|1st President of Mozambique|
25 June 1975 – 19 October 1986
|Succeeded by||Joaquim Chissano|
29 September 1933|
Madragoa, Gaza Province, Portuguese East Africa
|Died||October 19, 1986
Mbuzini, Lebombo Mountains, South Africa
|Spouse(s)||Sorita Tchaicomo, Josina Mutemba, Graça Machel (née Simbine)|
Samora Moisés Machel (September 29, 1933 – October 19, 1986) was a Mozambican military commander, revolutionary socialist leader and eventual President of Mozambique. Machel led the country from independence in 1975 until his death in 1986, when his presidential aircraft crashed in mountainous terrain where the borders of Mozambique, Swaziland and South Africa converge.
Early life 
Samora Machel was born in the village of Madragoa (today's Chilembene), Gaza Province, Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique), to a family of farmers. He was a member of the Shangana ethnic group and his grandfather had been an active collaborator of Gungunhana. Under Portuguese rule, his father, like most black Mozambicans, was classified by the demeaning term "indigena" (native). He was forced to accept lower prices for his crops than white farmers; compelled to grow labor-intensive cotton, which took time away from the food crops needed for his family; and forbidden to brand his mark on his cattle to prevent thievery. However, Machel's father was a successful farmer: he owned four plows and 400 head of cattle by 1940. Machel grew up in this farming village and attended mission elementary school. In 1942, he was sent to school in the town of Zonguene in Gaza Province. The school was run by Catholic missionaries who educated the children in Portuguese language and culture. Although having completed the fourth grade, Machel never completed his secondary education. However, he had the prerequisite certificate to train as a nurse anywhere in Portugal at the time, since the nursing schools were not degree-conferring institutions. Machel started to study nursing in the capital city of Lourenço Marques (today Maputo), beginning in 1954. In the 1950s, he saw some of the fertile lands around his farming community on the Limpopo river appropriated by the provincial government and worked by white settlers who developed a wide range of new infrastructure for the region. Like many other Mozambicans near the southern border of Mozambique, some of his relatives went to work in the South African mines where additional job opportunities were found. Shortly afterwards, one of his brothers was killed in a mining accident. Unable to complete formal training at the Miguel Bombarda Hospital in Lourenço Marques, he got a job working as an aide in the same hospital and earned enough to continue his education at night school. He worked at the hospital until he left the country to join the Mozambican nationalist struggle in neighbouring Tanzania.
Independence struggle 
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Machel was attracted to anti-colonial ideals and began his political activities in the Miguel Bombarda hospital in Lourenço Marques where he protested against the fact that black nurses were paid less than whites doing the same job. Machel decided to leave Lourenco Marques, when a white anti-fascist, the pharmaceutical representative Joao Ferreira, warned him that he was being watched by the Portuguese political police, the PIDE. He slipped across the border, and made his way to join Frelimo in Dar es Salaam, via Swaziland, South Africa and Botswana. In Botswana, he hitched a lift on a plane carrying recruits of the African National Congress of South Africa to Tanzania. Impressed by the young Mozambican, a senior ANC official J.B. Marks (according to Joe Slovo) bumped one of the ANC recruits off the flight to let Machel on.
In Dar es Salaam, Machel volunteered for military service, and was one of the second group of Frelimo guerrillas sent for training in Algeria. Back in Tanzania, he was put in charge of Frelimo’s own training camp, at Kongwa. After Frelimo launched the independence war, on 25 September 1964, Machel soon became a key commander, making his name in particular in the gruelling conditions of the eastern area of the vast and sparsely populated province of Niassa. He rapidly rose up the ranks of the guerrlla army, the FPLM, and became the head of the army after the death of its first commander, Filipe Samuel Magaia, in October 1966.
Frelimo’s founder and first president, Eduardo Mondlane, was assassinated by a parcel bomb on 3 February 1969. His deputy, Rev Uria Simango, expected to take over – but instead the Frelimo Executive Committee appointed a presidential triumvirate, consisting of Simango, Machel and veteran nationalist and poet Marcelino dos Santos. Simango soon broke ranks, and denounced the rest of the Frelimo leadership in the pamphlet “Gloomy Situation in Frelimo”. This led to Simango’s expulsion from the liberation front, and the election, in 1970, of Machel as Frelimo President, with dos Santos as Deputy President.
