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700, p. 125–136.
  26. ^ Hart, Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700, pp. 128–129.
  27. ^ Harris, "The Nature of Roman Money," in The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans, n.p.; Hart, Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700, pp. 128–129.
  28. ^ "Mining," in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World p. 579.
  29. ^ Hong, Sungmin; Candelone, Jean-Pierre; Patterson, Clair C.; Boutron, Claude F. (1994): "Greenland Ice Evidence of Hemispheric Lead Pollution Two Millennia Ago by Greek and Roman Civilizations", Science, Vol. 265, No. 5180, pp. 1841–1843
  30. ^ Wilson, Andrew (2002): "Machines, Power and the Ancient Economy", The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 92, pp. 1–32 (17–21, 25, 32)
  31. ^ Craddock, Paul T. (2008): "Mining and Metallurgy", in: Oleson, John Peter (ed.): The Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the Classical World, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-518731-1, p. 108; Sim, David; Ridge, Isabel (2002): Iron for the Eagles. The Iron Industry of Roman Britain, Tempus, Stroud, Gloucestershire, ISBN 0-7524-1900-5, p. 23; Healy, John F. (1978): Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World, Thames and Hudson, London, ISBN 0-500-40035-0, p. 196. Assumes a productive capacity of c. 1.5 kg per capita. Healy, John F. (1978): Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World, Thames and Hudson, London, ISBN 0-500-40035-0, p. 196
  32. ^ Hong, Sungmin; Candelone, Jean-Pierre; Patterson, Clair C.; Boutron, Claude F. (1996): "History of Ancient Copper Smelting Pollution During Roman and Medieval Times Recorded in Greenland Ice", Science, Vol. 272, No. 5259, pp. 246–249 (366–369); cf. also Wilson, Andrew (2002): "Machines, Power and the Ancient Economy", The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 92, pp. 1–32 (25–29)
  33. ^ Hong, Sungmin; Candelone, Jean-Pierre; Patterson, Clair C.; Boutron, Claude F. (1994): "Greenland Ice Evidence of Hemispheric Lead Pollution Two Millennia Ago by Greek and Roman Civilizations", Science, Vol. 265, No. 5180, pp. 1841–1843; Callataÿ, François de (2005): "The Graeco-Roman Economy in the Super Long-Run: Lead, Copper, and Shipwrecks", Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol. 18, pp. 361–372 (361–365); Settle, Dorothy M.; Patterson, Clair C. (1980): "Lead in Albacore: Guide to Lead Pollution in Americans", Science, Vol. 207, No. 4436, pp. 1167–1176 (1170f.); cf. also Wilson, Andrew (2002): "Machines, Power and the Ancient Economy", The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 92, pp. 1–32 (25–29)
  34. ^ Callataÿ, François de (2005): "The Graeco-Roman Economy in the Super Long-Run: Lead, Copper, and Shipwrecks", Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol. 18, pp. 361–372 (361–369); Hong, Sungmin; Candelone, Jean-Pierre; Patterson, Clair C.; Boutron, Claude F. (1996): "History of Ancient Copper Smelting Pollution During Roman and Medieval Times Recorded in Greenland Ice", Science, Vol. 272, No. 5259, pp. 246–249 (247, fig. 1 and 2; 248, table 1); Hong, Sungmin; Candelone, Jean-Pierre; Patterson, Clair C.; Boutron, Claude F. (1994): "Greenland Ice Evidence of Hemispheric Lead Pollution Two Millennia Ago by Greek and Roman Civilizations", Science, Vol. 265, No. 5180, pp. 1841–1843; Settle, Dorothy M.; Patterson, Clair C. (1980): "Lead in Albacore: Guide to Lead Pollution in Americans", Science, Vol. 207, No. 4436, pp. 1167–1176 (1170f.)
  35. ^ Hong, Sungmin; Candelone, Jean-Pierre; Patterson, Clair C.; Boutron, Claude F. (1994). "Greenland Ice Evidence of Hemispheric Lead Pollution Two Millennia Ago by Greek and Roman Civilizations". Science 265 (5180): 1841–1843. doi:10.1126/science.265.5180.1841. PMID 17797222. 
  36. ^ Patterson, C. C. (1972): "Silver Stocks and Losses in Ancient and Medieval Times", The Economic History Review, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 205–235 (228, table 6); Callataÿ, François de (2005): "The Graeco-Roman Economy in the Super Long-Run: Lead, Copper, and Shipwrecks", Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol. 18, pp. 361–372 (365f.)
  37. ^ Patterson, C. C. (1972): "Silver Stocks and Losses in Ancient and Medieval Times", The Economic History Review, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 205–235 (216, table 2); Callataÿ, François de (2005): "The Graeco-Roman Economy in the Super Long-Run: Lead, Copper, and Shipwrecks", Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol. 18, pp. 361–372 (365f.)
  38. ^ Hopkins, The Political Economy of the Roman Empire, p. 197.
  39. ^ Wilson 2002, pp. 17–21, 25, 32
  40. ^ Cech 2010, p. 20
  41. ^ Smith 1997, pp. 322–324
  42. ^ Craddock 2008, p. 108; Sim, Ridge 2002, p. 23; Healy 1978, p. 196
  43. ^ Sim, Ridge 2002, p. 23; Healy 1978, p. 196
  44. ^ World output, the large bulk of which is attributed to Roman mining and smelting activities (mainly in Spain, Cyprus and Central Europe): Hong, Candelone, Patterson, Boutron 1996, p. 247; Callataÿ 2005, pp. 366–369; cf. also Wilson 2002, pp. 25–29
  45. ^ Hong, Candelone, Patterson, Boutron 1996, p. 247, fig. 1 & 2; 248, table 1; Callataÿ 2005, pp. 366–369
  46. ^ World output, the large bulk of which is attributed to Roman silver mining and smelting activities (in Central Europe, Britain, the Balkans, Greece, Asia Minor and, above all, Spain, with a 40% share in world production alone): Hong, Candelone, Patterson, Boutron 1994, p. 1841–1843; Callataÿ 2005, pp. 361–365; Settle, Patterson 1980, pp. 1170f.; cf. also Wilson 2002, pp. 25–29
  47. ^ Hong, Candelone, Patterson, Boutron 1994, p. 1841–1843; Settle, Patterson 1980, pp. 1170f.; Callataÿ 2005, pp. 361–365 follows the aforementioned authors, but cautions that the Greco-Roman levels may have already been surpassed by the end of the Middle Ages (p. 365).
  48. ^ Patterson 1972, p. 228, table 6; Callataÿ 2005, pp. 365f.; cf. also Wilson 2002, pp. 25–29
  49. ^ Patterson 1972, p. 216, table 2; Callataÿ 2005, pp. 365f.
  50. ^ Pliny: Naturalis Historia, 33.21.78, in: Wilson 2002, p. 27
  51. ^ Élise Marlière, "Le tonneua en Gaule romaine," Gallia 58 (2001) 181–210, especially p. 184; Corbier, "Coinage, Society, and Economy," in CAH 12, p. 404.
  52. ^ Kevin Greene, The Archaeology of the Roman Economy p. 17.
  53. ^ W.V. Harris, "Trade," in The Cambridge Ancient History: The High Empire A.D. 70–192 (Cambridge University Press, 2000), vol. 11, p. 713.
  54. ^ Harris, "Trade," in CAH 11, p. 714.
  55. ^ Roger Bradley Ulrich, Roman Woodworking (Yale University Press, pp. 1–2.
  56. ^ a b Stambaugh, The Ancient Roman City, p. 253.
  57. ^ Ray Laurence, "Land Transport in Roman Italy: Costs, Practice and the Economy," in Trade, Traders and the Ancient City (Routledge, 1998), p. 129.
  58. ^ Keith Hopkins, "The Political Economy of the Roman Empire," in The Dynamics of Ancient Empires : State Power from Assyria to Byzantium (Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 187.
  59. ^ Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome, p. 142.
  60. ^ Harris, "Trade," in CAH 11, p. 713.
  61. ^ Harris, "Trade," in CAH 11, p. 710.
  62. ^ Harris, "Trade," in CAH 11, pp. 717–729.
  63. ^ Mireille Corbier, "Coinage, Society, and Economy," in Cambridge Ancient History: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–337 (Cambridge University Press, 2005), vol. 12, p. 404; Harris, "Trade," in CAH 11, p. 719.
  64. ^ Harris, "Trade," in CAH 11, p. 720.
  65. ^ Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome, pp. 146–147.
  66. ^ Hopkins, "The Political Economy of the Roman Empire," p. 196.
  67. ^ Verboven, "The Associative Order: Status and Ethos among Roman Businessmen," preprint pp. 18, 23.
  68. ^ Eborarii and citriarii: Verboven, "The Associative Order: Status and Ethos among Roman Businessmen," preprint p. 21.
  69. ^ "Slavery in Rome," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 323.
  70. ^ "Slavery in Rome," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome, p. 323.
  71. ^ a b Garnsey and Saller, The Roman Empire: Economy, Society and Culture, p. 111.
  72. ^ Peter Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34.1 (2004), p. 517.
  73. ^ A.H.M. Jones, "The Cloth Industry under the Roman Empire," Economic History Review 13.2 (1960), pp. 184–185.
  74. ^ a b Jones, "The Cloth Industry under the Roman Empire,"p. 192.
  75. ^ Jones, "The Cloth Industry under the Roman Empire," pp. 188–189.
  76. ^ Jones, "The Cloth Industry under the Roman Empire," pp. 190–191.
  77. ^ Vout, "The Myth of the Toga," p. 212. The college of centonarii is an elusive topic in scholarship, since they are also widely attested as urban firefighters; see Jinyu Liu, Collegia Centonariorum: The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman West (Brill, 2009). Liu sees them as "primarily tradesmen and/or manufacturers engaged in the production and distribution of low- or medium-quality woolen textiles and clothing, including felt and its products."
  78. ^ Scheidel, Walter; Morris, Ian; Saller, Richard, eds. (2007): The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-78053-7
  79. ^ a b c Lo Cascio, Elio; Malanima, Paolo (Dec. 2009): "GDP in Pre-Modern Agrarian Economies (1–1820 AD). A Revision of the Estimates", Rivista di storia economica, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 391–420 (391–401)
  80. ^ Maddison 2007, pp. 47–51
  81. ^ Walter Scheidel and Steven J. Friesen, "The Size of the Economy and the Distribution of Income in the Roman Empire," Journal of Roman Studies 99 (2006), pp. 62–63.
  82. ^ Goldsmith 1984, pp. 263–288
  83. ^ Hopkins 1995/96, pp. 41–75. His estimates are upward revisions from Hopkins 1980, pp. 101–125, where he lays out his basic method.
  84. ^ Temin 2006, pp. 31–54
  85. ^ Maddison 2007, pp. 43–47; 50, table 1.10; 54, table 1.12
  86. ^ Bang 2008, pp. 86–91
  87. ^ Scheidel, Friesen Nov. 2009, pp. 61–91
  88. ^ a b Maddison 2007, p. 54, table 1.12
  89. ^ Maddison 2007, pp. 47–51
  90. ^ Maddison 2007, p. 57, table 1.14

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Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]