The new commander of the Portuguese army in Mozambique, Gen. Kaulza de Arriaga, boasted that he would eliminate Frelimo in a few months. He launched the largest offensive of Portugal’s colonial wars, Operation Gordian Knot, in 1970, concentrating on what was regarded as the Frelimo heartland of Cabo Delgado in the far north. Kaulza de Arriaga boasted of destroying a large number of guerrilla bases – but since such a base was just a collection of huts, the military significance of such supposed victories was dubious. Machel reacted by shifting the focus of the war elsewhere, stepping up Frelimo operations in the western province of Tete. This was where a massive dam was being built at Cahora Bassa, on the Zambezi, to sell electricity to South Africa. Fearful that Frelimo would attack the dam site, the Portuguese set up three concentric rings of defence around Cahora Bassa. This denuded the rest of Tete province of troops, and in 1972 Frelimo crossed the Zambezi, striking further and further south. By 1973, Frelimo units were operating in Manica and Sofala Province and began to hit the railway from Rhodesia to Beira, causing panic among the settler population of Beira, who accused the Portuguese army of not doing enough to defend white interests.
The end came suddenly. On 25 April 1974, Portuguese officers, tired of fighting three unwinnable wars in Africa, overthrew the regime in Lisbon. The coup was almost bloodless. Nobody came onto the streets to defend Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano. Within 24 hours, the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) was in full control of Portugal.
Frelimo’s immediate warning was that there was no such thing as democratic colonialism, and that nobody should imagine that Mozambicans would tolerate Portuguese rule just because there had been a change of government in Lisbon. Frelimo’s fears were well-founded. The MFA allowed General Antonio de Spinola to become the first post-coup President. He had been commander of the Portuguese forces in Guinea-Bissau, and was believed to be deeply implicated in the assassination of the Guinean nationalist leader, Amilcar Cabral.
Spinola had no intention of letting Mozambique and Angola go. He dreamed of a Lusophone commonwealth run from Lisbon, and wanted a referendum on independence. Machel rejected such plans with the pithy remark “You don’t ask a slave if he wants to be free, particularly when he is already in revolt, and much less if you happen to be a slave-owner”.
Initial discussions between Frelimo and the new Portuguese government, held in Lusaka in June 1974, proved fruitless. It was clear to Machel that the Portuguese foreign minister, Socialist Party leader Mario Soares, had no power to negotiate independence. So Machel sent one of his top advisers, Aquino de Braganca, to Lisbon to find out who really held power in Portugal. His answer was that Frelimo should really be talking to the MFA, particular to military intellectuals such as Col. Ernesto Melo Antunes, whose power was on the rise, as that of Spinola waned.
Machel refused to give the Portuguese the ceasefire they wanted. For as long as there was no commitment to Mozambican independence, the war would continue. Frelimo re-opened its front in Zambezia province, and stepped up operations throughout the war zone. There was little resistance. Following the collapse of the Caetano regime, rank and file Portuguese soldiers saw little point in continuing to fight, preferring to stay in their barracks.
More serious talks between the Lisbon government and Frelimo ensued, and this time the MFA played a dominant role. The result was an agreement, signed in Lusaka on 7 September 1974, which agreed to transfer full power to Frelimo with the date for independence set for 25 June 1975. That day there was a short lived settler revolt against the agreement, put down within a day by Portuguese and Frelimo troops acting jointly. A transitional government was set up, containing ministers appointed by both Frelimo and Portugal, but headed by Frelimo’s Joaquim Chissano as Prime Minister. Machel continued to run Frelimo from Tanzania. He returned home triumphantly, in a journey “from the Rovuma to the Maputo” (the rivers marking the northern and southern boundaries of the country), in which he addressed rallies in every major population centre in the country.
The journey was interrupted at the beach resort of Tofo, in Inhambane Province, for a meeting of the Frelimo Central Committee, which drew up Mozambique’s first Constitution. This gave the outline of the one-party, socialist state which Frelimo intended to establish. Frelimo was constitutionally the leading force in Mozambican society, and the President of Frelimo would automatically be President of Mozambique. On 25 June 1975, Machel proclaimed “the total and complete independence of Mozambique and its constitution into the People’s Republic of Mozambique”. This, Machel said, would be "a state of People's Democracy, in which, under the leadership of the worker-peasant alliance, all patriotic strata commit themselves to the destruction of the sequels of colonialism, and to annihiliate the system of exploitation of man by man".
Machel’s government moved quickly to bring key areas under state control. All land was nationalized – individuals and institutions could not hold land, but leased it from the state. On 24 July 1975, just a month after independence, all health and education institutions were nationalized. National health and education services were set up, and all private schools and clinics were abolished. The Catholic Church immediately lost the privileged position it had held in these areas. On 3 February 1976, the government nationalized all rented housing. “Landlords? What do we want landlords for in our country for?”, asked Machel at the rally announcing the measure. Private ownership of houses was not banned. Anyone, Mozambican or foreign, could own a house for their own use - but building private property for rent was forbidden. This changed the face of Mozambican cities – black Mozambicans moved from the suburbs into blocks in the centre of the cities, occupying houses and flats, once owned by Portuguese landlords, and many of which had now been abandoned.
In February 1977, at its 3rd Congress, Frelimo declared that it was now a Marxist-leninist party, dedicated to the building of socialism, based on the “worker-peasant alliance”. The Congress re-elected Machel as President of Frelimo, and thus automatically as President of the Republic.
Frelimo was reorganized into “celulas” (branches) throughout the county. The party was to be a Leninist vanguard, and state institutions, at whatever level, were to be subordinate to the party. In 1978 elections were held. Since this wa a one-party state, there as no organized opposition. Instead candidates were presented by Frelimo at meetings – and were sometimes rejected when people complained of offences ranging from wife-beating and drunkenness to acting as an informer for the PIDE during the colonial regime.
Frelimo faced a hostile environment, with the white minority regimes of Ian Smith’s Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa on Mozambique’s borders. In March 1976, Machel’s government implemented United Nations sanctions against the smith regime, and closed the borders with Rhodesia. In retaliation, Smith’s Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) recruited dissatisfied Mozambicans and former Portuguese settlers who would set up an anti-Frelimo movement. Initially this “Mozambique National Resistance” operated as an auxiliary branch of the Rhodesian armed forces. Frelimo dismissed them as “armed bandits”.
Wars with Rhodesia and South Africa 
Frelimo had longstanding links with Zimbabwean nationalist movements. Even during the independence war, guerrillas of ZANLA (Zimbabwean African National Liberation Army), the armed wing of ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union), were able to operate from Frelimo-held areas in Tete province into northern Zimbabwe. After the implementation of the UN sanctions against Smith, the entire length of the border was now available for nationalist incursions into Zimbabwe.
ZANU leader Robert Mugabe, released from a Rhodesian jail in 1974, made his way into Mozambique the following year. Initially Machel was suspicious of the apparent coup within ZANU that had brought Mugabe to power, and he was effectively rusticated to the central city of Quelimane, where he taught English. Tired of the divisions within Zimbabwean nationalism, Machel sponsored an alternative to both ZANU and its rival ZAPU. This was the Zimbabwean People’s Amy (ZIPA), which took credit for many operations in eastern Zimbabwe, and was enthusiastically promoted by the Mozambican media. But it soon turned out that the dominant force within ZIPA were ZANLA guerrllas who had never abandoned their loyalty to ZANU and to Mugabe.
Machel accepted the reality that the people doing most of the fighting in Zimbabwe were ZANLA. To bring the war to a successful conclusion, Machel embarked on a dual strategy, military and diplomatic. He sent Mozambican units into Zimbabwe to fight alongside ZANU guerrillas, while also insisting that the new British Conservative government, under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, should resume its responsibilities as the colonial power.
The British government hosted a conference at Lancaster House, London, aimed at ending the illegal Smith regime and drawing up a constitution for an independent Zimbabwe. Mozambicans, notably Machel’s British-trained advisor, Fernando Honwana, were in London to advise the ZANU delegation – and ensured that Mugabe accepted the Lancaster House deal, despite its failure to solve the land question, with a small minority of white commercial farmers still holding most of the fertile land. Machel, with his own intelligence teams on the ground, was certain that ZANU would win any fair election. Indeed, ZANU won 57 of the 80 seats reserved for black Zimbabweans, while the second nationalist miovement, ZAPU, won 20. Smith's Rhodesian Front took the 20 seats, which Mugabe had reluctantly agreed to allocate to the whites.
Machel was fully aware of the dangerous ethnic divisions in Zimbabwe, with ZANU drawing most of its support from Shona-speakers, and ZAPU from the minority Ndebele people. On his first state visit to Zimbabwe, in 1980, Machel gave a prescient warning: "To ensure national unity, there must be no Shonas in Zimbabwe, there must be no Ndebeles in Zimbabwe, there must be Zimbabweans. Some people are proud of their tribalism. But we call tribalists reactionary agents of the enemy".
Mozambique needed peace. The Zimbabwean war had struck a major blow at the Mozambican economy. The Beira port and rail system had largely depended on Rhodesian trade – when the borders were closed Beira came to a standstill. Raids by the Rhodesian armed force had destroyed roads and bridges. Mozambique was supposed to be rewarded for implementing UN sanctions against Smith. But very little compensation arrived. Nonetheless, with an independent Zimbabwe there was optimism that at least Frelimo could pursue its development policies in peace.
It was not to be. With the full knowledge of the British, the rebel force built up by the Rhodesian CIO was simply transferred to South Africa, where it came under the control of South African Military Intelligence. It was initially known as the RNM (translated into English as MNR), but as from 2003 adopted the more euphonic acronym Renamo, as if it were fighting Frelimo on the linguistic as well as the military battleground.
Encouraged by the election of the anti-communist Ronald Reagan as US President in 1980, the South African regime took an inceasingly hostile attitude to the Front Line States. Mozambique in particular was accused of harbouring military bases of the African National Congress. On 30 June 1981, South African commandos attacked three houses in the southern city of Matola, killing 12 ANC members plus a Portuguese electrician who was in the wrong place at the wrong time. While those killed were members of the ANC's armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK - Spear of he Nation), the houses were not a guerrilla base, as visiting diplomats and journalists soon confirmed. A fortnight later, Machel flung down the gauntlet. At a rally in Maputo’s independence square, he embraced ANC leader Oliver Tambo and declared "They want to come here and commit murder. So we say: Let them come! Let all the racists come!... Let the South Africans come, but let them be clear that the war will end in Pretoria!.
But Frelimo had underestimated its enemies, and the military situation deteriorated steadily. With weapons airdropped by the South African Defence Force (SADF), Renamo spread its operations across the entire country apart from the far north. Frelimo reacted with a series of authoritarian measures, some of which deeply shocked its supporters inside and outside the country. The death penalty, already in force for serious security offences, was now extended to a range of economic crimes. In addition, lashing was imposed as a punishment for a range of offences. Both laws fell into disuse within a year or so, but had done severe damage to Frelimo’s image. It is widely believed that, at about this time, former Frelimo officials regarded as “traitors” were executed, including Simango and his wife Celina. To this day, Frelimo has published nothing about the circumstances of the execution, though in the Mozambican parliament, in 1995, former security minister Sergio Vieira publicly confirmed “the traitors were executed”. Renamo supporters published colourful versions claiming that the executions happened in 1977, but a date of 1983 seems more likely. In either case, this violated a promise which Machel gave to the Tanzanian and Zambian Presidents, Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda in 1975.
At the Frelimo Fourth Congress, in April 1983, Frelimo reaffirmed its commitment to Marxism, but admitted economic mistakes, particularly in agriculture. Machel was re-elected President of Frelimo, and once again warmly embraced Oliver Tambo.
But the deteriorating military and economic situation drove Frelimo to give the apartheid regime what it said it wanted – a non-aggression pact. On 16 March 1984 on a railway carriage in the non-man’s land between South Africa and Mozambique, Machel and South African President P.W. Botha signed the Nkomati Accord on Non-Aggression and Good Neighbourliness. The deal expressed in the agreement was extremely simple – South Africa would drop its support for Renamo in exchange for Mozambique dropping support for the ANC.
The ANC presence in Mozambique was to be limited to a small office with a staff of no more than ten. Despite this, the South African support for Renamo did not stop – massive shipments of arms were airlifted to Renamo immediately prior to the Accord, and a senior South African official, Deputy Foreign Minister Louis Nel, even visited the Renamo base at Casa Banana in Gorongosa district, using an airstrip which South Africa had helped Renamo build. In mid-1985, the Mozambican and Zimbabwean armed forces launched a joint offensive to drive Renamo out of Gorongosa. Zimbabwean paratroopers ensured the capture of Casa Banana, but Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama fled north, and re-established the Renamo HQ in the district of Maringue. Visiting Casa Banana on 5 September, Machel was optimistic. “We have broken the back of the snake, but the tail will still thrash around”, he said.
But in fact, the war continued, although its focus shifted northwards to Zambezi and Tete provinces, with Renamo operating with impunity out of Malawi. Machel loathed the Malawian “life President” Hastings Kamuza Banda, who was the only leader of an independent African state who had established diplomatic relations with Pretoria. After an unsuccessful meeting with Banda, Machel openly threatened to place missiles on the Mozambique-Malawi border and to prevent trade from landlocked Malawi passing through Mozambican territory.
Fatal aircrash and investigations 
On 19 October 1986, Machel attended a summit in Mbala, Zambia, called to put pressure on Zairean dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, over his support for the Angolan rebel movement UNITA. The strategy of the Front Line States was to move against Mobutu and Banda in an attempt to end their support for UNITA and Renamo, regarded as apartheid surrogates. Although the Zambian authorities invited Machel to stay in Mbala overnight, he insisted on returning to Maputo. He had a meeting scheduled for the following morning at which he intended to reshuffle the leadership of the armed forces. Machel thus overrode the instruction from the Security Ministry that the President should not travel at night – with fatal consequences. The plane never reached Maputo. That night it crashed into a hillside at Mbuzini, just inside South Africa. Machel and 33 others died. Nine people sitting at the back of the plane survived.
The Margo Commission, set up by the South African government, but which included high-level international representation, investigated the incident and concluded that the accident was caused by pilot error. Despite the acceptance of its findings by the International Civil Aviation Organization, the report was rejected by the Mozambican and Soviet governments. The latter submitted a minority report suggesting that the aircraft was intentionally lured off course by a decoy radio navigation beacon set up specifically for this purpose by the South Africans. Speculation about the accident has therefore continued to the present day, particularly in Mozambique.
Hans Louw, a Civil Cooperation Bureau operative, claims to have assisted in Machel's death. Pik Botha, South African foreign affairs minister at the time, who later joined the ANC, said that the investigation into the plane crash should be re-opened.
The Portuguese journalist José Milhazes, who lives in Moscow since 1977 and currently works for the Portuguese newspaper Público and as a correspondent for the Portuguese television chain SIC, sustains that the plane crash had nothing to do with any attempt or any mechanical failure, but was due to several errors of the Russian crew (including the pilot), who, instead of diligently performing their duties, were busy with futile things, like sharing alcoholic and soft drinks unavailable in Mozambique that they had had the possibility to bring from Zambia. In Milhazes' opinion, both the Soviet and the Mozambican authorities had an interest to spread the thesis of an attempt by the South-African regime: the Soviets wanted to safeguard their reputation (exempting the plane and the crew from any responsibility), the Mozambicans wanted to create a hero.
In 2007, however, Jacinto Veloso, one of Machel's most unconditional supporters within Frelimo, had sustained in his memoirs that Machel's death was due to a conspiracy between the South African and the Soviet secret services, both of which had reasons to get rid of him.
According to Veloso, the Soviet ambassador once asked the President for an audience to convey the USSR's concern about Mozambique's apparent "sliding away" towards the West, to which Machel supposedly replied "Vai à merda!" (Eat shit!). Having then commanded the interpreter to translate, he left the room. Convinced that Machel had irrevocably moved away from their orbit, the Soviets allegedly did not hesitate to sacrifice the pilot and the whole crew of their own plane.
Marriages and family life 
In the late 1950s, when Machel was working as a nurse on Inhaca Island, he met a local girl, Sorita Tchaiakomo, and set up house with her. Their first child, Joscelina, was born on Inhaca in 1958. Idelson (1959) and Olivia (1961) were both born after the family returned to the mainland, where they lived in Mafalala, a suburb of Lourenco Marques. Machel returned to the Miguel Bombarda Hospital and was accepted onto a course of further training. At the hospital he began a relationship with another nurse, Irene Buque. She gave birth to their daughter Ornila in February 1963, three weeks before Machel left Mozambique to join Frelimo. N’tewane, Tchaiakomo’s fourth child with Machel, was born that September, six months after Machel had left the country. Later, Machel expressed remorse for what he had come to see as bad behaviour towards Sorita and Irene
Machel was not married to either Tchaiakomo or Buque. When he joined Frelimo in 1963 it was widely believed that the war for independence would last years, if not decades, and that the chances of Frelimo cadres being reunited with their families in Mozambique were vanishingly small. Josina Abiatar Muthemba, who had been active in the anti-colonial student organisation NESAM, arrived in Tanzania in 1965, on her second attempt to flee Mozambique. In Tanzania she worked first as an assistant to Janet Mondlane, Eduardo Mondlane's wife and director of the Mozambique Institute. She became one of the earliest recruits to the Women’s Detachment of the guerrilla army, and campaigned vigorously for women’s full inclusion within all aspects of the liberation struggle. She and Machel were married at Tunduru in southern Tanzania in May 1969. In November their only son Samora, known as Samito, was born. Josina returned to work as head of Social Affairs, with special responsibility for the welfare of war orphans, and for the health and education of all children in the war zones of northern Mozambique. But she felt increasingly unwell. In 1970 she travelled to the Soviet Union to seek a diagnosis for her chronic ill-health, but to no avail. She was probably suffering from leukaemia, although pancreatic cancer is another possibility. She died on 7 April 1971, aged twenty-five. Machel was devastated.
Machel’s second wife, Graca Simbine, joined Frelimo in 1973 after graduating in modern languages from Lisbon University. She worked as a teacher, first in Frelimo-held areas in Cabo Delgado province, and then at the Frelimo school in Tanzania. She became Minister for Education and Culture in newly-independent Mozambique. She and Machel were married three months after Independence, in September 1975. In April 1976 a daughter, Josina, was born, and in December 1978 a son, Malengane. (Sopa, Antonio (ed), Samora: Man of the People, Maputo 2001) At Independence Machel’s five older children joined Josina Machel’s son Samito in the Presidential household. In 1998, twelve years after Samora Machel was killed, Graca Machel married Nelson Mandela, President of South Africa, thus becoming the only woman to have been First Lady of two different countries.
- Samora Machel Bridge, (renamed from Tete Bridge) across the Zambezi River in Tete, Mozambique (762 metres)
- Samora Machel constituency, (renamed from Wanaheda constituency in 2003) in Khomas Region, Namibia
- Samora Machel Avenue, in the Dar es Salaam central business district in Tanzania (about 1.75 km)
- Samora Machel School of Vetrinary Medicine, University of Zambia
- Samora Machel Avenue, in Harare, Zimbabwe
A memorial at the Mbuzini crash site was inaugurated on January 19, 1999 by Nelson Mandela and his wife Graça, and by President Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique. Now the monument is made professional and the memorial service is held on the 19th October each year. Designed by Mozambican architect José Forjaz, at a cost to the South African government of 1.5 million Rand (US$ 300,000), the monument comprises 35 steel tubes symbolising the number of lives lost in the air crash. At least eight foreigners were killed there, including the four Soviet crew members, Machel's two Cuban doctors and the Zambian and Zairean ambassadors to Mozambique.
One of the largest streets in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, was renamed Samora Machel Avenue (from Jameson Avenue) after independence in a gesture of gratitude for Machel's support for black liberation activities before majority rule. Also, a street in Moscow bears his name and the Zimbabwean band R.U.N.N. family had a hit song that mourned his loss.
See also 
- Portuguese Colonial War
- Samora Machel constituency, named after Machel in Namibia
- Samora Machel Son of Africa http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=44Q_6VmN0uU
- Samora Machel, a Biography, Author(s) of Review: David Hedges Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 547-549, JSTOR
- Azevedo, Mario, Historical Dictionary of Mozambique, African Historical Dictionaries, No. 47., Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1991.
- Christie, Iain, Machel of Mozambique, Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1988.
- Henriksen, Thomas H., Revolution and Counterrevolution: Mozambique's War of Independence, 1964-1974, Greenwood Press, 1983.
- Samora Machel: An African Revolutionary, edited by Barry Munslow, Zed Books, 1985.
- Mozambique: A Country Study, edited by Harold D. Nelson, Foreign Area Studies, American University, U.S. Government, Research Completed 1984.
- Christie, Iain, Machel of Mozambique, Zimbabwe Publishing House, Harare, 1988,p. 23
- Full text available macua.blogs.com/files/uria-simango-glomy-situation-in-frelimo.doc
- Couto, Fernando Amado, O Fim do Imperio e o Nascimento da Nacao, Maputo 2011. See also Vieira, Sergio, Participei, por isso Testemunho, Maputo 2010
- Samora Machel, quoted in Viera, Sergio, Martin, William and Wallerstein Immanueal, How Fast the Wind? Southern Africa 1975-2000
- Couto, Fernando Amado, O Fim do Imperio e o Nascimento da Nacao. Maputo 2011
- An English translation of the constitution was published in the Frelimo English language magazine Mozambique Revolution, in 1975. The official Portuguese text is in the first issue of the Mozambican government's official gazette, Boletim da Republic, 1 Series, no. 1, 25 June 1975
- The full text of the independence speech can be found in vozdarevolucao.blogspot.co.uk/2009/06/mensagem-da-proclamacao-da.html
- Flower, Ken, Serving Secretly, London 1987, Fauvet, Paul, Carlos Cardoso: Telling the Truth in Mozambique, Cape Town 2003
- LeFanu, Sarah, S is for Samora: A Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the Mozambican Dream, London 2012
- Christie, Iain, Machel of Mozambique, Harare, 1988
- Veloso, Jacinto, Memorias em Voo Rasante, Maputo 2006
- Fauvet, Paul, Carlos Cardoso: Telling the Truth in Mozambique, Cape Town, 2003
- Flower, Ken: Serving Secretly, London 1987; Hanlon, Joseph, Mozambique: The Revolution under Fire, London 1984
- Fauvet, Paul, Carlos Cardoso: telling the Truth in Mozambique, Cape Town 2003
- See, for example, Ncomo, Barnabe, Uria Simango Um Homem, Uma Causa, Maputo 2004
- Partido Frelimo, Coleccao IV Congresso, Maputo 1983
- The full text of the agreement, and the speeches made at the ceremony can be found in a collection published by the Mozambican Information Ministry: Pela Paz: Acordo de Nkomati, Maputo 1984
- Mozambican Ministry of Information, Documentos de Gorongosa (extractos), Maputo 1985; Fauvet, Paul, Carlos Cardoso: Telling the Truth in Mozambique, Cape Town 2003
- LeFanu, Sarah, S is for Samora: A Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the Mozambican Dream, London 2012; Christie, Iain, Machel of Mozambique, Harare 1988
- Cardoso, Carlos, Samora Machel: The Last Ten Minutes, Mozambique New s Agency (AIM), Maputo 1987, reprinted in LeFanu, Sara, S is for Samora: A Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the Mozambican Dream; Veloso, Jacinto, Memorias em Voo Rasante, Maputo 2006, Christie, Iain, Machel of Mozambique, Harare 1988
- "Accident description". Aviation Safety Network. Retrieved 2007-12-18.
- "Samora Machel remembered". BBC News. October 19, 2001. Retrieved 2008-03-30.
- "Ex-CCB man in Machel death claim". Daily Dispatch. Retrieved 2008-10-06.
- "A Case of Assassination?" (PDF). University of Cape Town. Retrieved 2008-10-06.
- "Probe Samora Machel's death - Pik Botha". Sunday Independent. Retrieved 2008-10-06.
- José Milhazes, Samora Machel: Atentado ou Acidente?, ed. Alêtheia, Lisboa, 2010
- Jacinto Veloso, Memórias em Voo Rasante, p. 204-209, ed. Papa-Letras, Lisboa, 2007
- Sopa, Antonio (ed), Samora: Man of the People, Maputo 2001; LeFanu, Sarah, S is for Samora: A Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the Mozambican Dream, London, 2012
- Martins, Helder, Porque SAKRANI?: Memorias dum Medico duma Guerrilha Esquecida, Maputo 2001
- See Darch, Colin, Mozambique History Net, www.mozambiquehistory.net for further details; also Christie, Iain, Machel of Mozambique, Harare, 1988; Sopa, Antonio (ed), Samora: Man of the People, Maputo 2001; LeFanu, Sarah, S is for Samora: A Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the Mozambican Dream, London, 2012
- Panafrican News Agency January 5, 1999 "Monument for Machel plane crash site"
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Samora Moises Machel|
- Speech by Nelson Mandela at the unveiling of the Samora Machel Memorial
- The TRC's Special Investigation into the death of President Samora Machel
- A case of assassination? President Samora Machel and the plane crash at Mbuzini
- Biographical notes on Samora Machel
- Graça Machel and Mandela
- Historic film essay on Frelimo and Samora Machel's rehabilitation program
None, office created
|President of Mozambique